CHAPTER XIII.

Charles X.—La Fayette again elected to the Assembly—His Speech upon the Disposition of the Budget of 1826—The Public Debt—The Civil List—Capital Punishment—Trials by Jury—A Pressing Political Question—The Possible Position of France—Expedition into Spain—Freedom of Worship—Separation of Church and State—National Instruction—Internal Administration of France—Examination of the War Department—The French Navy—Banquet to General La Fayette by the Young Men of Auvergne—La Fayette’s Letter to the Son of De Witt Clinton—La Fayette’s Letter of Thanks to the Bookbinders of Baltimore, upon the Reception of a Gift—Also his Letter to the Bookbinders of the Same City—The Artist David presents to Congress his Bust of General La Fayette—Description of the Bust—La Fayette a Great-Grandfather—Address of General La Fayette at a Fourth of July Dinner in Paris—Speech of La Fayette in the Chamber of Deputies—His Comments on England—Greece—Russia—Portugal—National Law—Algiers—La Fayette’s Remarks on the Holy Alliance—His Tour through the French Provinces—Comments of the London Press—Letter from Paris—Journal of Commerce of Lyons—La Fayette’s Reception at Lyons—Excursion on the River Saone—Banquet on the Borders of the Rhone, at the Salon Gayet—La Fayette’s Response to the Toast—This Triumphal Journey occasions Chagrin among the Enemies of French Liberty—Their Spite upon some Officials—The People of the Commune commend the Deposed Mayor and Deputy Mayor of Vizelle—Testimonials in their Honor.

“Boundless intemperanceIn nature is a tyranny; it hath beenTh’ untimely emptying of the happy throne,And fall of many kings.”—Shakespeare.

“Boundless intemperance

In nature is a tyranny; it hath been

Th’ untimely emptying of the happy throne,

And fall of many kings.”—Shakespeare.

THE death of Louis XVIII. placed Charles X. on the throne of France, But nothing was to be hopedfrom him. He was a more tenacious upholder of the old tyrannical régime than his brother; indeed, he himself declared, “La Fayette and I are the only two men in France who have remained perfectly firm in their principles through the Revolution.” That was probably true; buthisprinciples were far removed from those of the liberty-loving La Fayette.

La Fayette was again elected to the Assembly in 1827, and his declarations were as fearless, and his liberal measures as unpopular with the government as ever. As an illustration of La Fayette’s views upon public affairs at that time, we quote the following speech of the marquis, on the subject of the final disposition of the budget of 1826, pronounced at the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies, of the 23d of June, 1828.

“Gentlemen: When in compliance with the rules of this house, I announced my intention of addressing you on the concerns of a preceding year, I had not heard the reading of the report of your committee, which I consider a true model of that kind of labor; but such is my conviction that the state of public accounts for former years affords useful data to the discussion of a future budget, I will indulge a few remarks in addition to what has already been said on the subject.“I beg leave in the first place to call your attention to the state of our social organization, for I am undoubtedly one of those who cannot forget that, by the revolution of ’89, a long series of oppressions, arising not only out of hereditary, sacerdotal, and judiciary privileges and institutions, but also from the prostitution of our commercial, agricultural, and domestic interests, have been erased from the codes of France. The seeds of improvement and public welfare, disseminated throughalmost every class of our countrymen, notwithstanding the baneful influence of persecutions, miseries, and despotisms, have at last been brought to maturity. The return of peace cannot fail to have promoted their development, and the enjoyment of public liberty promises successful and abundant harvest. But whilst nations advance, governments retrograde; and let us consider, gentlemen, what is our present situation.“A redundant luxuriance of ministerial bounties, resting upon factitious administrations, which themselves are founded upon nothing; a multitude of offices created for the sake of emolument, and emoluments for the sake of patronage; every section of France sacrificed to a system of concentration, of which our metropolis, prosperous in so many other respects, presents those deplorable contrasts which our honorable colleague, Mr. Charles Dupin, has lately introduced to your notice; the precious lights of academies, of public lectures and learned schools, above all, of the polytechnic school, dazzling the eyes of a population, who, as some have just observed, are still denied the means of learning the first elements of reading, and in the midst of whom it is yet made a question whether it is proper that the people should be able to read; in a word, an unexampled host of generals, staff officers, privileged bodies, foreign corps, but few soldiers and a nation, formerly one entire army, who for a long time conquered all Europe combined against her independence, but now disorganized and disarmed, as if a conquered people: with this state of things, can it be believed, gentlemen, that a few trifling amendments of committees, and some oratorical criticisms, will be adequate to the thorough reform of a social existence that might be called the inverse ratio of constitutional order!“There is no bitterness in my observations, gentlemen;they are dictated by the conscience of a simple individual, and in the interest of those who, in undertaking to manage the affairs of a mighty nation, should at least use their endeavor to persuade the people that if they themselves had the power of managing their own concerns, they would not exercise it to greater advantage.“The public debt, enormously increased for the last fifteen years, the civil list, the crown revenue, the pensions of the royal family, are not within the limits of our control. Every debt is sacred, but some are yet in suspense. For example, whilst all the European powers were largely indemnified according to their pretensions (English claims even to three times the amount allowed to French creditors), had the United States shown some hostile feelings towards us, or had they merely asserted their claims in concert with the other powers, their demands would have been immediately liquidated. But they have never yet been adjusted, because that nation would not join the enemies of France, who were then to be found in her bosom, notwithstanding what has sometimes been said at this tribune to the contrary.“With regard to the civil list, gentlemen, it might perhaps be desirable, both for its proper management and the personal comfort of the king, that the appropriations not included within the king’s personal expenses should have been granted under the forms of accountability adopted in the civil list of England.“The appropriation for the criminal judiciary department furnishes me another opportunity of again proffering my warmest wishes for the abolition of capital punishment, which the uncertainty of human comprehension renders so alarming, and which must particularly appall those generations who have so irretrievably suffered from the furies of parties; and also for the abolishmentof branding, called for on all sides. May the minister at the head of the judiciary department affix his name to these two salutary measures!“One of my honorable friends has adverted to the gratuitous magistracy of English justices of the peace. I do not envy this pretended benefit of our neighbors, and it is my opinion that those great proprietors are not the most proper persons to exercise a sovereign jurisdiction over all the petty offences committed within their department; but I cheerfully concur in the unanimous voice for restoring the principle of temporary election in justices of the peace.“Nothing can be more gratifying to my feelings than to have heard, on the last discussion on trials by jury, the pledge that the propriety of extending the benefit of this institution to the transgressions of the press will be taken into consideration at the next session.“I cannot withhold my assent to the observations of the report on the whole of ministerial budgets. I had myself said at this tribune in 1819, ‘It would be highly beneficial that every ministry should inquire, with all conscientious severity, into what is necessary to the due performance of their duties, and should propose in all remaining details, terms as generous and complete as they please, for the security and comforts of those actually in office, provided that ministers should be divested of all parasitical service, and children brought up to a more profitable labor than the industry of obtaining situations, which is so detrimental to every kind of industry, and to the independence of a vast number of citizens.’ The specification,—I mean the application,—which can never be too minute, of every appropriation to every item of expenditure, has already made some progress; but how profuse those specifications, beyond which thereis ministerial exertion, when compared with English budgets, of which I now hold in my hand three departments,—the artillery, war, and navy; and yet this is nota cheap government, to use an expression that has so often been charged upon me, and which I am so unwilling to deny.“The minister for foreign affairs has opened his career under the most critical circumstances; his official duties will be dictated by the loyalty of his personal character. The great political question is now, to decide whether this government will continue to follow the track of old diplomatic traditions, or whether, divested of all foreign influence and reminiscence, it will boldly assume the rank it behooves us to take at the head of European civilization; a post which, in my opinion, has always remained vacant, notwithstanding appearances contradicted by facts; a stand to which no foreign power any longer dares lay any claim. From that exalted station, France may and ought to resist coalitions in which none of her interests are involved. For my own part, I should have expected more satisfactory explanations and details before giving my assent to the late loan of eighty millions, but none would more readily consent to the measures necessary for the liberty and independence of Greece; to enable her by assistance to defend herself; to erect a barrier against the ambition of other powers; to abolish the ignominious sale of fellow-beings, and rescue from slavery all those wretched victims of whom our interference has hitherto been inadequate to their deliverance; and in this I should foresee the advantage of our commercial relations, which, in spite of narrow prejudices, will always find a benefit in extending to other people the blessings and comforts of education and liberty.“France, so long accustomed to triumph over the most formidable coalitions, wonders at finding herself encumbered under petty manœuvres, the mysteries of which she cannot unravel.“I will not mention our unfortunate and criminal expedition into Spain, nor the cruel lessons given to despotism, oppression, and aristocracy in the peninsula, the various and beautiful provinces of which are, I hope, destined to a better fate. But I must beg leave to call your attention to our enormous and foolish error with regard to the new American states.... What blindness, gentlemen, what complacency, can induce us obstinately to withhold our assent to the recognition of the South American republics, in return for insult, ingratitude, and bankruptcy? The British government itself, it is true, although under the direction of an illustrious minister, hesitated a while before adopting that step; but it no sooner saw the immense advantages accruing to the United States, from the priority of that recognition, and a timely official declaration of protection and sympathy, than it hastened to associate itself in the honor and profit of their new relations. After long expectations, gentlemen, France is still reduced to those half-way measures that create mistrust and discontent, whilst it is a well-known fact that French productions and manufactures find a better market in that extensive territory than those of all other nations.“Whilst the freedom of worship is guaranteed by the charter, and its equality sanctioned by our new morals and habits, it is unnecessary to remark that, even under the ancient régime, Catholic affairs never formed a special branch of the ministry. Amidst the attacks of the pretended supporters of the altar, I will also deprecate that cold fanaticism which endeavors to represent Christianity,an institution originally founded on social equality, as hostile to the rights and opinions of the people thus calling, as it were, for a sort of retaliating animadversion against opinions and practices that are totally distinct from worldly ambition. I will seek for the solution of that inextricable dilemma of the duty of the priest, considered both as speaking in the name of Heaven, and as a pay officer of state; but where shall I find it but in that country where religious freedom is more generally prevalent than in France, where the ministers of religion are more respected, and sectarians live in peace; in that government where no rights and regulations can give umbrage, but where, being altogether foreign to and distinct from all civil institutions and form of government, religious societies are formed without restraint and choose their own ministers.“The separation of the ecclesiastical department from the ministry of public instruction, I consider as much an act of piety as of sound judgment. But too much has yet been left to the infringements of the Catholic clergy. It is not only a religion of the state, but also a very prevailing one still to be found in those ordinances which ought to have secluded its special dogmas within the walls of the church, and confined its distinction of creeds to the circle of private families.“National instruction, gentlemen, and especially elementary education, that main-spring of public reason, of practical morality, of public peace and comfort, is at present the first want of the French population, as it is the first duty of government. You all know, gentlemen, how this duty is to be discharged. Methods of instruction have heretofore been protected in an inverse ratio to their being perfect and easy. Neither your paltry vote of 50,000 francs, nor 500,000 francs, can beadequate to the redemption of that most important of all social obligations. Under a competent and legal system of public instruction, I would consider five millions as the most desirable appropriation of a budget.“Many statesmen appear to have forgotten,—some perhaps have never been aware,—that by the law of the 3dBrumaire, year IV., France was provided with the best system of instruction that ever existed in any country. It could not be consistent with that power which severed from the institute the class of moral and political sciences. Napoleon created the university, the monopoly and exigencies of which wounded the feelings of private families and displeased the true friends of liberty, but which was afterwards indebted to the invasion of Jesuitism, a privilege of another kind, for the credit of being looked upon as a liberal institution. In order to satisfy all parties it would be necessary, at the next session, to offer a plan for the organization of public instruction, wherein all the national duties of teaching should be strictly laid down, and all individual liberties respected; but every plan of education, particularly in its elementary bearings, would require the co-operation of true civil administrations.“Why is it, gentlemen, that in utter contempt of the most solemn pledges, we have preserved for fourteen years the whole imperial structure of the internal administration in France? those factitious municipalities, those unsettled councils, those despotic and turbulent prefectures and sub-prefectures, which have never been amended except for successively adding to their inconveniences, attributions, and appointments? When shall we see every section manage its ownconcerns,concerns,provide for all its own exigencies, and retain within its territory that portion of the taxes that we are afterwards compelledto send back to it? Is this idea unknown in France? But the constituent assembly, whatever has been said to the contrary at this tribune, had not only proclaimed useful and true doctrines; it had also organized a system of administration elected by the citizens, and was abolished only by the consulate and by the empire. Is it replete with such great difficulties? But when in 1815, Napoleon, in a fit of liberalism, restored the municipalities in accordance with the law of ’91, elections were made with remarkable celerity and moderation. The only embarrassment that could arise would be in the government, if instead of abiding by the dictates of eternal truth and of contemporary reason, it found it necessary to combine principle with exception, right with privilege, thereby perplexing and deluding the purest intentions.“I will follow the report of the committee in the examination of the war department, merely with the view to support the proposition of placing in the civil list the payment of the king’s military household. You have also heard on this subject the excellent discourse, to which my honorable friend, General Gerard, has given all the weight of his experience and of his glory. The minister of war, in offering observations that will be made the subject of future deliberations, has just expressed his desire of completing our system of defence. Here, gentlemen, we naturally bring back to our memory the urgent call recently made by the ministry upon our patriotism to obtain the means necessary to a preserving policy, a respectable military strength, a guarantee of public tranquillity, a national dignity; and to an union of the people with the government. The minister had before represented the nation rising in a body at the voice of their king. I will not attempt, gentlemen, the solution of the problem; theknot has been untied by a celebrated writer whose authority is daily referred to.“The stationary National Guard, says an ordinance of the king, dated March, 1815, comprising a mass of three millions of landed and industrious proprietors, constitutes a local force extended on every point....“From this formidable mass, whose dearest interests attach them to the soil, may be formed voluntary corps constituting movable columns....“Thus the nation, fighting on every point with the army, either in the line or as auxiliaries, will prove that a great people cannot unwillingly be brought under the yoke that they have once shaken off.“Gentlemen, I will only remind the government that eight years ago, in the session of 1820, the ministers then acknowledged that they had been in possession, for eight months, of the project of a law drawn up by a special commission, and you all know how it has hitherto resulted.“The glory of the French navy has resounded in every heart. The name of Navarino has been proclaimed with an unanimous concert by the throne and in the chamber, as it had been echoed by the whole nation; the brave Admiral de Rigny is perfectly secure against the censure of a recall. The infamous traffic of human flesh has been partly suppressed, but it is not yet totally extinct. With an entire confidence in the sentiments of the minister of marine on these important questions, I submit to his wisdom the idea of placing the slave trade on the same footing as piracy, as the law of the United States has given the example, since followed by England. With regard to the management of our colonies, gentlemen, there is so much to say that I could not briefly enter on the subject. I will merely remark that the system ofcolonization of the ancients is, in any opinion, much preferable to that of modern times.“In the law under consideration the minister of finance has undoubtedly surpassed all his colleagues; but when a thorough discussion is about taking place, I do not feel sufficient confidence to anticipate the opinions that you will hear from colleagues more learned and more skilful than myself. I should even consider myself worthy of reproach, had I not made it a duty to offer some of my ideas, but especially to call at this tribune for more effectual social reforms than can possibly be achieved by way of amendments.”

“I beg leave in the first place to call your attention to the state of our social organization, for I am undoubtedly one of those who cannot forget that, by the revolution of ’89, a long series of oppressions, arising not only out of hereditary, sacerdotal, and judiciary privileges and institutions, but also from the prostitution of our commercial, agricultural, and domestic interests, have been erased from the codes of France. The seeds of improvement and public welfare, disseminated throughalmost every class of our countrymen, notwithstanding the baneful influence of persecutions, miseries, and despotisms, have at last been brought to maturity. The return of peace cannot fail to have promoted their development, and the enjoyment of public liberty promises successful and abundant harvest. But whilst nations advance, governments retrograde; and let us consider, gentlemen, what is our present situation.

“A redundant luxuriance of ministerial bounties, resting upon factitious administrations, which themselves are founded upon nothing; a multitude of offices created for the sake of emolument, and emoluments for the sake of patronage; every section of France sacrificed to a system of concentration, of which our metropolis, prosperous in so many other respects, presents those deplorable contrasts which our honorable colleague, Mr. Charles Dupin, has lately introduced to your notice; the precious lights of academies, of public lectures and learned schools, above all, of the polytechnic school, dazzling the eyes of a population, who, as some have just observed, are still denied the means of learning the first elements of reading, and in the midst of whom it is yet made a question whether it is proper that the people should be able to read; in a word, an unexampled host of generals, staff officers, privileged bodies, foreign corps, but few soldiers and a nation, formerly one entire army, who for a long time conquered all Europe combined against her independence, but now disorganized and disarmed, as if a conquered people: with this state of things, can it be believed, gentlemen, that a few trifling amendments of committees, and some oratorical criticisms, will be adequate to the thorough reform of a social existence that might be called the inverse ratio of constitutional order!

“There is no bitterness in my observations, gentlemen;they are dictated by the conscience of a simple individual, and in the interest of those who, in undertaking to manage the affairs of a mighty nation, should at least use their endeavor to persuade the people that if they themselves had the power of managing their own concerns, they would not exercise it to greater advantage.

“The public debt, enormously increased for the last fifteen years, the civil list, the crown revenue, the pensions of the royal family, are not within the limits of our control. Every debt is sacred, but some are yet in suspense. For example, whilst all the European powers were largely indemnified according to their pretensions (English claims even to three times the amount allowed to French creditors), had the United States shown some hostile feelings towards us, or had they merely asserted their claims in concert with the other powers, their demands would have been immediately liquidated. But they have never yet been adjusted, because that nation would not join the enemies of France, who were then to be found in her bosom, notwithstanding what has sometimes been said at this tribune to the contrary.

“With regard to the civil list, gentlemen, it might perhaps be desirable, both for its proper management and the personal comfort of the king, that the appropriations not included within the king’s personal expenses should have been granted under the forms of accountability adopted in the civil list of England.

“The appropriation for the criminal judiciary department furnishes me another opportunity of again proffering my warmest wishes for the abolition of capital punishment, which the uncertainty of human comprehension renders so alarming, and which must particularly appall those generations who have so irretrievably suffered from the furies of parties; and also for the abolishmentof branding, called for on all sides. May the minister at the head of the judiciary department affix his name to these two salutary measures!

“One of my honorable friends has adverted to the gratuitous magistracy of English justices of the peace. I do not envy this pretended benefit of our neighbors, and it is my opinion that those great proprietors are not the most proper persons to exercise a sovereign jurisdiction over all the petty offences committed within their department; but I cheerfully concur in the unanimous voice for restoring the principle of temporary election in justices of the peace.

“Nothing can be more gratifying to my feelings than to have heard, on the last discussion on trials by jury, the pledge that the propriety of extending the benefit of this institution to the transgressions of the press will be taken into consideration at the next session.

“I cannot withhold my assent to the observations of the report on the whole of ministerial budgets. I had myself said at this tribune in 1819, ‘It would be highly beneficial that every ministry should inquire, with all conscientious severity, into what is necessary to the due performance of their duties, and should propose in all remaining details, terms as generous and complete as they please, for the security and comforts of those actually in office, provided that ministers should be divested of all parasitical service, and children brought up to a more profitable labor than the industry of obtaining situations, which is so detrimental to every kind of industry, and to the independence of a vast number of citizens.’ The specification,—I mean the application,—which can never be too minute, of every appropriation to every item of expenditure, has already made some progress; but how profuse those specifications, beyond which thereis ministerial exertion, when compared with English budgets, of which I now hold in my hand three departments,—the artillery, war, and navy; and yet this is nota cheap government, to use an expression that has so often been charged upon me, and which I am so unwilling to deny.

“The minister for foreign affairs has opened his career under the most critical circumstances; his official duties will be dictated by the loyalty of his personal character. The great political question is now, to decide whether this government will continue to follow the track of old diplomatic traditions, or whether, divested of all foreign influence and reminiscence, it will boldly assume the rank it behooves us to take at the head of European civilization; a post which, in my opinion, has always remained vacant, notwithstanding appearances contradicted by facts; a stand to which no foreign power any longer dares lay any claim. From that exalted station, France may and ought to resist coalitions in which none of her interests are involved. For my own part, I should have expected more satisfactory explanations and details before giving my assent to the late loan of eighty millions, but none would more readily consent to the measures necessary for the liberty and independence of Greece; to enable her by assistance to defend herself; to erect a barrier against the ambition of other powers; to abolish the ignominious sale of fellow-beings, and rescue from slavery all those wretched victims of whom our interference has hitherto been inadequate to their deliverance; and in this I should foresee the advantage of our commercial relations, which, in spite of narrow prejudices, will always find a benefit in extending to other people the blessings and comforts of education and liberty.

“France, so long accustomed to triumph over the most formidable coalitions, wonders at finding herself encumbered under petty manœuvres, the mysteries of which she cannot unravel.

“I will not mention our unfortunate and criminal expedition into Spain, nor the cruel lessons given to despotism, oppression, and aristocracy in the peninsula, the various and beautiful provinces of which are, I hope, destined to a better fate. But I must beg leave to call your attention to our enormous and foolish error with regard to the new American states.... What blindness, gentlemen, what complacency, can induce us obstinately to withhold our assent to the recognition of the South American republics, in return for insult, ingratitude, and bankruptcy? The British government itself, it is true, although under the direction of an illustrious minister, hesitated a while before adopting that step; but it no sooner saw the immense advantages accruing to the United States, from the priority of that recognition, and a timely official declaration of protection and sympathy, than it hastened to associate itself in the honor and profit of their new relations. After long expectations, gentlemen, France is still reduced to those half-way measures that create mistrust and discontent, whilst it is a well-known fact that French productions and manufactures find a better market in that extensive territory than those of all other nations.

“Whilst the freedom of worship is guaranteed by the charter, and its equality sanctioned by our new morals and habits, it is unnecessary to remark that, even under the ancient régime, Catholic affairs never formed a special branch of the ministry. Amidst the attacks of the pretended supporters of the altar, I will also deprecate that cold fanaticism which endeavors to represent Christianity,an institution originally founded on social equality, as hostile to the rights and opinions of the people thus calling, as it were, for a sort of retaliating animadversion against opinions and practices that are totally distinct from worldly ambition. I will seek for the solution of that inextricable dilemma of the duty of the priest, considered both as speaking in the name of Heaven, and as a pay officer of state; but where shall I find it but in that country where religious freedom is more generally prevalent than in France, where the ministers of religion are more respected, and sectarians live in peace; in that government where no rights and regulations can give umbrage, but where, being altogether foreign to and distinct from all civil institutions and form of government, religious societies are formed without restraint and choose their own ministers.

“The separation of the ecclesiastical department from the ministry of public instruction, I consider as much an act of piety as of sound judgment. But too much has yet been left to the infringements of the Catholic clergy. It is not only a religion of the state, but also a very prevailing one still to be found in those ordinances which ought to have secluded its special dogmas within the walls of the church, and confined its distinction of creeds to the circle of private families.

“National instruction, gentlemen, and especially elementary education, that main-spring of public reason, of practical morality, of public peace and comfort, is at present the first want of the French population, as it is the first duty of government. You all know, gentlemen, how this duty is to be discharged. Methods of instruction have heretofore been protected in an inverse ratio to their being perfect and easy. Neither your paltry vote of 50,000 francs, nor 500,000 francs, can beadequate to the redemption of that most important of all social obligations. Under a competent and legal system of public instruction, I would consider five millions as the most desirable appropriation of a budget.

“Many statesmen appear to have forgotten,—some perhaps have never been aware,—that by the law of the 3dBrumaire, year IV., France was provided with the best system of instruction that ever existed in any country. It could not be consistent with that power which severed from the institute the class of moral and political sciences. Napoleon created the university, the monopoly and exigencies of which wounded the feelings of private families and displeased the true friends of liberty, but which was afterwards indebted to the invasion of Jesuitism, a privilege of another kind, for the credit of being looked upon as a liberal institution. In order to satisfy all parties it would be necessary, at the next session, to offer a plan for the organization of public instruction, wherein all the national duties of teaching should be strictly laid down, and all individual liberties respected; but every plan of education, particularly in its elementary bearings, would require the co-operation of true civil administrations.

“Why is it, gentlemen, that in utter contempt of the most solemn pledges, we have preserved for fourteen years the whole imperial structure of the internal administration in France? those factitious municipalities, those unsettled councils, those despotic and turbulent prefectures and sub-prefectures, which have never been amended except for successively adding to their inconveniences, attributions, and appointments? When shall we see every section manage its ownconcerns,concerns,provide for all its own exigencies, and retain within its territory that portion of the taxes that we are afterwards compelledto send back to it? Is this idea unknown in France? But the constituent assembly, whatever has been said to the contrary at this tribune, had not only proclaimed useful and true doctrines; it had also organized a system of administration elected by the citizens, and was abolished only by the consulate and by the empire. Is it replete with such great difficulties? But when in 1815, Napoleon, in a fit of liberalism, restored the municipalities in accordance with the law of ’91, elections were made with remarkable celerity and moderation. The only embarrassment that could arise would be in the government, if instead of abiding by the dictates of eternal truth and of contemporary reason, it found it necessary to combine principle with exception, right with privilege, thereby perplexing and deluding the purest intentions.

“I will follow the report of the committee in the examination of the war department, merely with the view to support the proposition of placing in the civil list the payment of the king’s military household. You have also heard on this subject the excellent discourse, to which my honorable friend, General Gerard, has given all the weight of his experience and of his glory. The minister of war, in offering observations that will be made the subject of future deliberations, has just expressed his desire of completing our system of defence. Here, gentlemen, we naturally bring back to our memory the urgent call recently made by the ministry upon our patriotism to obtain the means necessary to a preserving policy, a respectable military strength, a guarantee of public tranquillity, a national dignity; and to an union of the people with the government. The minister had before represented the nation rising in a body at the voice of their king. I will not attempt, gentlemen, the solution of the problem; theknot has been untied by a celebrated writer whose authority is daily referred to.

“The stationary National Guard, says an ordinance of the king, dated March, 1815, comprising a mass of three millions of landed and industrious proprietors, constitutes a local force extended on every point....

“From this formidable mass, whose dearest interests attach them to the soil, may be formed voluntary corps constituting movable columns....

“Thus the nation, fighting on every point with the army, either in the line or as auxiliaries, will prove that a great people cannot unwillingly be brought under the yoke that they have once shaken off.

“Gentlemen, I will only remind the government that eight years ago, in the session of 1820, the ministers then acknowledged that they had been in possession, for eight months, of the project of a law drawn up by a special commission, and you all know how it has hitherto resulted.

“The glory of the French navy has resounded in every heart. The name of Navarino has been proclaimed with an unanimous concert by the throne and in the chamber, as it had been echoed by the whole nation; the brave Admiral de Rigny is perfectly secure against the censure of a recall. The infamous traffic of human flesh has been partly suppressed, but it is not yet totally extinct. With an entire confidence in the sentiments of the minister of marine on these important questions, I submit to his wisdom the idea of placing the slave trade on the same footing as piracy, as the law of the United States has given the example, since followed by England. With regard to the management of our colonies, gentlemen, there is so much to say that I could not briefly enter on the subject. I will merely remark that the system ofcolonization of the ancients is, in any opinion, much preferable to that of modern times.

“In the law under consideration the minister of finance has undoubtedly surpassed all his colleagues; but when a thorough discussion is about taking place, I do not feel sufficient confidence to anticipate the opinions that you will hear from colleagues more learned and more skilful than myself. I should even consider myself worthy of reproach, had I not made it a duty to offer some of my ideas, but especially to call at this tribune for more effectual social reforms than can possibly be achieved by way of amendments.”

La Fayette was constantly the recipient of attention and distinguished honors, both in America and in France. The young men of Auvergne gave him a splendid banquet on the 23d of June, 1828. The old general’s toast was: “To the assembled young men of the three departments of Auvergne, and to our dear mountains; the volcanoes of these are extinct, but the sacred fire of liberty will never be extinguished among them.”

The marquis never forgot any of his friends, especially his American comrades, and his affection for the fathers was continued to the sons, as the subjoined letter to Charles A. Clinton, written to him by La Fayette upon receiving the news of the death of his father, De Witt Clinton, will demonstrate.

“Paris, March 30, 1828.“My dear Sir: Your personal and friendly attentions to me make you a natural organ of the melancholy and affectionate feeling which I wish to be conveyed to the family of your lamented father. I regret the mournful and unexpected event as an immense loss to the public, and a great personal cause of grief to me. Bound asI was to the memory of my two beloved Revolutionary companions, your grandfather and grand-uncle, I had found a peculiar gratification in the eminent talents and services of their son and nephew, and in his kind and liberal correspondence, until personal and grateful acquaintance had impressed me with all the feelings of a more intimate friendship. I beg you to be to your afflicted family the interpreter of my deep sympathies, and to believe me forever“Your most sincere friend,“La Fayette.”

“Paris, March 30, 1828.

“My dear Sir: Your personal and friendly attentions to me make you a natural organ of the melancholy and affectionate feeling which I wish to be conveyed to the family of your lamented father. I regret the mournful and unexpected event as an immense loss to the public, and a great personal cause of grief to me. Bound asI was to the memory of my two beloved Revolutionary companions, your grandfather and grand-uncle, I had found a peculiar gratification in the eminent talents and services of their son and nephew, and in his kind and liberal correspondence, until personal and grateful acquaintance had impressed me with all the feelings of a more intimate friendship. I beg you to be to your afflicted family the interpreter of my deep sympathies, and to believe me forever

“Your most sincere friend,“La Fayette.”

“Your most sincere friend,

“La Fayette.”

At the celebration of the commencement of the Ohio and Baltimore Railroad, which occurred on the 4th of July, 1828, a pair of handsome morocco slippers, and a pair of beautiful white satin shoes were made by the cordwainers during the procession. The morocco slippers were presented to the venerable Carroll, on the ground; and the white satin shoes were subsequently transmitted to General La Fayette, together with the badges worn by the association. This compliment received the following reply:—

“Lagrange, Sept. 11, 1828.“Gentlemen: With affectionate feelings of pleasure, I have received your kind letter, the badge bearing a likeness of our matchless Washington, and of my excellent friend, the surviving signer of independence, the ensigns of your association as they were worn by your worthy president, and an elegant pair of ladies’ white satin slippers, which were manufactured in the procession. For those gratifying marks of your remembrance and friendship, I beg you to accept my most grateful thanks. The anniversary of American independence, the commencement of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, have been happy associations.So I have seen, as it were, the commencement of your city in the first years of the Revolutionary struggle, of which this very day is one of the (1777) anniversaries, that of the battle of Brandywine; and it has been lately to me a matter of proud delight to witness the immense progress of Baltimore, a great and rapid increase of which we may now more than ever anticipate. Its happy effects upon every sort of trade and industry cannot be doubted, and I offer you the cordial congratulation and good wishes of your sincere and obligedfriend,friend,“La Fayette.”

“Lagrange, Sept. 11, 1828.

“Gentlemen: With affectionate feelings of pleasure, I have received your kind letter, the badge bearing a likeness of our matchless Washington, and of my excellent friend, the surviving signer of independence, the ensigns of your association as they were worn by your worthy president, and an elegant pair of ladies’ white satin slippers, which were manufactured in the procession. For those gratifying marks of your remembrance and friendship, I beg you to accept my most grateful thanks. The anniversary of American independence, the commencement of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, have been happy associations.So I have seen, as it were, the commencement of your city in the first years of the Revolutionary struggle, of which this very day is one of the (1777) anniversaries, that of the battle of Brandywine; and it has been lately to me a matter of proud delight to witness the immense progress of Baltimore, a great and rapid increase of which we may now more than ever anticipate. Its happy effects upon every sort of trade and industry cannot be doubted, and I offer you the cordial congratulation and good wishes of your sincere and obligedfriend,friend,

“La Fayette.”

The general also transmitted the following to the book-binders of the city, and to the editors of theAmerican:—

“Lagrange, Sept. 11, 1828.“To the book-binders of Baltimore.“Gentlemen: With a lively sense of gratitude, I have received your kind letter, and a copy of the apron and badge which on the late celebration, doubly dear to an American heart, were worn by the book-binders of Baltimore. Testimonies of your remembrance and affection are at all times highly gratifying to me, nor could they prove more welcome than on this momentous occasion, when the anniversary day of independence is hailed in common with the commencement of one of its most promising results, amidst the immense progress of every kind that has taken place since it has first been my happy lot to be admitted as a soldier of the United States, and particularly as a citizen of Maryland. I am proud to have been enabled to show specimens of American book-binding which every day excite European admiration. I beg you, gentlemen, to accept the respectful acknowledgments and affectionate good wishes of a veteran who would have been happy, in the procession, to have followedhis venerable friend, the surviving signer of the glorious declaration; and to have expressed to you, on that great day, the sentiments of his deep gratitude and warm attachment.La Fayette.”

“Lagrange, Sept. 11, 1828.

“To the book-binders of Baltimore.

“Gentlemen: With a lively sense of gratitude, I have received your kind letter, and a copy of the apron and badge which on the late celebration, doubly dear to an American heart, were worn by the book-binders of Baltimore. Testimonies of your remembrance and affection are at all times highly gratifying to me, nor could they prove more welcome than on this momentous occasion, when the anniversary day of independence is hailed in common with the commencement of one of its most promising results, amidst the immense progress of every kind that has taken place since it has first been my happy lot to be admitted as a soldier of the United States, and particularly as a citizen of Maryland. I am proud to have been enabled to show specimens of American book-binding which every day excite European admiration. I beg you, gentlemen, to accept the respectful acknowledgments and affectionate good wishes of a veteran who would have been happy, in the procession, to have followedhis venerable friend, the surviving signer of the glorious declaration; and to have expressed to you, on that great day, the sentiments of his deep gratitude and warm attachment.

La Fayette.”

“After other business during the second session of the twentieth Congress the Vice-President communicated a letter from the President of the United States, transmitting one received from Monsieur David, the artist, member of the Institute of France, professor of the School of Painting at Paris, and member of the Legion of Honor, who presents to Congress the bust of General La Fayette, which has been received with it.”

The following is a translated copy of the letter:—

“Paris, Sept. 11, 1828.“To the President: I have made a bust of La Fayette, and would willingly raise a statue to his honor—not for himself, because he has no need of it, but for ourselves, who approve in so lively a manner the desire of expressing to him the affectionate regard and admiration with which we are inspired. The youth of the French nation is filled with admiration for the virtues of the youth and the old age of him whose likeness I send you.“They envy the glory that was acquired upon the American soil, by the side of the immortal Washington, and the defence of your noble rights.“They envy that glory which has been acquired on the soil of France, in the midst of the troubles of Paris and of Versailles, where, in breasting the storm, he wanted courage as little in the struggles of debate as he did in contending with the sword. They envy the glory which covers the brow whitened by age, but still sparkling with the fire of liberty and of patriotism.“It is in the name of this youthful feeling of the French nation, ambitious to imitate everything generous and great, that I offer you a work upon which my hands have been employed for some time and with great care.“I could wish that it was more worthy of the subject—more worthy of the place which I am desirous to see it occupy. Yes, sir, I could wish that the bust of our brave general, of our illustrious deputy, should be elevated on a pedestal in the audience chamber of Congress, near the monument erected to Washington himself; that the son be placed by the side of the father, or, if you please, that the two brothers in arms, the two companions in victory, the friends of order and of law, may be no more separated in our estimation than they were in their devotion to the cause of liberty and in the hour of peril.“La Fayette is one of the ties that unite the two worlds. He visited the new one to remain there for a few months, and to salute once more your sacred land of justice and equality, and has returned to us after having partaken of your feasts and received the honor and the benediction of your nation.“I hasten to render my homage in return—I present you with his image. It will be a memento that the original may often recall to the National Assembly those eternal principles upon which the independence of the state reposes, and which are the foundation of their safety.“I am, with profound respect, Mr. President, your very humble and obedient servant,“David,“Member of the Institute of France, and professor in the School of Painting; member of the Legion of Honor.”

“Paris, Sept. 11, 1828.

“To the President: I have made a bust of La Fayette, and would willingly raise a statue to his honor—not for himself, because he has no need of it, but for ourselves, who approve in so lively a manner the desire of expressing to him the affectionate regard and admiration with which we are inspired. The youth of the French nation is filled with admiration for the virtues of the youth and the old age of him whose likeness I send you.

“They envy the glory that was acquired upon the American soil, by the side of the immortal Washington, and the defence of your noble rights.

“They envy that glory which has been acquired on the soil of France, in the midst of the troubles of Paris and of Versailles, where, in breasting the storm, he wanted courage as little in the struggles of debate as he did in contending with the sword. They envy the glory which covers the brow whitened by age, but still sparkling with the fire of liberty and of patriotism.

“It is in the name of this youthful feeling of the French nation, ambitious to imitate everything generous and great, that I offer you a work upon which my hands have been employed for some time and with great care.

“I could wish that it was more worthy of the subject—more worthy of the place which I am desirous to see it occupy. Yes, sir, I could wish that the bust of our brave general, of our illustrious deputy, should be elevated on a pedestal in the audience chamber of Congress, near the monument erected to Washington himself; that the son be placed by the side of the father, or, if you please, that the two brothers in arms, the two companions in victory, the friends of order and of law, may be no more separated in our estimation than they were in their devotion to the cause of liberty and in the hour of peril.

“La Fayette is one of the ties that unite the two worlds. He visited the new one to remain there for a few months, and to salute once more your sacred land of justice and equality, and has returned to us after having partaken of your feasts and received the honor and the benediction of your nation.

“I hasten to render my homage in return—I present you with his image. It will be a memento that the original may often recall to the National Assembly those eternal principles upon which the independence of the state reposes, and which are the foundation of their safety.

“I am, with profound respect, Mr. President, your very humble and obedient servant,

“David,

“Member of the Institute of France, and professor in the School of Painting; member of the Legion of Honor.”

The following is a description of the bust as given in theNational Intelligencer:—

“The bust is of a fine white marble, and is the work of P. J. David, of D’Angers, in France.

“It is of a size larger than the life, and exhibits a fine likeness of that distinguished apostle of liberty. On the front is ‘Au général La Fayette,’ and the name and residence of the artist, with the year (1828) of its execution. On the left side is an inscription, indented in the stone, in the following words: ‘La Fayette’s speech in the House of Representatives, Dec. 10, 1824.—What better pledge can be given of a persevering national love of liberty, when these blessings are evidently the results of a virtuous resistance of oppression, and institutions founded on the rights of man, and the republican opinion of self-government?’

“On the right side is the following:—

“‘La Fayette’s last words in his answer to the President’s farewell speech, Washington, Sept. 7, 1825: God bless you, sir, and all who surround us. God bless the American people, and each of their states, and the federal government. Accept this patriotic farewell of an overflowing heart; and such will be its last throb when it ceases to beat.’”

TheNew York Americanof December, 1828, says:—

“A letter from General La Fayette, of December 29, from Lagrange, tells us—and as he belongs to the nation, we may repeat—that Madame Perier (the eldest daughter of Mr. George La Fayette) has just made him agreat-grandfather. The same letter says, ‘I expect to be in town in a few days, and enjoy the agreeable American society which has convened there from the several parts of the Union. It will be something like a Washington winter.’”

The following is the substance of General La Fayette’s address at the Fourth of July dinner in Paris, in 1829:—

“The health of their venerable guest, General La Fayette, having been given, the general in returning thanks, stated the pleasure which he felt in celebrating this anniversary, which enabled him, as it were, again to breathe the American atmosphere. He spoke with high gratification of their associating him with the principles for which he had struggled under the illustrious and well-beloved Washington. The independence of the United States began a new era of political civilization, which will finally extend over the whole world, and which is founded on the natural rights of mankind. He was proud to own that the first declaration of those rights bore the indelible imprint of its American origin. He referred in eloquent terms to the delight with which all generous minds had hailed the recent triumph in Great Britain over religious intolerance, and earnestly advised the Americans in consolidating their constitution not to listen to European suggestions, nor admit any exotic materials. He concluded by giving a toast to ‘National Legitimacy,’ which, while it choked and destroyed the weeds of privilege, nourished the roots of natural and solid right.”

In 1829 General La Fayette came into possession of a large property under the indemnity law, being the fortune of his own and his wife’s family, of which the Revolution had deprived them.

We will quote from one more speech of La Fayette, in the French Chamber of Deputies, on the 9th of July, 1829. The question under discussion was the accordance of an eventual credit of fifty-two millions of francs.

“Gentlemen,” said La Fayette, “though I have votedagainst approving the budget of expenses, in the hope that its refusal would prove a prompt and efficacious means of obtaining those institutions and economies which France has for so long a time expected, yet I feel disposed to vote in favor of the credits demanded, provided the chamber receives those explanations which it stands so much in need of. I do not see in the great quarrel of the east, as regards ourselves, anything beyond our importance as an intermediate power in what is called the balance of Europe; only two classes, the oppressors and the oppressed; in the demarkation of states, nothing but their natural limits; in the well-being of a people, nothing but the advantage of all; and in the policy of France, nothing but a liberal and independent part to act. You know, gentlemen, that great and powerful alliance which would enslave and brutalize the human family. It covers the peninsula with blood, oppresses Italy, and throws other states into disorder. Vienna is its metropolis, and in spite of other pretensions, Don Miguel is its ideal type.

“England has pretended to favor the world with another beacon, whose light is sometimes extinguished, and at other times shines but to decoy; upon this point inquire of Italy, of Spain, and of Portugal. It is for France then, gentlemen, which finds herself more in accord with our ideas of the new civilization, to place herself at the head of that civilization; in that consists her glory and her interest; there, too, in case of need, will be found her ambition; and there, also, the dignity and the safety of her government. But to perform that noble task it is necessary that the government resolve no longer to fear either a representative or an armed nation, and that abandoning its former relations, it may be able to say to foreign powers, ‘Next to God, it is tothe people of France that I am indebted for being elevated above your influence and beyond your pretensions.’

“I will confine myself, gentlemen, to a few remarks on the grounds to which our attention has been invited by the application made for the credits now under consideration.

“Some of my honorable friends have spoken harshly of the expedition to the Morea; they have even thought that it was in no degree whatever entitled to public approbation; but I have so ardently desired some kind of interference, particularly French interposition, in behalf of Greece, that I cannot join them in their criticisms, and as to our portion of that generosity which was manifested in the relief afforded, without speaking of Russia, whose motives are obvious, it would be sufficient to advert to two discourses from the throne, in one of which the battle of Navarino is called by Charles X.glorious, while from George IV. it received the appellation ofuntoward, to prevent us from confounding the shades of the two interests in the cause of Greece, and to mark the distinction between the cannonading at Terceira and the hospitality at Brest. The last protocol, however, from London has humbled my pride and diminished my expectations.

“Why, gentlemen, have the Greeks taken up arms? why have they endured so many calamities? why have they so freely shed their blood? It was to free themselves from paying tribute to the Turks; to build up again their ancient country; and to enjoy in their own way the blessings of self-government. But now, gentlemen, the protocol brings into fresh existence the odious tribute; the greatest part of Greece is shut out from Greece, and to govern the small portion which remainsit is proposed to look, I know not where, or for whom, but for some foreign prince, a hospodar, a mongrel of the East and of the West, in whom the Greeks will only behold a vassal of the Porte, and for whom they must pay an additional tribute.

“All this, gentlemen, may be very agreeable to Russia, which dreams already of new subjects there; and to England, which has always feared that in that country she would find rivals in the coasting trade; but not to France, whose interest it is to have there a friendly and powerful nation, a barrier against the conquering and commercial ambition of other powers. Upon that topic it is that we look for explanations. The government of Italy is enslaved by the influence of Austria. Italy, were she free, would be our friend. Spain, whose methods of justice consist in strangling by turns the patriots and the Carlists, will never, in truth, be our ally until she again becomes constitutional.

“As to Portugal, it is in vain that the English government has lately sought to balance the mock sovereignty of the cortés of Miguel against those institutions which the British ambassador, let it be said, by the by, had imported for it from Brazil.

“Gentlemen, the partisans of national laws cannot accept this concession; there is no legitimacy there where nothing can be found but a despotic violation of all rights, social as well as natural. Besides, we do not know in what manner these pretended cortés have been formed, and how the deputies, who were not of Miguel’s choice, were rejected. Let us hope, gentlemen, that public indignation, and the stupid attacks which have been lately made on the flags of other nations, will soon put an end to this infamous usurpation, and that in the mean time France will ever protest against the horrid expedientwhich would deliver up a young and innocent victim to the brutality of Don Miguel. I will not deny, gentlemen, that there have been troubles in South America and in Mexico, and that perhaps they yet exist there. Their troubles, however, have been exaggerated. I attribute them principally to two causes: to the threats, the impotent threats, of Spain, which lead to the permanence of disproportioned armies and the agitation of their leaders; the other cause is to be found in European intriguers, who persevere in obstinately attempting to introduce their old institutions into these new states. Put a period to the two causes, and the tranquillity of commerce will be immediately restored.

“The minister of commerce observed a few days since that there was nothing in common between diplomatic relations and commercial interests in these countries. I have, however, in my possession aMexican Gazette, containing a decree by which the productions of states that shall not have recognized the republic in the course of the present year shall be subjected to an additional duty, whilst those which shall send, during the year 1829, diplomatic agents to that country, shall be treated more favorably. It is time, gentlemen, that the government should at length yield to the commercial views of France.

“As regards Algiers, I will leave that question to one of my honorable friends, who is better acquainted with it than myself; but I cannot forbear referring to a more serious attack on the national honor than that of the dey of Algiers throwing his fan. I allude to what has passed lately relative to the expulsion of Galloti. The delivering up of an alien for political causes has been unanimously reprobated in every age and by every country. Eminent jurisconsults have assured me that the laws of our country have been violated by the expulsion of thatindividual. I am willing, however, to admit that there has been, on the part of French agents, error and precipitancy, and consequently, as I doubt not, repentance. There has, however, been deception somewhere, and violence has been offered to the honor of France. Highway robbery and judgments in this case have been referred to; but are you ignorant of what judgments are, or of what they may be under absolute governments?

“Suppose, for example, Don Miguel were to say: ‘Behold the man who has in the palace of the king assassinated, with his own hand, the Marquis of Loulé, the best friend of my father! Give him up to me that I may punish him for the crime.’ Would the accusation be believed?

“In a word, gentlemen, the honor of France has been outraged; justice must be done; Galloti must be demanded; the demand must be enforced; he must be restored to the soil of France, and the national honor must in some way receive signal reparation.

“I will conclude, gentlemen, by observing that the explanations which the discussions may produce shall decide my vote.”

At a sitting of the Chamber of Deputies General La Fayette made the following remarks on the “Holy Alliance”:—

“There was a vast and powerful league which desired to command and brutalize the human species. It has oppressed Italy, devastated the peninsula, and had disturbed other states. Its chief seat is Vienna, and Don Miguel its ideal type. England has pretended to set up another system, but it was only to lure states to their ruin. It was the business of France to place herself at the head of civilization—her glory, her interest, and her ambition to require it; but to fulfil this noble destiny itwas necessary that the government should determine not to fear either a nation represented or a nation armed, and, renouncing all connections, it should say to foreign powers, ‘After God, it is to the French people that I am indebted for being placed above your influence and beyond your pretensions.’”

During 1829 General La Fayette made a tour through some of the French provinces, and his reception by the people appears to have rivalled the enthusiasm displayed in his honor in the United States. One London paper says:—

“Never was a king so feasted and treated as this venerable remnant of the Revolution has been. In every quarter he has been received with shouts of triumph and congratulatory addresses, which, while they have been complimentary to him, have generally, also, been made the vehicle for strong philippics against the new order of things. From Grenoble to Lyons the road was thronged by continual crowds of people who came to testify their regard for the principles which had guided his political conduct, and the esteem which they entertained towards himself personally.” g TheTimesobserves: “The old general, from his early services in the cause of liberty,—from his immense sacrifices for his country,—from his intrepid consistency of character during a political career of forty years, during which the world turned around him or changed its principles several times, while he remained unchanged, is deservedly an object of great esteem and admiration. But why is he brought forward, or why does he make himself prominent on this occasion, type as he is of the Revolution? And why, when he does appear, is he so enthusiastically received? For no other reason but because the king has made choice of what is considered acounter-revolutionary cabinet, and because the people are desirous of evincing their adherence to the free institutions which they think at present threatened, by testifying their grateful admiration for one of the founders and champions of their freedom. Every shout of applause thus uttered for General La Fayette is a shout of defiance against the ministers; and every libation poured to his health is a kind offering to the memory of past struggles for liberty. The repetition of such scenes would have been thought impossible about two months ago.”

The following description of General La Fayette’s reception at Lyons is taken from an extract of a letter dated Paris, Sept. 16, 1829:—

“General La Fayette has paid a visit this summer to his birthplace in Auvergne, and has been received on his passage in a manner worthy of his noble virtues, public as well as private. From his arrival at Chavaniac until his entry at Lyons, in every town and village through which he passed, he has witnessed the spontaneous homage of the patriotism of their inhabitants. The population of villages far distant from the road he travelled precipitated themselves before him on his passage, and the inhabitants of the cities through which he passed presented themselvesen masseto welcome him within their walls. In spite of the orders sent by the ministry at Paris to the departmental authorities, to endeavor to suppress as much as was in their power the preparations made to receive the general, his triumphal march since he left La Grange, from the borders of the river Manche, to the foot of the Alps, has no other example in history, excepting his visit to the United States. Escorted from city to city by large cavalcades of horsemen, through arches of triumph prepared for the occasion on the highroads, saluted continually with enthusiasm by assembled multitudes, the thoughts of the veteran defender of liberty were often diverted to his brilliant reception in a distant hemisphere, whose liberties are as dear to him as those of his native country.”

ThePrécurseurandJournal of Commerceof Lyons says:—

“The general arrived from Vienne on Friday, the 4th of September, escorted by one hundred and fifty horsemen. His arrival had been impatiently expected by the inhabitants of Lyons, and on reaching St. Synphoria, the deputation named to receive him were found waiting with a large cavalcade of horsemen and carriages, and a numerous assemblage of people who accompanied him to Lyons. At St. Synphoria the general descended from his carriage and was addressed by M. Prunelle, president of the deputation, who welcomed him on the part of the inhabitants of Lyons to this city; to which the general replied, in retracing the kindness with which he had been received at his last visit to that city before the Revolution in 1789, and expressing his gratitude for the flattering manner in which he was again received. He then ascended into an open barouche drawn by four horses, and conducted by two postilions, which were placed at his disposition by the deputation, and the procession proceeded to Lyons in the following order:—

“1st. A detachment of 400 horsemen, composed of young men from Vienne and Lyons.

“2d. The carriage with the deputation from the latter city.

“3d. The barouche containing the general, Mr. George La Fayette, and the president, M. Prunelle, surrounded by a cohort of citizens on foot.

“4th. The private carriages of the general, containingthe Misses La Fayette, Mr. Adolphe Perrier, Mr. Bradford, United States consul, and the Count de Lasteyrie.

“5th. The carriages of the committee of arrangements.

“A line of private carriages then followed, and so great were they in number, that on the arrival of the head of the procession at the bridge Charles X. at Lyons, the last of the carriages had but just reached the extremity of the long Faubourg de la Gullotière, nearly two miles distant. The spectacle which presented itself on the entry of the general into the city was of the most magnificent description. An immense population, estimated at 70,000 persons, lined the bridge and streets through which thecortègemoved, and the reiterated cries of ‘Vive La Fayette,’ and continued manifestation of public joy, which filled the air during his passage to the Hôtel du Nord, where a suite of apartments had been prepared for him, were gratifying proofs on the part of the enthusiastic population of Lyons, of the love and admiration for the noble character and patriotism of their illustrious guest. In the evening after his arrival an orchestra of one hundred and twenty musicians serenaded under his windows, and the hotel was surrounded until a late hour by crowds of the curious, anxious to behold the countenance of the prisoner of Olmütz and the ardent defender of the liberties of France.

“On the following day a splendid excursion on the river Saone, composed of about thirty boats of various descriptions, elegantly decorated, and some of them bearing the banners of France and of the United States, was prepared for the general, who embarked with his suite at twelve o’clock, greeted by the cheers of the immense assemblage of people who lined the borders of the river. On the arrival of the procession at the Isle Barbe, a salute was fired from the château of the island, whence,after a short stay, the general returned to Lyons in time to attend the dinner offered him and Mr. George La Fayette by the different lodges of freemasons of that city.

“On Monday the 7th inst. the grand banquet given in honor of the general took place at the magnificent salon Gayet, situated on the borders of the Rhone. The rooms were elegantly dressed with festoons, and at one end were seen the portraits of Washington and Franklin, and the bust of the distinguished guest crowned with a wreath of laurels. On his arrival at four o’clock, he was received with unanimous and reiterated cries of ‘Vive La Fayette!’ Five hundred of the inhabitants of Lyons, theéliteof that city, sat down to a sumptuous dinner prepared for the occasion, at which presided M. Prunelle, assisted by thirty members of the committee of arrangements.

“At the dessert the following toasts were given:—

“1. By the president—The King of France.

“2. ‘General La Fayette—other warriors have been victorious in battle, and other orators have pronounced eloquent discourses; but none have equalled him in civic virtues.’

“General La Fayette then rose and said:—

“‘You have been witnesses, gentlemen, of the marks of affection and confidence with which the population of Lyons has deigned to receive me within their walls; you yourselves have participated in that kind reception in a manner so flattering, and I am surrounded at this patriotic banquet by objects of such interesting associations, that it would be superfluous, and above all impossible, to express to you my feelings at this moment; the remainder of my life, gentlemen, will be consecrated to them. I am proud and happy that my visit here has furnished anotheroccasion to your city to express its constant hatred of oppression, its love for true liberty, and its determination to resist every attempt of the incorrigiblecontre-revolution.’ The general then spoke of the privileges granted to the people by the constitution; their rights of being tried by jury, and of elections, and of the censorship of the press; and after having paid a just tribute to the noble and patriotic attitude that the National Guard of Lyons took at the important epoch of 1815, he took occasion to examine the position of the Polignac ministry, and the violent measures which it threatens against the liberties of France. ‘We are menaced,’ said he, ‘by hostile projects; but how will they be effected? Will they succeed by means of the Chamber of Deputies? My honorable friend and colleague, M. Couderc, now at my side, and every one of my colleagues who are now seated at this banquet, will attest that in the moment of danger the Chamber of Deputies will show itself faithful to patriotism and honor. Is it proposed to dissolve the Chamber? If so, it will then be the business of the electors of France, who certainly will return only deputies worthy of themselves and of the nation.

“‘Is it contemplated to vitiate the elections by more ordinances, and thus exercise illegal power? Let the partisans of such measures remember that the force of every government exists only in the arms and in the purses of the individuals composing the nation. The French nation knows its rights, and knows, likewise, how to defend them. Let us hope, however, gentlemen, that the plots against the liberties of the people are merely visionary, and, in the mean time, accept from me the following toast:—

“‘The department of the Rhone, and the city of Lyons—the ancient metropolis of industry, and the courageousenemy of oppression. May its liberty, its dignity, and its prosperity be solidly founded on the full enjoyment of those social and natural rights which it has ever defended.’”

One hundred thousand copies of a pamphlet, containing an account of La Fayette’s late triumphal journey were published.

But this triumphal journey occasioned much chagrin among the enemies of French liberty, and the government, already growing more and more hostile to friends of liberty, took petty spite upon some of their officials, as the following will show.

The ParisConstitutionalannounced that “the minister of the interior has deposed the mayor and deputy-mayor of Vizille from their functions: the former, for havingcongratulatedGeneral La Fayette, upon his arrival in that town; and the latter, for having appeared on horseback when he entered.”

Another French paper says:—

“We stated yesterday the deposition of a mayor for having joined in the honors to La Fayette. We now add the proceedings to which this intended disgrace gave rise. ‘The intelligence of this event,’ says thePrécurseurof Lyons, ‘inspired the inhabitants of the commune with the greatest indignation, not being able to conceive why peaceful citizens may not, without crime, honor one of the worthiest public men of the nation. The whole population assembled spontaneously in the public square; there each one expressed his regrets, and recalled with delight the useful and honorable acts of the displaced magistrates. Thence they proceeded to the office of the mayor, where these functionaries still were, and there Mr. Romain Peyron thus spoke, in the name of his fellow-citizens:—

“‘Mr. Mayor and Mr. Deputy: The inhabitants of this commune have learned with the greatest pain that, by a decree of the minister of the interior, you were deprived of the functions you have discharged with so much zeal, and in which you have so justly acquired the confidence and esteem of those whom you had to serve. The motives which have afforded the new ministry a pretext for this act are too honorable to be made a cause for complaint! You are, gentlemen, the first citizens stripped of their official functionsfor having taken part in the honors paid to General La Fayette! Let us not envy the enemies of the public liberties this poor satisfaction while all France is still echoing with the acclamations which everywhere burst forth upon the passage of this great citizen, and especially in the second city of the kingdom!

“‘The general who was the object of this enthusiasm will live in history, in spite of thecalumnies of party men! The people will always recollect that he was, at that time, the zealous defender of legal liberty, which, among us, includes attachment to constitutional monarchy; that, on the 5th and 6th of October, he twice saved the lives of the royal family; that, previously to the 10th of August, he sacrificed his popularity in order to snatch Louis XVI. from the dangers that threatened him; and that, proscribed for his energetic protest at the bar of the Legislative Assembly, and arrested in a neutral country, he expiated, in the dungeons of Austria, the crime of having always faithfully observed the line of duty!

“‘You, gentlemen, you too, fulfilled a duty, in not separating yourselves from all these under your care, in those imposing circumstances when the presence of our magistrates, as the organs of our unanimous sentiments,added a new value to their manifestation, and ensured tranquillity and good order in the midst of our rejoicings.

“‘Receive, therefore, the expression of our thanks and of our regret.’”

These testimonies of the esteem of their fellow-citizens abundantly compensated for the vengeance of the ministers.

The prefect of the department, having designated M. Buscaillon as provisional mayor, that respectable old man answered, “that M. Finant having been removed by the minister of the interior for having taken part in the honors paid to General La Fayette, he was bound to declare that he himself had done the same thing, together with all the other inhabitants of the commune, and that he could not, therefore, trouble the minister to do justice upon another in similar error.”

M. Buscaillon will long be remembered for his noble refusal of a place dishonored by so gross intolerance.

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