FOOTNOTES:

It was long however before Tycho Brahe could be made to acquiesce in the propriety of the proposed alteration; and, in order to remove his doubts as to the possibility that a method could be erroneous which, as he still thought, had given him such accurate longitudes, Kepler undertook the ungrateful labour of the first part of his "Commentaries." He there shewed, in the three systems of Copernicus, Tycho Brahe, and Ptolemy, and in both the concentric and excentric theories, that though a false position were given to the orbit, the longitudes of a planet might be so represented, by a proper position of the centre of the equant, as never to err in oppositions above 5´ from those given by observation; though the second inequalities and the latitudes would thereby be very greatly deranged.

The change Kepler introduced, of observing apparent instead of mean oppositions, made it necessary to be very accurate in his reductions of the planet's place to the ecliptic; and in order to be able to do this, a previous knowledge of the parallax of Mars became indispensable. His next labour was therefore directed to this point; and finding that the assistants to whom Tycho Brahe had previously committed this labour had performed it in a negligent and imperfect manner, he began afresh with Tycho's original observations. Having satisfied himself as to the probable limits of his errors in the parallax on which he finally fixed, he proceeded to determine the inclination of the orbit andthe position of the line of nodes. In all these operations his talent for astronomical inquiries appeared pre-eminent in a variety of new methods by which he combined and availed himself of the observations; but it must be sufficient merely to mention this fact, without entering into any detail. One important result may be mentioned, at which he arrived in the course of them, the constancy of the inclination of the planet's orbit, which naturally strengthened him in his new theory.

Having gone through these preliminary inquiries, he came at last to fix the proportions of the orbit; and, in doing so, he determined, in the first instance, not to assume, as Ptolemy appeared to have done arbitrarily, the bisection of the excentricity, but to investigate its proportion along with the other elements of the orbit, which resolution involved him in much more laborious calculations. After he had gone over all the steps of his theory no less than seventy times—an appalling labour, especially if we remember that logarithms were not then invented—his final result was, that in 1587, on the 6th of March, at 7h23´, the longitude of the aphelion of Mars was 4s28° 48´ 55´´; that the planet's mean longitude was 6s0° 51´ 35´´; that if the semidiameter of the orbit was taken at 100000, the excentricity was 11332; and the excentricity of the equant 18564. He fixed the radius of the greater epicycle at 14988, and that of the smaller at 3628.

When he came to compare the longitudes as given by this, which he afterwards called thevicarioustheory, with the observations at opposition, the result seemed to promise him the most brilliant success. His greatest error did not exceed 2´; but, notwithstanding these flattering anticipations, he soon found by a comparison of longitudes out of opposition and of latitudes, that it was yet far from being so complete as he had imagined, and to his infinite vexation he soon found that the labour of four years, which he had expended on this theory, must be considered almost entirely fruitless. Even his favourite principle of dividing the excentricity in a different ratio from Ptolemy, was found to lead him into greater error than if he had retained the old bisection. By restoring that, he made his latitudes more accurate, but produced a corresponding change for the worse in his longitudes; and although the errors of 8´, to which they now amounted, would probably have been disregarded by former theorists, Kepler could not remain satisfied till they were accounted for. Accordingly he found himself forced to the conclusion that one of the two principles on which this theory rested must be erroneous; either the orbit of the planet is not a perfect circle, or there is no fixed point within it round which it moves with an uniform angular motion. He had once before admitted the possibility of the former of these facts, conceiving it possible that the motion of the planets is not at all curvilinear, but that they move in polygons round the sun, a notion to which he probably inclined in consequence of his favourite harmonics and geometrical figures.

In consequence of the failure of a theory conducted with such care in all its practical details, Kepler determined that his next trial should be of an entirely different complexion. Instead of first satisfying the first inequalities of the planet, and then endeavouring to account for the second inequalities, he resolved to reverse the process, or, in other words, to ascertain as accurately as possible what part of the planet's apparent motion should be referred solely to the optical illusion produced by the motion of the earth, before proceeding to any inquiry of the real inequality of the planet's proper motion. It had been hitherto taken for granted, that the earth moved equably round the centre of its orbit; but Kepler, on resuming the consideration of it, recurred to an opinion he had entertained very early in his astronomical career (rather from his conviction of the existence of general laws, than that he had then felt the want of such a supposition), that it required an equant distinct from its orbit no less than the other planets. He now saw, that if this were admitted, the changes it would everywhere introduce in the optical part of the planet's irregularities might perhaps relieve him from the perplexity in which the vicarious theory had involved him. Accordingly he applied himself with renewed assiduity to the examination of this important question, and the result of his calculations (founded principally on observations of Mars' parallax) soon satisfied him not only that the earth's orbit does require such an equant, but that its centre is placed according to the general law of the bisection of the excentricity which he had previously foundindispensable in the other planets. This was an innovation of the first magnitude, and accordingly Kepler did not venture to proceed farther in his theory, till by evidence of the most varied and satisfactory nature, he had established it beyond the possibility of cavil.

It may be here remarked, that this principle of the bisection of the eccentricity, so familiar to the Ptolemaic astronomers, is identical with the theory afterwards known by the name of the simple elliptic hypothesis, advocated by, Seth Ward and others. That hypothesis consisted in supposing the sun to be placed in one focus of the elliptic orbit of the planet, whose angular motion was uniform round the other focus. In Ptolemaic phraseology, that other focus was the centre of the equant, and it is well known that the centre of the ellipse lies in the middle point between the two foci.

It was at this period also, that Kepler first ventured upon the new method of representing inequalities which terminated in one of his most celebrated discoveries. We have already seen, in the account of the "Mysterium Cosmographicum," that he was speculating, even at that time, on the effects of a whirling force exerted by the sun on the planets with diminished energy at increased distances, and on the proportion observed between the distances of the planets from the sun, and their periods of revolution. He seems even then to have believed in the possibility of discovering a relation between the times and distances in different planets. Another analogous consequence of his theory of the radiation of the whirling force would be, that if the same planet should recede to a greater distance from the central body, it would be acted on by a diminished energy of revolution, and consequently, a relation might be found between the velocity at any point of its orbit, and its distance at that point from the sun. Hence he expected to derive a more direct and natural method of calculating the inequalities, than from the imaginary equant. But these ingenious ideas had been checked in the outset by the erroneous belief which Kepler, in common with other astronomers, then entertained of the coincidence of the earth's equant with its orbit; in other words, by the belief that the earth's linear motion was uniform, though it was known not to remain constantly at the same distance from the sun. As soon as this prejudice was removed, his former ideas recurred to him with increased force, and he set himself diligently to consider what relation could be found between the velocity and distance of a planet from the sun. The method he adopted in the beginning of this inquiry was to assume as approximately correct Ptolemy's doctrine of the bisection of the excentricity, and to investigate some simple relation nearly representing the same effect.

In the annexed figure, S is the place of the sun, C the centre of the planet's orbit ABab, Q the centre of the equant represented by the equal circle DEde, AB,ab, two equal small arcs described by the planet at the apsides of its orbit: then, according to Ptolemy's principles, the arc DE of the equant would be proportional to the time of passing along AB, on the same scale on whichdewould represent the time of passing through the equal arcab.

QD:QA :: DE:AB, nearly; and because QS is bisected in C, QA, CA or QD, and SA, are in arithmetical proportion: and, therefore, since an arithmetical mean, when the difference is small, does not differ much from a geometrical mean, QD:QA :: SA:QD, nearly. Therefore, DE:AB :: S A:QD, nearly, and in the same mannerde:ab:: Sa:Qdnearly; and therefore DE:de:: SA:Sanearly. Therefore at the apsides, the times of passing over equal spaces, on Ptolemy's theory, are nearly as the distances from the sun, and Kepler, with his usual hastiness, immediately concluded that this was the accurate and general law, and that the errors of the old theory arose solely from having departed from it.

It followed immediately from this assumption, that after leaving the point A, the time in which the planet wouldarrive at any point P of its orbit would be proportional to, and might be represented by, the sums of all the lines that could be drawn from S to the arc AP, on the same scale that the whole period of revolution would be denoted by the sum of all the lines drawn to every point of the orbit. Kepler's first attempt to verify this supposition approximately, was made by dividing the whole circumference of the orbit into 360 equal parts, and calculating the distances at every one of the points of division. Then supposing the planet to move uniformly, and to remain at the same distance from the sun during the time of passing each one of these divisions, (a supposition which manifestly would not differ much from the former one, and would coincide with it more nearly, the greater was the number of divisions taken) he proceeded to add together these calculated distances, and hoped to find that the time of arriving at any one of the divisions bore the same ratio to the whole period, as the sum of the corresponding set of distances did to the sum of the whole 360.

This theory was erroneous; but by almost miraculous good fortune, he was led by it in the following manner to the true measure. The discovery was a consequence of the tediousness of his first method, which required, in order to know the time of arriving at any point, that the circle should be subdivided, until one of the points of division fell exactly upon the given place. Kepler therefore endeavoured to discover some shorter method of representing these sums of the distances. The idea then occurred to him of employing for that purpose the area inclosed between the two distances, SA, SP, and the arc AP, in imitation of the manner in which he remembered that Archimedes had found the area of the circle, by dividing it into an infinite number of small triangles by lines drawn from the centre. He hoped therefore to find, that the time of passing from A to P bore nearly the same ratio to the whole period of revolution that the area ASP bore to the whole circle.

This last proportion is in fact accurately observed in the revolution of one body round another, in consequence of an attractive force in the central body. Newton afterwards proved this, grounding his demonstration upon laws of motion altogether irreconcileable with Kepler's opinions; and it is impossible not to admire Kepler's singular good fortune in arriving at this correct result in spite, or rather through the means, of his erroneous principles. It is true that the labour which he bestowed unsparingly upon every one of his successive guesses, joined with his admirable candour, generally preserved him from long retaining a theory altogether at variance with observations; and if any relation subsisted between the times and distances which could any way be expressed by any of the geometrical quantities under consideration, he could scarcely have failed—it might be twenty years earlier or twenty years later,—to light upon it at last, having once put his indefatigable fancy upon this scent. But in order to prevent an over-estimate of his merit in detecting this beautiful law of nature, let us for a moment reflect what might have been his fate had he endeavoured in the same manner, and with the same perseverance, to discover a relation, where, in reality, none existed. Let us take for example the inclinations or the excentricities of the planetary orbits, among which no relation has yet been discovered; and if any exists, it is probably of too complicated a nature to be hit at a venture. If Kepler had exerted his ingenuity in this direction, he might have wasted his life in fruitless labour, and whatever reputation he might have left behind him as an industrious calculator, it would have been very far inferior to that which has procured for him the proud title of the "Legislator of the Heavens."

However this may be, the immediate consequence of thus lighting upon the real law observed by the earth in its passage round the sun was, that he found himself in possession of a much more accurate method of representing its inequalities than had been reached by any of his predecessors; and with renewed hopes he again attacked the planet Mars, whose path he was now able to consider undistorted by the illusions arising out of the motion of the earth. Had the path of Mars been accurately circular, or even as nearly approaching a circle as that of the earth, the method he chose of determining its position and size by means of three distances carefully calculated from his observed parallaxes, would have given a satisfactory result; but finding, as he soon did, that almost every set of three distances led him to a different result, he began to suspect another error in the long-received opinion,that the orbits of the planets must consist of a combination of circles; he therefore, determined, in the first instance, to fix the distances of the planet at the apsides without any reference to the form of the intermediate orbit. Half the difference between these would, of course, be the excentricity of the orbit; and as this quantity came out very nearly the same as had been determined on the vicarious theory, it seemed clear that the error of that theory, whatever it might be, did not lie in these elements.

Kepler also found that in the case of this planet likewise, the times of describing equal arcs at the apsides were proportional to its distances from the sun, and he naturally expected that the method of areas would measure the planet's motion with as much accuracy as he had found in the case of the earth. This hope was disappointed: when he calculated the motion of the planet by this method, he obtained places too much advanced when near the apsides, and too little advanced at the mean distances. He did not, on that account, immediately reject the opinion of circular orbits, but was rather inclined to suspect the principle of measurement, at which he felt that he had arrived in rather a precarious manner. He was fully sensible that his areas did not accurately represent the sums of any distances except those measured from the centre of the circle; and for some time he abandoned the hope of being able to use this substitution, which he always considered merely as an approximate representation of the true measure, the sum of the distances. But on examination he found that the errors of this substitution were nearly insensible, and those it did in fact produce, were in the contrary direction of the errors he was at this time combating. As soon as he had satisfied himself of this, he ventured once more on the supposition, which by this time had, in his eyes, almost acquired the force of demonstration, that the orbits of the planets are not circular, but of an oval form, retiring within the circle at the mean distances, and coinciding with it at the apsides.

This notion was not altogether new; it had been suggested in the case of Mercury, by Purbach, in his "Theories of the Planets." In the edition of this work published by Reinhold, the pupil of Copernicus, we read the following passage. "Sixthly, it appears from what has been said, that the centre of Mercury's epicycle, by reason of the motions above-mentioned, does not, as is the case with the other planets, describe the circumference of a circular deferent, but rather the periphery of a figure resembling a plane oval." To this is added the following note by Reinhold. "The centre of the Moon's epicycle describes a path of a lenticular shape; Mercury's on the contrary is egg-shaped, the big end lying towards his apogee, and the little end towards his perigee."[191]The excentricity of Mercury's orbit is, in fact, much greater than that of any of the other planets, and the merit of making this first step cannot reasonably be withheld from Purbach and his commentator, although they did not pursue the inquiry so far as Kepler found himself in a condition to do.

Before proceeding to the consideration of the particular oval which Kepler fixed upon in the first instance, it will be necessary, in order to render intelligible the source of many of his doubts and difficulties, to make known something more of his theory of the moving force by which he supposed the planets to be carried round in their orbits. In conformity with the plan hitherto pursued, this shall be done as much as possible in his own words.

"It is one of the commonest axioms in natural philosophy, that if two things always happen together and in the same manner, and admit the same measure, either the one is the cause of the other, or both are the effect of a common cause. In the present case, the increase or languor of motion invariably corresponds with an approach to or departure from the centre of the universe. Therefore, either the languor is the cause of the departure of the star, or the departure of the languor, or both have a common cause. But no one can be of opinion that there is a concurrence of any third thing to be a common cause of these two effects, and in the following chapters it will be made clear that there is no occasion to imagine any such third thing, since the two are of themselves sufficient. Now, it is not agreeable to the nature of things that activity or languor in linear motion should be the cause of distance from the centre. For, distance from the centre is conceived anteriorly to linear motion. In fact linear motion cannot exist without distancefrom the centre, since it requires space for its accomplishment, but distance from the centre can be conceived without motion. Therefore distance is the cause of the activity of motion, and a greater or less distance of a greater or less delay. And since distance is of the kind of relative quantities, whose essence consists in boundaries, (for there is no efficacy in relationper sewithout regard to bounds,) it follows that the cause of the varying activity of motion rests in one of the boundaries. But the body of the planet neither becomes heavier by receding, nor lighter by approaching. Besides, it would perhaps be absurd on the very mention of it, that an animal force residing in the moveable body of the planet for the purpose of moving it, should exert and relax itself so often without weariness or decay. It remains, therefore, that the cause of this activity and languor resides at the other boundary, that is, in the very centre of the world, from which the distances are computed.—Let us continue our investigation of this moving virtue which resides in the sun, and we shall presently recognize its very close analogy to light. And although this moving virtue cannot be identical with the light of the sun, let others look to it whether the light is employed as a sort of instrument, or vehicle, to convey the moving virtue. There are these seeming contradictions:—first, light is obstructed by opaque bodies, for which reason if the moving virtue travelled on the light, darkness would be followed by a stoppage of the moveable bodies. Again, light flows out in right lines spherically, the moving virtue in right lines also, but cylindrically; that is, it turns in one direction only, from west to east; not in the opposite direction, not towards the poles, &c. But perhaps we shall be able presently to reply to these objections. In conclusion, since there is as much virtue in a large and remote circle as in a narrow and close one, nothing of the virtue perishes in the passage from its source, nothing is scattered between the source and the moveable. Therefore the efflux, like that of light, is not material, and is unlike that of odours, which are accompanied by a loss of substance, unlike heat from a raging furnace, unlike every other emanation by which mediums are filled. It remains, therefore, that as light which illuminates all earthly things, is the immaterial species of that fire which is in the body of the sun, so this virtue, embracing and moving all the planetary bodies, is the immaterial species of that virtue which resides in the sun itself, of incalculable energy, and so the primary act of all mundane motion.—I should like to know who ever said that there was anything material in light!—Guided by our notion of the efflux of this species (or archetype), let us contemplate the more intimate nature of the source itself. For it seems as if something divine were latent in the body of the sun, and comparable to our own soul, whence that species emanates which drives round the planets; just as from the mind of a slinger the species of motion sticks to the stones, and carries them forward, even after he who cast them has drawn back his hand. But to those who wish to proceed soberly, reflections differing a little from these will be offered."

Our readers will, perhaps, be satisfied with the assurance, that these sober considerations will not enable them to form a much more accurate notion of Kepler's meaning than the passages already cited. We shall therefore proceed to the various opinions he entertained on the motion of the planets.

He considered it as established by his theory, that the centre E of the planet's epicycle (see fig. p.33.) moved round the circumference of the deferent Dd, according to the law of the planet's distances; the point remaining to be settled was the motion of the planet in the epicycle. If it were made to move according to the same law, so that when the centre of the epicycle reached E, the planet should be at F, taking the angle BEF equal to BSA, it has been shewn (p. 19) that the path of F would still be a circle, excentric from Ddby DA the radius of the epicycle.

But Kepler fancied that he saw many sound reasons why this could not be the true law of motion in the epicycle, on which reasons he relied much more firmly than on the indisputable fact, which he mentions as a collateral proof, that it was contradicted by the observations. Some of these reasons are subjoined: "In the beginning of the work it has been declared to be most absurd, that a planet (even though we suppose it endowed with mind) should form any notion of a centre, and a distance from it, if there be no body in that centre to serve for a distinguishing mark. And although you should say, that the planethas respect to the sun, and knows beforehand, and remembers the order in which the distances from the sun are comprised, so as to make a perfect excentric; in the first place, this is rather far-fetched, and requires, in any mind, means for connecting the effect of an accurately circular path with the sign of an increasing and diminishing diameter of the sun.But thereare no such means, except the position of the centre of the excentric at a given distance from the sun; and I have already said, that this is beyond the power of a mere mind. I do not deny that a centre may be imagined, and a circle round it; but this I do say, if the circle exists only in imagination, with no external sign or division, that it is not possible that the path of a moveable body should be really ordered round it in an exact circle. Besides, if the planet chooses from memory its just distances from the sun, so as exactly to form a circle, it must also take from the same source, as if out of the Prussian or Alphonsine tables, equal excentric arcs, to be described in unequal times, and to be described by a force extraneous from the sun; and thus would have, from its memory, a foreknowledge of what effects a virtue, senseless and extraneous from the sun, was about to produce: all these consequences are absurd.

"It is therefore more agreeable to reason that the planet takes no thought, either of the excentric or epicycle; but that the work which it accomplishes, or joins in effecting, is a libratory path in the diameter Bbof the epicycle, in the direction towards the sun. The law is now to be discovered, according to which the planet arrives at the proper distances in any time. And indeed in this inquiry, it is easier to say what the law is not than what it is."—Here, according to his custom, Kepler enumerates several laws of motion by which the planet might choose to regulate its energies, each of which is successively condemned. Only one of them is here mentioned, as a specimen of the rest. "What then if we were to say this? Although the motions of the planet are not epicyclical, perhaps the libration is so arranged that the distances from the sun are equal to what they would have been in a real epicyclical motion.—This leads to more incredible consequences than the former suppositions, and yet in the dearth of better opinions, let us for the present content ourselves with this. The greater number of absurd conclusions it will be found to involve, the more ready will a physician be, when we come to the fifty-second chapter, to admit what the observations testify, that the path of the planet is not circular."

The first oval path on which Kepler was induced to fix, by these and many other similar considerations, was in the first instance very different from the true elliptical form. Most authors would have thought it unnecessary to detain their readers with a theory which they had once entertained and rejected; but Kepler's work was written on a different plan. He thus introduces an explanation of his first oval. "As soon as I was thus taught by Brahe's very accurate observations that the orbit of a planet is not circular, but more compressed at the sides, on the instant I thought that I understood the natural cause of this deflection. But the old proverb was verified in my case;—the more haste the less speed.—For having violently laboured in the 39th chapter, in consequence of my inability to find a sufficiently probable cause why the orbit of the planet should be a perfect circle, (some absurdities always remaining with respect to that virtue which resides in the body of the planet,) and having now discovered from the observations, that the orbit is not a perfect circle, I felt furiously inclined to believe that if the theory which had been recognized as absurd, when employed in the 39th chapter for the purpose of fabricating a circle, were modulated into a more probable form, it would produce an accurate orbit agreeing with the observations. If I had entered on this course a little more warily, I might have detected the truth immediately. But, being blinded by my eagerness, and not sufficiently regardful of every part of the 39th chapter, and clinging to my first opinion, which offered itself to me with a wonderful show of probability, on account of the equable motion in the epicycle, I got entangled in new perplexities, with which we shall now have to struggle in this 45th chapter and the following ones as far as the 50th chapter."

In this theory, Kepler supposed that whilst the centre of the epicycle was moving round a circular deferent according to the law of the planets' distances (or areas) the planet itself moved equably in the epicycle, with the mean angular velocity of its centre in the deferent. In consequence of this supposition, sinceat D, when the planet is at A the aphelion, the motion in the deferent is less than the mean motion, the planet will have advanced through an angle BEP greater than BEF or BSA, through which the centre of the epicycle has moved; and consequently, the path will lie everywhere within the circle Aa, except at the apsides. Here was a new train of laborious calculations to undergo for the purpose of drawing the curve APaaccording to this law, and of measuring the area of any part of it. After a variety of fruitless attempts, for this curve is one of singular complexity, he was reduced, as a last resource, to suppose it insensibly different from an ellipse on the same principal axes, as an approximate means of estimating its area. Not content even with the results so obtained, and not being able to see very clearly what might be the effect of his alteration in substituting the ellipse for the oval, and in other simplifications introduced by him, he had courage enough to obtain the sums of the 360 distances by direct calculation, as he had done in the old circular theory.

In the preface to his book he had spoken of his labours under the allegory of a war carried on by him against the planet; and when exulting in the early prospects of success this calculation seemed to offer, he did not omit once more to warn his readers, in his peculiar strain, that this exultation was premature.

"Allow me, gentle reader, to enjoy so splendid a triumph for one little day (I mean through the five next chapters), meantime be all rumours suppressed of new rebellion, that our preparations may not perish, yielding us no delight. Hereafter if anything shall come to pass, we will go through it in its own time and season; now let us be merry, as then we will be bold and vigorous." At the time foretold, that is to say, at the end of the five merry chapters, the bad news could no longer be kept a secret. It is announced in the following bulletin:—"While thus triumphing over Mars, and preparing for him, as for one altogether vanquished, tabular prisons, and equated eccentric fetters, it is buzzed here and there that the victory is vain, and that the war is raging anew as violently as before. For the enemy, left at home a despised captive, has burst all the chains of the equations, and broken forth of the prisons of the tables. For no method of geometrically administering the theory of the 45th chapter was able to come near the accuracy of approximation of the vicarious theory of the 16th chapter, which gave me true equations derived from false principles. Skirmishers, disposed all round the circuit of the excentric, (I mean the true distances,) routed my forces of physical causes levied out of the 45th chapter, and shaking off the yoke, regained their liberty. And now there was little to prevent the fugitive enemy from effecting a junction with his rebellious supporters, and reducing me to despair, had I not suddenly sent into the field a reserve of new physical reasonings on the rout and dispersion of the veterans, and diligently followed, without allowing him the slightest respite, in the direction in which he had broken out."

In plainer terms, Kepler found, after this labour was completed, that the errors in longitude he was still subject to were precisely of an opposite nature to those he had found with the circle; instead of being too quick at the apsides, the planet was now too slow there, and too much accelerated in the mean distances; and the distances obtained from direct observation were everywhere greater, except at the apsides, than those furnished by this oval theory. It was in the course of these tedious investigations that he established, still more satisfactorily than he had before done, that the inclinations of the planets' orbits are invariable, and that the lines of their nodes pass through the centre of the Sun, and not, as before his time had been supposed, through the centre of the ecliptic.

When Kepler found with certainty that this oval from which he expected so much would not satisfy the observations, his vexation was extreme, not merely from the mortification of finding a theory confuted on which he had spentsuch excessive labour, for he was accustomed to disappointments of that kind, but principally from many anxious and fruitless speculations as to the real physical causes why the planet did not move in the supposed epicycle, that being the point of view, as has been already shewn, from which he always preferred to begin his inquiries. One part of the reasoning by which he reconciled himself to the failure exhibits much too curious a view of the state of his mind to be passed over in silence. The argument is founded on the difficulty which he met with, as above mentioned, in calculating the proportions of the oval path he had imagined. "In order that you may see the cause of the impracticability of this method which we have just gone through, consider on what foundations it rests. The planet is supposed to move equably in the epicycle, and to be carried by the Sun unequably in the proportion of the distances. But by this method it is impossible to be known how much of the oval path corresponds to any given time, although the distance at that part is known, unless we first know the length of the whole oval. But the length of the oval cannot be known, except from the law of the entry of the planet within the sides of the circle. But neither can the law of this entry be known before we know how much of the oval path corresponds to any given time. Here you see that there is apetitio principii; and in my operations I was assuming that of which I was in search, namely, the length of the oval. This is at least not the fault of my understanding, but it is also most alien to the primary Ordainer of the planetary courses: I have never yet found so ungeometrical a contrivance in his other works. Therefore we must either hit upon some other method of reducing the theory of the 45th chapter to calculation; or if that cannot be done, the theory itself, suspected on account of thispetitio principii, will totter." Whilst his mind was thus occupied, one of those extraordinary accidents which it has been said never occur but to those capable of deriving advantage from them (but which, in fact, are never noticed when they occur to any one else), fortunately put him once more upon the right path. Half the extreme breadth between the oval and the circle nearly represented the errors of his distances at the mean point, and he found that this half was 429 parts of a radius, consisting of 100000 parts; and happening to advert to the greatest optical inequality of Mars, which amounts to about 5° 18´, it struck him that 429 was precisely the excess of the secant of 5° 18´ above the radius taken at 100000. This was a ray of light, and, to use his own words, it roused him as out of sleep. In short, this single observation was enough to produce conviction in his singularly constituted mind, that instead of the distances SF, he should everywhere substitute FV, determined by drawing SV perpendicular on the line FC, since the excess of SF above FV is manifestly that of the secant above the radius in the optical equation SFC at that point. It is still more extraordinary that a substitution made for such a reason should have the luck, as is again the case, to be the right one. This substitution in fact amounted to supposing that the planet, instead of being at the distance SP or SF, was at Sn; or, in other words, that instead of revolving in the circumference, it librated in the diameter of the epicycle, which was to him an additional recommendation. Upon this new supposition a fresh set of distances was rapidly calculated, and to Kepler's inexpressible joy, they were found to agree with the observations within the limits of the errors to which the latter were necessarily subject. Notwithstanding this success, he had to undergo, before arriving at the successful termination of his labours, one more disappointment. Although the distance corresponding to a time from the aphelion represented approximately by the area ASF, was thus found to be accurately represented by the line Sn, there was still an error with regard to the direction in which that distance was to be measured. Kepler's first idea was to set it off in the direction SF, but this he found to lead to inaccurate longitudes;and it was not until after much perplexity, driving him, as he tells us, "almost to insanity," that he satisfied himself that the distance SQ equal to FV ought to be taken terminating in Fm, the line from F perpendicular to Aa, the line of apsides, and that the curve so traced out by Q would be an accurate ellipse.

He then found to his equal gratification and amazement, a small part of which he endeavoured to express by a triumphant figure on the side of his diagram, that the error he had committed in taking the area ASF to represent the sums of the distances SF, was exactly counterbalanced; for this area does accurately represent the sums of the distances FV or SQ. This compensation, which seemed to Kepler the greatest confirmation of his theory, is altogether accidental and immaterial, resulting from the relation between the ellipse and circle. If the laws of planetary attraction had chanced to have been any other than those which cause them to describe ellipses, this last singular confirmation of an erroneous theory could not have taken place, and Kepler would have been forced either to abandon the theory of the areas, which even then would have continued to measure and define their motions, or to renounce the physical opinions from which he professed to have deduced it as an approximative truth.

These are two of the three celebrated theorems called Kepler's laws: the first is, that the planets move in ellipses round the sun, placed in the focus; the second, that the time of describing any arc is proportional in the same orbit to the area included between the arc and the two bounding distances from the sun. The third will be mentioned on another occasion, as it was not discovered till twelve years later. On the establishment of these two theorems, it became important to discover a method of measuring such elliptic areas, but this is a problem which cannot be accurately solved. Kepler, in offering it to the attention of geometricians, stated his belief that its solution was unattainable by direct processes, on account of the incommensurability of the arc and sine, on which the measurement of the two parts AQm, SQmdepends. "This," says he in conclusion, "this is my belief, and whoever shall shew my mistake, and point out the true solution,

Is erit mihi magnus Apollonius."

FOOTNOTES:[189]It is not very easy to carry the understanding aright among these Aristotelian ideas. Many at the present day might think they understood better what is meant, if for "form" had been written "nature."[190]De mundo nostro sublunari, Philosóphia Nova. Amstelodami, 1651.[191]Theoricæ novæ planetarum. G. Purbachii, Parisiis, 1553.

[189]It is not very easy to carry the understanding aright among these Aristotelian ideas. Many at the present day might think they understood better what is meant, if for "form" had been written "nature."

[190]De mundo nostro sublunari, Philosóphia Nova. Amstelodami, 1651.

[191]Theoricæ novæ planetarum. G. Purbachii, Parisiis, 1553.

Kepler appointed Professor at Linz—His second marriage—Publishes his new Method of Gauging—Refuses a Professorship at Bologna.

Whenpresenting this celebrated book to the emperor, Kepler gave notice that he contemplated a farther attack upon Mars's relations, father Jupiter, brother Mercury, and the rest; and promised that he would be successful, provided the emperor would not forget the sinews of war, and order him to be furnished anew with means for recruiting his army. The death of his unhappy patron, the Emperor Rodolph, which happened in 1612, barely in time to save him from the last disgrace of deposition from the Imperial throne, seemed to put additional difficulties in the way of Kepler's receiving the arrears so unjustly denied to him; but on the accession of Rodolph's brother, Matthias, he was again named to his post of Imperial Mathematician, and had also a permanent professorship assigned to him in the University of Linz. He quitted Prague without much regret, where he had struggled against poverty during eleven years. Whatever disinclination he might feel to depart, arose from his unwillingness to loosen still more the hold he yet retained upon the wreck of Tycho Brahe's instruments and observations. Tengnagel, son-in-law of Tycho, had abandoned astronomy for a political career, and the other members of his family, who were principally females, suffered the costly instruments to lie neglected and forgotten, although they had obstructed with the utmost jealousy Kepler's attempts to continue their utility. The only two instruments Kepler possessed of his own property, were "An iron sextant of 2½ feet diameter, and a brass azimuthal quadrant, of 3½ feet diameter, both divided into minutes of a degree." These were the gift of his friend and patron, Hoffman, the President of Styria, and with these he made all the observations which he added to those of Tycho Brahe. His constitution was not favourable to these studies, his health being always delicate, and suffering much from exposure to the night air; his eyes also were very weak, as he mentions himself in several places. In the summary of his character which he drew up when proposing to become Tycho Brahe's assistant, he describes himself as follows:—"For observationsmy sight is dull; for mechanical operations my hand is awkward; in politics and domestic matters my nature is troublesome and choleric; my constitution will not allow me, even when in good health, to remain a long time sedentary (particularly for an extraordinary time after dinner); I must rise often and walk about, and in different seasons am forced to make corresponding changes in my diet."

The year preceding his departure to Linz was denounced by him as pregnant with misfortune and misery. "In the first place I could get no money from the court, and my wife, who had for a long time been suffering under low spirits and despondency, was taken violently ill towards the end of 1610, with the Hungarian fever, epilepsy, and phrenitis. She was scarcely convalescent when all my three children were at once attacked with small-pox. Leopold with his army occupied the town beyond the river, just as I lost the dearest of my sons, him whose nativity you will find in my book on the new star. The town on this side of the river where I lived was harassed by the Bohemian troops, whose new levies were insubordinate and insolent: to complete the whole, the Austrian army brought the plague with them into the city. I went into Austria, and endeavoured to procure the situation which I now hold. Returning in June, I found my wife in a decline from her grief at the death of her son, and on the eve of an infectious fever; and I lost her also, within eleven days after my return. Then came fresh annoyance, of course, and her fortune was to be divided with my step-sisters. The Emperor Rodolph would not agree to my departure; vain hopes were given me of being paid from Saxony; my time and money were wasted together, till on the death of the emperor, in 1612, I was named again by his successor, and suffered to depart to Linz. These, methinks, were reasons enough why I should have overlooked not only your letters, but even astronomy itself."

Kepler's first marriage had not been a happy one; but the necessity in which he felt himself of providing some one to take charge of his two surviving children, of whom the eldest, Susanna, was born in 1602, and Louis in 1607, determined him on entering a second time into the married state. The account he has left us of the various negotiations which preceded his final choice, does not, in any point, belie the oddity of his character. His friends seem to have received a general commission to look out for a suitable match, and in a long and most amusing letter to the Baron Strahlendorf, we are made acquainted with the pretensions and qualifications of no less than eleven ladies among whom his inclinations wavered.

The first on the list was a widow, an intimate friend of his first wife's, and who, on many accounts, appeared a most eligible match. "At first she seemed favourably inclined to the proposal; it is certain that she took time to consider it, but at last she very quietly excused herself." It must have been from a recollection of this lady's good qualities that Kepler was induced to make his offer; for we learn rather unexpectedly, after being informed of her decision, that when he soon afterwards paid his respects to her, it was for the first time that he had seen her during the last six years; and he found, to his great relief, that "there was no single pleasing point about her." The truth seems to be that he was nettled by her answer, and he is at greater pains than appear necessary, considering this last discovery, to determine why she would not accept his offered hand. Among other reasons he suggested her children, among whom were two marriageable daughters; and it is diverting afterwards to find them also in the catalogue which Kepler appeared to be making of all his female acquaintance. He seems to have been much perplexed in attempting to reconcile his astrological theory with the fact of his having taken so much trouble about a negotiation not destined to succeed. "Have the stars exercised any influence here? For just about this time the direction of the Mid-Heaven is in hot opposition to Mars, and the passage of Saturn, through the ascending point of the zodiac, in the scheme of my nativity, will happen again next November and December. But if these are the causes, how do they act? Is that explanation the true one which I have elsewhere given? For I can never think of handing over to the stars the office of deities to produce effects. Let us therefore suppose it accounted for by the stars, that at this season I am violent in my temper and affections, in rashness of belief, in a shew of pitiful tender-heartedness; in catching at reputation by new and paradoxical notions, and thesingularity of my actions; in busily inquiring into, and weighing and discussing, various reasons; in the uneasiness of my mind with respect to my choice. I thank God that that did not happen which might have happened; that this marriage did not take place: now for the others." Of these others, one was too old, another in bad health, another too proud of her birth and quarterings; a fourth had learned nothing but shewy accomplishments, "not at all suitable to the sort of life she would have to lead with me." Another grew impatient, and married a more decided admirer, whilst he was hesitating. "The mischief (says he) in all these attachments was, that whilst I was delaying, comparing, and balancing conflicting reasons, every day saw me inflamed with a new passion." By the time he reached the eighth, he found his match in this respect. "Fortune at length has avenged herself on my doubtful inclinations. At first she was quite complying, and her friends also: presently, whether she did or did not consent, not only I, but she herself did not know. After the lapse of a few days, came a renewed promise, which however had to be confirmed a third time; and four days after that, she again repented her confirmation, and begged to be excused from it. Upon this I gave her up, and this time all my counsellors were of one opinion." This was the longest courtship in the list, having lasted three whole months; and quite disheartened by its bad success, Kepler's next attempt was of a more timid complexion. His advances to No. 9, were made by confiding to her the whole story of his recent disappointment, prudently determining to be guided in his behaviour, by observing whether the treatment he had experienced met with a proper degree of sympathy. Apparently the experiment did not succeed; and almost reduced to despair, Kepler betook himself to the advice of a friend, who had for some time past complained that she was not consulted in this difficult negotiation. When she produced No. 10, and the first visit was paid, the report upon her was as follows:—"She has, undoubtedly, a good fortune, is of good family, and of economical habits: but her physiognomy is most horribly ugly; she would be stared at in the streets, not to mention the striking disproportion in our figures. I am lank, lean, and spare; she is short and thick: in a family notorious for fatness she is considered superfluously fat." The only objection to No. 11 seems to have been her excessive youth; and when this treaty was broken of on that account, Kepler turned his back upon all his advisers, and chose for himself one who had figured as No. 5 in the list, to whom he professes to have felt attached throughout, but from whom the representations of his friends had hitherto detained him, probably on account of her humble station.

The following is Kepler's summary of her character. "Her name is Susanna, the daughter of John Reuthinger and Barbara, citizens of the town of Eferdingen; the father was by trade a cabinet-maker, but both her parents are dead. She has received an education well worth the largest dowry, by favour of the Lady of Stahrenberg, the strictness of whose household is famous throughout the province. Her person and manners are suitable to mine; no pride, no extravagance; she can bear to work; she has a tolerable knowledge how to manage a family; middle-aged, and of a disposition and capability to acquire what she still wants. Her I shall marry by favour of the noble baron of Stahrenberg at twelve o'clock on the 30th of next October, with all Eferdingen assembled to meet us, and we shall eat the marriage-dinner at Maurice's at the Golden Lion."

Hantsch has made an absurd mistake with regard to this marriage, in stating that the bride was only twelve years old. Kästner and other biographers have been content to repeat the same assertion without any comment, notwithstanding its evident improbability. The origin of the blunder is to be found in Kepler's correspondence with Bernegger, to whom, speaking of his wife, he says "She has been educated for twelve years by the Lady of Stahrenberg." This is by no means a single instance of carelessness in Hantsch; Kästner has pointed out others of greater consequence. It was owing to this marriage, that Kepler took occasion to write his new method of gauging, for as he tells us in his own peculiar style "last November I brought home a new wife, and as the whole course of Danube was then covered with the produce of the Austrian vineyards, to be sold at a reasonable rate, I purchased a few casks, thinking it my duty as a good husband and a father of a family, to see that my household was well provided with drink." When the seller came to ascertain the quantity, Kepler objected to his methodof gauging, for he allowed no difference, whatever might be the proportion of the bulging parts. The reflections to which this incident gave rise, terminated in the publication of the above-mentioned treatise, which claims a place among the earliest specimens of what is now called the modern analysis. In it he extended several properties of plane figures to segments of cones and cylinders, from the consideration that "these solids are incorporated circles," and, therefore, that those properties are true of the whole which belong to each component part. That the book might end as oddly as it began, Kepler concluded it with a parody of Catullus:

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