We have but now mentioned that Melanchthon was in Smalkald. He had gone thither on the 18th of February, 1540. It was proposed to discuss the Religious Conventionhere, which had been called to Spire. The Theologians had already, in obedience to the Elector's orders, delivered their opinion, "whether the Evangelical princes should enter into a worldly peace with the Bishops, and whether they could yield anything to them in matters of religion." This document was signed by the Theologians on the first of March. It discussed doctrine, needful external matters, and external indifferent matters, (adiaphora.) In thefirstarticle of doctrine, it does not depart from the Confession, and will not yield anything. Thesecondarticle enumerates among external needful matters, the abolition of private masses, of the canon of the mass, of monastic vows, of the celibacy of the priesthood, of the Invocation of saints, of all magical ceremonies, as, for instance, herbs, consecration of bells, &c., and required the restoration of the Holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. In this article also it does not yield anything. Thethirdarticle speaks of external indifferent matters, of the power of the Bishops, ordination, reading, singing, holidays, and other ceremonies, and of possessions. They expressed the opinion that if Princes and Bishops would accept doctrine and the needful points, arrangements might be made with them in reference to the last point. Envoys were sent from Smalkald to the Emperor, who was in Belgium at this time, to present the peaceful sentiments of the Protestants to him, and to pray him not to begin war. They returned with the most peaceful prospects, for the Emperor expressed his intention to institute further deliberations in regard to the harmony of the Churches. After Melanchthon had prepared another opinion, concerning the erroneous doctrines of Sebastian Franck and Caspar Schwenkfeldt, which was also signed by the Theologians, the Convention adjourned April 15th. Melanchthon returned by way of Erfurt, andon the 4th of May wrote to Dietrich that the Emperor did not as yet manifest any hostility, although he had not promised a certain peace. He, on this occasion, related that the Count-palatine Frederick had conversed with the Emperor in Spain, and had advised him to follow more moderate counsels. The Emperor promised him he would do so. He had not been long in Wittenberg, when he heard that the Emperor was willing to hold a convention at Spire. After having written a letter to the Emperor in Torgau, whither he had been called by the Elector, he departed in the beginning of June to attend this convention, which, according to the last orders, was to be held, not in Spire, but in Hagenau, in Alsatia. It is not to be wondered at, that he should have felt very unwell when he departed from Wittenberg, after so many exertions, and recent recovery from a severe illness. Before he departed, he deposited his last will with Cruciger. A large concourse of students and masters escorted him, and when he was crossing the bridge over the Elbe, he said: "We have lived upon Synods, and now we shall die there." With such thoughts of death he departed, and reached Weimar. Here he was obliged to remain for some time, because he was not sure whether he should go to Hagenau. Luther, at least, had written to the Elector beseeching him to see to it, "That each and every one of the delegates should be earnestly commanded, that they could not and should not depart from that which has now finally been harmoniously agreed upon at Smalkald."
Melanchthon, however, was the person whose yielding temper was most objected to. He was at this time filled with indescribable dread, because a report reached his ears that the Landgrave intended to publish the secret advice of the Wittenbergers. He saw very well that its publicationwould not only place him in a very doubtful position, but would also greatly injure the cause of the Gospel. His sorrows almost consumed him, and he therefore wrote to Luther for consolation and support in this matter. He faithfully responded to this call. But this consolation did not help him, and he became seriously ill. But let us hear the account of old Ratzeberger: "As it now also became known that the Landgrave had, besides his first wife, also married Lady von der Saale, and it was apparent that this deed would bring great disgrace and injury to the Gospel, Master Philip took it very much to heart. For he saw, if he went to Hagenau, that this would give the Lutherans a very severe blow. He was particularly grieved by this, because he had always looked upon this Landgrave, who had caused this great offence, with particular affection and hope. However, some assert, that he fell into this distress because he approved of this improper conduct of the Landgrave through the persuasions of his Court Chaplain, Dionysius, with which the court was afterwards highly displeased. He therefore became very sick at Weimar, more on account of sorrow and melancholy than anything else. His strength failed rapidly, and certain death seemed to be his only prospect. When he was thus seriously and dangerously ill, the Elector sent for Luther, who rode day and night from Wittenberg, in order to see Philip before his death. When he arrived, he to his sorrow found him as he had already heard. His eyes were already dim, his reason was gone, he could not speak nor hear, and his countenance was loose and fallen; having, as Luther said, a Hippocratical countenance. He recognized no one, and could neither eat nor drink. When Luther, unrecognized, looked upon him, he was greatly shocked, and said to hiscompanion, God forbid! how has the devil abused this instrument! and immediately turned to the window and earnestly prayed to God. Then, Luther said, God our Lord was obliged to listen to me. For I cast my burden before his door, and besieged his ear with all his promises that he would hear prayer, which I could remember in the Bible, so that he was obliged to hear me, if I was to trust his promises.
He then took Philip by the hand, and said, "Be of good cheer, Philip, you will not die! Although God has reason enough to take away life, yet he hath no pleasure in the death of the sinner, but that he should return from his ways and live. If God again called and received the greatest sinners who ever lived upon this earth, namely, Adam and Eve, he will not cast out thee, my Philip, nor suffer thee to perish in sins and sorrow. Therefore, do not give way to despondency, and do not murder yourself, but trust in the Lord, who is able to kill and make alive, wound and bind, scourge and heal again. For Luther fully understood the troubles of his heart and conscience. When he had thus held and addressed him, Philip began to draw his breath again, but could not say anything for a long time. He then turned his face towards Luther, and began to entreat him for God's sake not to detain him any longer; that he was now upon a good journey, and that he should suffer him to proceed, for nothing better could happen to him. Luther replied: "By no means, Philip; you must serve the Lord still longer." Philip became more and more animated, and Luther immediately ordered them to prepare some food, and took it to him himself. But Philip refused to taste it. Luther forced him, and said: "Do you hear, Philip! you must eat, or I shall excommunicate you. He was prevailed upon by such language,so that he began to eat a little, and thus gradually regained strength."
Melanchthon himself said of Luther: "If he had not come I should have died." The Elector also, who deeply sympathized with his sorrows and illness, comforted him in the most friendly manner: "Although it belongeth to God alone, according to his good pleasure, to bestow or take away courage and comfort, yet you on your part must not fail to lay aside and forget the causes of your trouble, which, thanks to God! are not so great in our estimation, that they should afflict you so deeply. We doubt not but that Almighty God will soon restore your cheerfulness, and with it your health."
The Elector then requests him, as soon as he should be able to move, to come to Eisenach, with Luther and Jonas, because he needed them; for letters and reports were constantly arriving from Hagenau. He gradually recovered, and, although it was with difficulty, he was able to leave for Eisenach on the 7th of July. On the 10th of July, Luther wrote concerning him to Wittenberg: "Master Philip has been restored to life, as it were from the grave; he looks sickly, yet lively, jests and lives with us, and eats and drinks in his own room and at table."
Melanchthon himself wrote to Bugenhagen from Eisenach: "I thank you heartily, best and dearest pastor, that you have comforted me in so Christian a manner, while I was absent, and visited with terrible afflictions in body and spirit, and that at home you assisted my wife by your counsels. I still feel my disease, although it has abated somewhat. If I should remain alive, I will be able to say that I have been restored from death to life, by the power of God. This is the testimony of all who were with me. Oh! that I might thank God rightly, and livefor his glory! I commend myself, and the Church of Christ, to your prayers. I hope that he also (the Landgrave), who has brought me into this great trouble, warned by my example, and the writings of our friends, will be more modest, and not publicly defend a scandalous affair. I have heard that he promised to listen to the counsels of our friends." In Eisenach, the Saxon and Hessian Theologians conferred concerning the double-marriage of the Landgrave. The Hessian Theologians, among them the court-chaplain, Dionysius Melander, wished the permission to publish the second marriage, to be granted to their Prince. An old account relates, that upon this Luther attacked them in so severe a manner, "that the water ran down their cheeks." The Wittenbergers insisted that this marriage should be concealed, like the secrets of the Confessional. On the 24th of July, Melanchthon himself wrote to the Landgrave, exhorting him to cover the matter, and not to give cause for its public discussion. He should prevent this, "not only on account of the evil reports and the offence, but also because it is no easy matter to defend this business plausibly." The Landgrave took this to heart, and for a long time bore the disgrace he so richly deserved. But when he sent forth a pamphlet, written by Bucer, yet without his name, which endeavored to justify his conduct, Melanchthon published a very severe reply to it.
At the close of July, he returned to Wittenberg.
CHAPTER XX.
WORMS AND RATISBON.
TheConvention at Hagenau was not successful. The Chancellor of Treves here made a proposition, in the name of the Catholics, July 6th, 1540, that the points already disposed of in Augsburg, in 1530, should not be considered now, but they should merely discuss those on which they could not agree there. The Protestants would not agree to this, and declared "that they could not recollect that any agreement in disputed matters had been reached in the Diet held at Augsburg." Finally, they obtained sight of a writing of Dr. Eck's, who had compared the articles agreed upon, and they sent it to the Elector with the remark: "Your Grace will be able to see from this, in what a childish and improper manner they have prepared these." The Convention adjourned without having come to an actual Religious Conference. This was now to be held in Worms, on the 28th of October of the same year. The Emperor was exceedingly anxious for a union; but before the meeting was opened, the Elector requested the opinions of his Theologians. In this they resolved not to acknowledge the precedence or judicial power of the Pope in the Council, and also to reject those articles marked by Eck as agreed upon. The Elector positively enjoined upon his ambassadors, by no means to depart from the meaning or the words of the Augsburg Confession. Whenever Melanchthon, in his letters, referred to the coming religious conference, he always expressed the wish: "Oh! that Godwould incline the hearts of the princes to magnify his glory, and to seek wholesome peace!"
On the 18th of October, he set out with Cruciger. In Leipzig they took along with them the professorsSheubel, andAndrew Franck, called Camicianus; and in Eisenach,Justus Menius, selected instead of Myconius. In Gotha he prepared the Protestation, in which he showed "how the Protestants should act in the present Conference, and whether the spiritual ambassador is to be acknowledged as judge in disputed questions." On the 31st of October they reached Worms; and November 2d, he already wrote to Camerarius about the "shameless hypocrites," Eck, Cochlæus, Nausea, Mensinger, and others, who had been appointed to attend this Conference in behalf of the Catholics. "These men will pronounce sentence upon our heads, although they do not understand our cause, and are burning with hatred, and have stained their hearts and hands with the blood of the godly. But if an opportunity should present itself to explain our affairs, I shall with God's help endeavor to unfold those useful views which we contend for, clearly, truly, and without perversion. This I can do so much better, because I have ceased to regard the will of the princes, and on this account have an easier conscience than I had before." And to Dietrich he wrote: "Even if Spanish and French gentlemen were standing before the gates, I would not approve of these double-tongued articles." He adhered steadfastly to this resolution. But the Convention was not opened for a long time, owing to the delay of the Imperial Commissioner,Granvella, "of whom it is said, that he is at present the heart of the Emperor Charles," although the Papal Nuncio, a brother of the well-known Cardinal Campegius, had arrived at the proper time.
He formed the centre, around whom the enemy gathered to discuss their plans. More and more enemies arrived in Worms, in order that they might command a respectable position on account of their numbers. "But God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, will protect us, whom do you also call upon to preserve and rule his Church,"—thus Melanchthon wrote to Jonas. The Protestants entertained the hope that Granvella "would exert himself to obtain peace, even if no union or agreement could be effected." Melanchthon at this time did not visit any of the decided enemies; however, he went to a few of those who wished to be considered somewhat moderate. He wrote to Dietrich: "These wish to persuade me to consider the whole difference a mere contention about words. I answered, as Aristides said to Themistocles, that Athens would not have peace until they both should be drowned in the sea; so we also, on both sides, deserved the severest punishment if we were confusing the Church by a mere contention about words." At last the Imperial Envoy Granvella arrived, November 22d, and opened the session on the 25th with an address, in which he entreated the States with tears to come to an agreement, and conjured them to "unite again the rent mantle of Christ, and think of your name as Christians which you received in Holy Baptism, and also of your own highly-renowned German nation." They disputed a long time as to the manner in which the religious discussion should be conducted. The Catholics would have preferred settling the matter as rapidly as possible without entering upon a regular discussion, although the final decree of Hagenau, and also the Imperial Proclamation, demanded that the separate articles of the Augsburg Confession and its Apology should be debatedin a friendly and Christian manner, but not so as to be obligatory.
While these useless negotiations were carried on, Melanchthon was surprised by a visit from Camerarius on the 9th of December. This was an excellent opportunity for interchange of thought and friendly conversations. When Camerarius returned, Melanchthon sent a letter to the physician FUCHS, in Tübingen, by him: "I have been restored from death to life so short a time, that I still bear about the remains of my sickness and sufferings. I am heartily obliged to Joachim, that he wished to alleviate these by his visit."
When Eck had prepared a form of agreement on the articles of Original Sin and Justification, concerning which there was a great difference of opinion, the Catholics were anxious that it should be brought to vote. Eck must have considered his form a very excellent one, for he in various places made use of the ridiculous expression, that they could not obtain a better one from Calcutta in India. The Catholics were not at all pleased when even the envoys of the Palatinate, of Brandenburg, and Jülich would not accept of this. Melanchthon wrote to Luther: "These acknowledged, in a modest but determined manner, that they approved of our opinions, as included and explained in the Confession and Apology." In a memorial addressed to Granvella by Melanchthon, the Protestants demanded that the matter should be discussed in a calm and Christian manner in the public assembly, and rejected the secret movements of their opponents, who merely wished ambiguous and entangling articles subscribed. On December 22d he also addressed a private letter to Granvella, in which he lays before him the necessity of a public discussion, and says: "The Church will be benefited if we establisha pure and useful doctrine. I am conscious of my own weakness; yet as far as I am concerned, I do not fear the judgment of honorable and learned men, nor moderate counsels." After long debates, it was at last agreed upon that Eck and Melanchthon should debate the matter in the presence of all. At last, January 14th, 1541, they began the debate, in the presence of the Imperial envoy Granvella. Melanchthon published an account of this discussion, which lasted but four days. We will present parts of this, to show that notwithstanding all his love of peace, he also adhered steadfastly to the truth.
An old account, speaking of his and Eck's speeches, says that they compared with each other like the song of a nightingale with that of a raven. They first discussed Original Sin. Eck opened the debate, and at once asserted the Augsburg Confession and Apology handed to him had been altered in many articles, and did not agree with the former ones. It was certainly an arbitrary act on the part of Melanchthon, to make alterations in those documents, which had acquired a public character. But he explained that his alterations did not affect the substance, but merely the form of expression, which was "milder and clearer" now. Eck was not at all willing to grant this, especially when he regarded the tenth article, on the Lord's Supper. However, he proceeded, passing over the first article, because both sides agreed in this, and came to the second article, ofOriginal Sin. He was not willing to admit that it was really Sin, but it is merely a want of hereditary righteousness, not of remaining gifts; and the evil lust, which remains after Baptism, cannot be properly called Sin. Melanchthon says: "Eck has at last admitted that the evil inclination, which remains in the saints, is a fault, opposed to God's commandment; but the word sin he wishedto be confined to unforgiven sins." Eck had disputed in the same way in Augsburg. But secretly he had said here and there that the views of the opposite side were really true. Melanchthon writes: "What a crime against his convictions, that he should defend such a thing! But I trust that he has been refuted in a sufficiently clear manner."
Granvella listened very attentively, and it is said of him, that he declared he would faithfully report everything to his Sovereign, and also what he thought of the cause of the Protestants, which was not as foolish as their opponents represented it to be. They disputed on Original Sin for four days, and at last Eck proposed a form of agreement which did not oppose the Augsburg Confession. They were now about to proceed to discuss the article of Righteousness, or Justification, for which Melanchthon was very anxious; but on January 18, an Imperial decree was published to the assembly, which postponed this Religious Conference to the diet soon to be held in Ratisbon. Thus they left Worms again, and were obliged to confess that their journey had been entirely unsuccessful.
All were now eagerly waiting for the diet. Melanchthon, in a letter, says: "God grant Grace, that something profitable for the Churches and the general peace may be accomplished at this diet." Yet he looked forward to this diet with a troubled heart, not because he feared a religious discussion with the enemy, but rather because he did not approve of the plans of the Evangelical princes, particularly those of the Landgrave Philip. Concerning the latter he expressed himself in the very strongest terms. Luther had entreated the Elector to excuse Philip from this journey; but the Elector could not grant this request, because he needed able men at this diet; yet he alsotrusted confidently that as he "intended to abide faithfully to the end in the truth revealed, and the pure doctrine of the divine word," so also would all the other allies in the faith present at this diet "steadfastly adhere to that which becometh the honor of God, and the extension of his saving word." The Elector, deeply interested in the preservation of pure doctrine, gave explicit directions to his counsellors how they were to act in Ratisbon. He particularly regarded Melanchthon with a watchful eye. He was ordered to reside with the counsellors of the Elector. If any person wished to converse with him there, it should be done in the presence of the counsellors. "And altogether Philip should take heed not to go out too much, but rather remain in his lodgings and with the counsellors, even as he himself will best know how he ought to act."
He departed, with Cruciger, on the 14th of March. From Leipzig he wrote home: "May God bless and overrule this journey and all our acts, that they may be undertaken for the honor of God, the growth of the Gospel, the welfare of the Church, and the peace of the Empire." March 16, in the evening, he reached Altenburg, and there united with the other delegates. But on the Bavarian frontier he met with a misfortune, for the carriage was overturned, and he strained the wrist of his right hand so seriously that he could not use it; and it was thought for some time that it was broken. He not only arrived in Ratisbon in great pain, but could not use his hand for a considerable time. He dictated his letters to Cruciger, whom he therefore called his "other self." On the 4th of April, he for the first time, and with great difficulty, wrote to Eber in Wittenberg, and expresses the wish that God might make him a useful instrument in the Church. On the following day the diet was opened by the Emperorhimself. He expressed his wish to restore harmony, and thought the best way to accomplish this would be to appoint honorable and peaceable persons, who should discuss the contested articles of religion, and endeavor to bring about a compromise. They should then make a report, and finally consult with the Papal nuncioContarini, whom the Emperor called a friend of peace. Melanchthon wrote to Dietrich: "This is a dangerous business, and therefore our friends have been disputing for two days among themselves. The more determined of them will only agree to a continuation of the discussion of Worms, but others are willing to permit the Emperor to try this new way." The opinion of the latter was at last given to the Emperor as the decision of the Protestants. He appointed Pflug, Eck, and Groper, of the Catholics; and Melanchthon, Bucer, and Pistorius, of the Protestants, to discuss the articles.[20]
The Count Palatine Frederick, and Granvella, were to officiate as moderators during this discussion; and some other persons were also appointed to attend as hearers and witnesses. Burkard, in a letter to chancellor Brück, thus judges the different speakers at this Conference: "What hope of the spread of truth can be entertained, when they take the drunken Eck for such important matters, who values wine more than all religion? Julius (Pflug) is altogether dependent upon the Pope; the third, Groper, is a worthy, modest, and not unlearned man, but he will be overcome by the noise on the one side, and by craftiness on the other, and perhaps he will also introduce his ownpeculiar opinions, which do not altogether agree with the truth of the Gospel. I have confidence in all our Theologians here present, and am convinced that they will not forsake the truth."
Before the debate began, the Emperor summoned them into his presence, and exhorted them, in a very condescending manner, that they should transact this matter in a friendly manner, and not lose sight of the glory of God, and the general welfare. The Catholics now wished that they would begin with the disputed articles, the Lord's Supper, the power of the Church, the pope, masses, secret masses, monastic vows, celibacy of priests, and the one kind in the Sacrament, and then pass over to the articles of Justification, of merit, and of good works. By this we can easily see, that at the outset they were anxious to frustrate the discussion. But when the discussion was about to begin, on April 27th, the Emperor presented a book, which contained an attempt to reconcile these articles, with the direction "that the persons selected should examine it, and correct whatever was opposed to Holy Scripture, but suffer everything Christian to remain." This book was afterwards called theRatisbon book, and also theRatisbon Interim, and was known to the Wittenbergers before. For the MargraveJoachim, of Brandenburg, had already sent it to Luther, that he might give his opinion, as early as February 4th. Luther said of it: "These people (the authors of the book), whoever they are, mean very well, but their propositions are impossible, and such as the Pope, Cardinals, Bishops, and Prebendaries, can never agree to.... Besides this, it contains many points which our side will not and cannot adopt. The best thing to be done, would be to appoint pious and learned men to judge what and where is God's word." The authorof the book was not known with certainty; some looked upon Wizel as the author, others, Groper. Melanchthon believed that Groper had prepared it, with the help of a young Imperial Counsellor, Gerhard Volcruck, and also Bucer's; that he had presented it to Capito, and then sent it to the Landgrave Philip, and the Elector of Brandenburg. By the last it had been sent to Luther. The book contained 23 articles, which were treated in such a manner that they could be called half-Catholic, and half-Protestant. Thus it came to pass as Luther had said, that it neither gave satisfaction to the Catholics nor to the Protestants. But as the Emperor valued it highly, and wished it to be made the basis of their deliberations, this was done, "although I was much afraid," says Melanchthon, "that this book would cause no little strife." They passed over the first articles, of creation, the perfect state of man before the fall, of free will, of the origin of sin, and of original sin, without any difficulty. Now they came to the article onJustification. This was not at all satisfactory to either party, and therefore they substituted another. Eck had proposed a formula, but Melanchthon objected to it. They disputed about it for several days, and at last agreed to a formula, concerning which the Saxon counsellors wrote to the Elector, that in the main it was not opposed to the Augsburg Confession and the Apology, "and that the words employed were sufficiently clear, so that it could not be perverted to a misunderstanding." The counsellors highly commended the firmness of their Theologians, and Melanchthon in particular. They relate to the Elector, that Melanchthon had expressed himself before all the Theologians and Granvella, to the following effect: "that he would rather die than yield anything against his conscience and the truth, for it would bring about his death,for he could not reconcile it to his conscience." But the Elector was by no means pleased with the formula of agreement in regard to justification, which they had sent to him; for he thought that their opponents wished "either entirely to cast aside, or at least obscure, the doctrine that we are saved by faith alone." He therefore laid this formula before Dr. Luther and Pomeranus, who could not but say that it might easily lead to a misunderstanding. He therefore, May 13th, informed his counsellors that he could not possibly agree to it. However, Luther entreated the Elector "not to write too severe a letter to Melanchthon and his friends, lest he should again trouble himself to death. For they have still retained our beloved Confession, and have adhered steadfastly to this, even if every thing else should fail." The Elector, who had intended to go to Ratisbon himself, now remained at home, and sent Amsdorf, a man who strictly adhered to the Confession, in his place. He and the Duke of Pomerania arrived in Ratisbon on the 13th of May.
The next point to be discussed, was the article of theChurch. It was very easy to predict that this would be an apple of discord, for the Ratisbon book maintained that there must be a power in the Church to interpret the Bible, and that private individuals did not enjoy this power; also, that no private individual has the right to oppose the majority. Much contention ensued, in which Granvella himself mingled, and said to Melanchthon, he should read the article more carefully. Melanchthon replied, "that he had read it frequently, and even in Wittenberg; but they should know that he could not, and would not approve of it. For if the power referred to by them, was to be given to the Councils, many errors of former Councils must be sanctioned, and posterity would also be grievously burdenedthereby." Melanchthon was so determined that they could not agree, and they were obliged to pass on to other articles. The book next spoke of the doctrine of the Sacraments. Melanchthon consented to retainConfirmation, although all abuses connected with it should be abolished, the Catechism studied diligently, and "true and earnest prayer" connected with it.
When the article on theLord's Supperwas made the order of the day, it caused a violent debate, which lasted for eight days. The Catholics presented a formula declaring transubstantiation, and maintained all the abuses which had crept into the Roman Church on account of this false doctrine. Melanchthon had before given the warning in vain, that Eck ought not to be permitted to indulge in his bullying and abusing, otherwise "he might kindle a fire which he would not be able to extinguish."[21]The Protestants referred to the gross abuses attending the carrying about and adoration of the Sacrament, and also spoke of the ridiculous case which had already been discussed by the Catholics in their own writings, what a mouse was eating when she gnaws the consecrated bread. The Protestants adhered to the doctrine of the Bible and of the ancient Church, that the Sacraments are only Sacraments when they are used, and not so when they are not used. It was during this contest, manfully waged by the Protestants,that, as Melanchthon tells us, "Eck became sick, having become too excited, perhaps, and drinking so excessively afterwards, that a fever followed." The articles onConfessionandSatisfactionagain led to violent discussions, because Groper insisted upon the enumeration of particular sins. He thought, as the Church had the right of binding and loosing, this was a court of justice, where it was necessary for the Judge to hear the case; and because in Confession, satisfaction was imposed to heal the wounds, the priest ought to know beforehand whether the injury is great or small. Melanchthon disproved these propositions, and proposed a milder article. Granvella was greatly displeased at this, and said "many evil words" to Melanchthon. "So that," he relates himself, "the next day, at the beginning of the debate, I complained, and said if it was intended that I should not express my opinions, I would stay away in future." The Envoy excused himself, and pacified him. The article concerning the order ofChurch Government, and the power of the Bishops, again brought about a sharp conflict. When he observed that it had been prepared in a very sly manner, "I became very impatient, and opposed the entire article," he reports himself. They simply wished to retain the entire Papacy. Melanchthon was here obliged not only to battle against the Catholics, but also with Bucer and the Hessian chancellor. Granvella assured him, that if he would not accept this article, he would prevent the entire work of Reformation. Even the Elector Joachim sent a deputy to him, to urge him to accept this article. Melanchthon says: "I gave him a very short answer." They then considered the articles on the Invocation of Saints, Masses, One kind, Celibacy, and Monastic Life. Melanchthon remarks: "Although there was much opposition, we presented counter-articlesto all these." Because he adhered to the truth, which he had discovered and confessed in a determined manner, prompted partly by his own conscience and the exhortations of the Elector and his counsellors, he was declared to be a stubborn person, and he was even accused to the Emperor. The latter expressed himself very unfavorably in regard to him to the Landgrave Philip. He was particularly accused of being governed by Luther, and also led by the French ambassador. Under these circumstances, Melanchthon believed it necessary to defend himself before the Emperor against these unjust accusations. He addressed a letter to him, of which we shall communicate some parts. He declares in the most positive manner that he had no instructions from Luther, and was not at all connected with the French ambassador, and that his Elector had only given the general direction, that they should not depart from the truth. "This is a direction which must be deeply engraven upon every heart, without the orders of an Elector." Further on he says: "I have always acted according to my own convictions, and have never contended about useless things." He then proceeds to speak of Councils, and of Auricular Confession, showing their want of foundation; and also, that he had sought peace. "However, even moderation must have its bounds. That Truth, which the Son of God revealed to us from the bosom of the Father, should shine in the Church. And I wish your Imperial Majesty could see into my heart, so that you might judge truthfully what my endeavors in regard to these disputes have been for many years. A true, scripturally developed, and sure doctrine, and one that will be beneficial to the Church, must be found." He concludes this letter, so faithful to the Confession, in the following manner: "I know that our doctrine is the doctrine of thetrue Catholic Church, and I believe that many wise men confess the same. But these believe that we have gone farther in the abolition of abuses than was necessary. They wish to retain a species of adoration of the saints, private masses, and the like. Therefore they wish us to take a step backwards, and to approve the first germs of these abuses. As I am not able to do this, I again urgently pray for my dismissal." The Elector rejoiced at this firmness, and therefore wrote to his counsellors: "We have with great satisfaction heard that Magister Philip proves himself firm and faithful in this business, and hope that Almighty God will graciously sustain him in this course."
On the 16th of May the religious discussion was brought to a close; and May 31, the Protestants presented a memorial to the Emperor, in which they refer to nine articles in particular, which they could not accept on any consideration. They treated of the Church, the Sacrament, the enumeration of particular sins in Confession, of Satisfaction, of the Unity of the Church and Ordination, of the Saints, the Mass, Secret Masses, and the Celibacy of the Priesthood. We may easily understand that the Emperor, who was very desirous of a union, was not at all satisfied with such a conclusion. As he believed that very much depended upon Luther in this matter, he even sent a deputation to him. It was composed of PrinceJohnof Anhalt,Matthias von Schulenburg, andAlexander Alesius. They arrived in Wittenberg on the 7th of June, and conferred with him a few days. But they did not find a hearing here; for Luther's motto was the word, once expressed in a letter to the Elector: "It is impossible to reconcile Christ and the serpent." They therefore returnedto Ratisbon without effecting their purpose. Melanchthon expressed himself in a very decided and clear manner in regard to the Ratisbon book, in an address to the States. He says of therejectedarticles: "I will not accept one of them, nor patch at them any more." Of theomittedarticles, to which Confirmation and Extreme Unction belong, he said: "We would not contend much about these, if we could agree in other points." He then speaks of the articles which were looked upon asagreed upon, while they were nevertheless notagreedupon. He here had many objections to make to the book in reference to Justification, the state of Grace, Sin, and the like. He concludes his opinion in these beautiful words: "I cannot and will not accept this book, and pray God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, that he would grant good counsels and help to us all, and that he would guard and rule his Church, which he has redeemed by his Son unto eternal life, and which he still wonderfully preserves. However, in order that each and every one may know what I believe, I wish to declare by this, that I hold the doctrine of our Church, as it is contained in our Confession and Apology, and that, with the help of God, I intend to abide by it. I also thank God that he has again illuminated his Church, and would not wish to give any occasion to darken the pure doctrine again." But the Catholics rejected the book also; Eck called it an insipid book, and expressed himself against it in the most decided manner.
Now the final decree of the Diet was to be issued. The Protestants previously, however, presented their declaration, prepared by Melanchthon, who, at the Emperor's request, also delivered an opinion concerning the Reformation, on the 18th of July. He was willing to granttemporal power to the Bishops, an opinion which he expressed at different times, without considering what dangers this must necessarily cause. At last, on the 29th of July, the recess of the Diet took place. The religious difficulties were postponed, to be decided at a Council soon to be held, or postponed to the next diet, in case no Council should be convened within 15 months. The Peace of Nuremberg was to be observed until that time.
On the 30th of July, Melanchthon departed from Ratisbon. He did not go by way of Nuremberg, although he had been invited thither in the most urgent manner, but came to Leipzig, where he zealously labored to have his beloved friend Camerarius called to the University. He thus speaks of his friend in a letter to DukeHenry: "He is peaceable, modest, and sincere, and so learned in Philosophy and Eloquence, that he is excelled by few in foreign and German lands." In consequence of this the Duke called him.
When, to the great sorrow of the Protestants, Duke Henry was gathered unto his fathers, the young DukeMauriceentered upon the government with the most promising prospects. During his reign Camerarius came to Leipzig, and thus into the vicinity of his friend Melanchthon.
CHAPTER XXI.
PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION.
Whilethe Protestants were enjoying a period of rest, because the Emperor was busily occupied with the Turks and the pirates of Algiers, the work of the Reformation advanced more and more. And where it could not be done peacefully, the power of the princes was now and then employed. In the beginning of the year 1541, the Bishop of Naumburg-Zeitz had died, and the Chapter elected the well-known Julius von Pflug, Bishop. When the Elector John Frederick heard of this, he pronounced the election invalid, not only because the citizens in that region had long since been friends of the Gospel, but also because the right of protectorship of the Bishopric belonged to him. He proceeded upon the almost unbounded right of sovereignty—even over the Church, and we cannot expect anything else from him, but that he would appoint a decidedly Evangelical Bishop to this important see. He asked the advice of his Theologians, who, in their opinion, likewise took for granted, that the right of electing the Bishop belonged to him. They advised him to elect a Christian man, and at the same time one who was descended from a princely family.
The Chapter, which was ordered to proceed to another election, refused to do so; so that the Elector found himselfcompelled to interfere by force of arms, notwithstanding the threats of the Emperor. On the first of November, the Wittenbergers prepared an Opinion in regard to the election of the Bishop, in which they express a wish that the chapter of Naumburg might be preserved, because encouragement to study was thus given to the nobility, although the chapter itself must be improved and reformed in a Christian manner. If the chapter wished to elect another man, it ought not to be "a young fellow," but a man "who has an affection for Christian doctrine, and proper exercises in the Church, and would altogether set a good example." They propose PrinceGeorge Von Anhalt, who is especially recommended by Melanchthon, who gives him this testimony, that "he rightly understands the doctrine of the Gospel, is pious, and would care for the interests of the Church." Against the opinion prevailing in regard to the prince, that he merely wished to do things by halves, Melanchthon declared that, on the contrary, the prince wished no patch-work in doctrine, and would not listen to any articles, in Ratisbon, which could be twisted. The Licentiate Amsdorf, however, Superintendent of Magdeburg, could not be prevailed upon to accept a bishopric. The Opinion generally demands a thorough Reformation, a pious, reasonable preacher, "who would not preach the Church empty," abolition of the mass, and good schools. The Bishop and the Canons should not grant any power to the Bishop; and the noblemen who should be elected Canons, should not merely be hunters and idle persons, but able men. Even if the Chapter should retain the right of election, the Elector should nevertheless retain his power, to see to it that proper persons would be elected, and improper ones rejected. But, as before remarked, the Chapter would not proceed to another election; and anotherOpinion adjudged the right to the Elector, under these circumstances, to nominate a proper person for the see, to the nobility and the senators of the cities, "in order that the churches and country might be supplied." The Elector placed great confidence in Amsdorf, and succeeded in having him elected Bishop. On the 10th of January, he was installed into his office in the presence of Melanchthon, who had been appointed to reform the churches and schools in the See. From this time, this region enjoyed the blessed influences of the Gospel.
A Reformation was also to be brought about in the Electorate ofCologne. The present Elector, and ArchbishopHerman, Count ofWied, was a friend of the Evangelical doctrine, and had for several years been actively engaged in improving Church matters. It is true that he was counselled by Groper, with whom we became acquainted at the Diet of Ratisbon. But now he wished to make further advances, with the assistance of Melanchthon and Bucer. Bucer had come to Bonn at the close of the year 1542, in order to begin the Reformation. In January, 1543, the Archbishop sent MagisterErdmannto Wittenberg, to invite Melanchthon to Bonn for the same purpose. The Landgrave Philip also urged him to go thither. He replied to him, that it was to be feared that the Chapter of the Archbishop would not yield, and that the Pope would urge them to elect another Bishop. That he was willing to venture his body and life for such a pious old prince. "But such a work requires men who are able to preach, and so to present the truth to the people, that they may be encouraged, and not deterred by the opposition of the other side." He also excused himself on account of his numerous duties in the University, and thought that even if the Elector desired a true change, yet those in poweronly labored to bring about a Reformation, in which the adoration of the saints, and daily masses, might still find a place. On the 12th of March, Bucer wrote a very pressing letter to induce him to come, as his labors could be completed in 10 or 12 days. But he did not go. In April, Father Medmann again appeared in Wittenberg in behalf of the aged Elector, in order to induce him to come. He sent him with a letter to his own Elector and lord, in which he declared that he had no inclination to go, but also added: "I will obey whatever your Electoral Grace may order in this matter." The Elector, "because this is a godly and Christian work," at once gave him leave of absence for six or seven weeks. He also allowed him one hundred gold florins, and two troopers as an escort.
On the 17th of April he departed, accompanied byJustus Jonas, the son of the Rector, andJerome Schreiber, and reached Bonn, where the Archbishop resided, on the 4th of May. He writes to some one, that two plans of reformation had been proposed; one, which was simple and pure, prepared by Bucer; the other, by Groper, who endeavored to excuse and establish abuses, as we may suppose from the book of Ratisbon. What strange sights met his eyes here! He writes to Camerarius: "You could not look without tears upon the ruin of the churches here, in which crowds of people still daily run to the images of the Saints. This is the main thing of religion, in the eyes of the ignorant multitude." He wrote the same to Bugenhagen, and especially referred to the deplorable ignorance of the clergy. And yet Groper, in his own way, wished to hold fast this state of things. The aged Archbishop, of whom Melanchthon says that he has the best intentions, "confesses that an improvement is necessary, and protests that he wishes a true and thoroughreformation, and that he is not afraid of dangers." He therefore placed more confidence in Bucer than in Groper. Although the nobility and the cities expressed themselves favorable to such a reformation, they were opposed by Cologne and the Chapter. The Landgrave informed the Archbishop that he and the other allies would come to his assistance, should it be necessary. Pistorius assisted Bucer.
Melanchthon writes to Luther of both these men, that their preaching was largely attended, and that they taught pure and correct doctrine. He superintended their labors, and wrote to Cruciger, May 23d, that the entire work was almost completed, and that he would extricate himself as soon as possible. A short time before this, he also sent a little letter to his son Philip, which we cannot bear to omit here: "Although I have public cares enough, I yet also bear the domestic ones about with me. These you should lighten by your diligence and obedience, especially as you know with how much love we have raised and cared for you. I therefore admonish you, that you walk in the fear of God, and strive, first of all, to please God, the eternal Judge, and then also good men, and that you will show greater diligence and care in this for my sake. Heartily obey your mother, whom you could already support by your age and virtue."
It was already known at Rome what they were doing in Cologne. The Pope, therefore, sent an admonition to that city, of which Melanchthon writes: "He buries Christ, and promises a change of affairs." But the Archbishop did not permit this to terrify him. When the plan or book of the Reformation was finished, it was read to him, in the presence of the dean of the cathedral, Count von Stolberg, and other counsellors. Six days were spent in readingand discussing it. The Bible, translated by Luther, was lying before them. The Elector himself looked for the passages referred to. He approved of the book, and it was also unanimously adopted by the chamber of deputies. But the Chapter and Clergy of Cologne, led by Groper, were most decidedly opposed to it. And at the same time the superstitious populace was excited against it, and their opposition was considerably increased by a lampoon written by a Carmelite monk named Billig.
Towards the end of July, Melanchthon departed, and passed through Frankfort, where he closed a dispute concerning some customs in the Lord's Supper; and also through Weimar, where the Court wished to see him, and arrived in Wittenberg on the 15th of August. It is true he had been absent for a longer time than had been allowed by the Elector. So much more did the professors and students rejoice who had gone to meet and escort him into the city. A few days afterwards he wrote to Dietrich: "The Reformation of the Church is, by the grace of God, progressing very finely in the territory of Cologne;" and to Matthesius: "The Reformation is already introduced into several cities, and pious and learned preachers teach faithfully and purely. We will pray God that he would suffer the light of his truth to shine far and wide, and also preserve it." Great as his hopes of a prosperous progress of the Reformation in the Electorate of Cologne were, he was obliged to relinquish them to a considerable degree, when he heard that the refractory Chapter had accused the aged Archbishop before the Pope and the Emperor. Finally the old man was deposed from his office, and the work of Reformation, which had thus been commenced, was extinguished.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE SCHOOL OF TRIBULATION.
Wehave learned before that Melanchthon was compelled to pass through much tribulation. But the year 1544 is particularly marked in this respect. Domestic afflictions are certainly among the bitterest we are called upon to bear, and such he amply experienced. His favorite daughter,Anna, had formed an unhappy marriage with the poetSabinus, who was a frivolous debauchee, and wished to be divorced from her. However, the Lord separated them by the death of Anna, in 1547. We shall speak of this again. His son Philip also gave him much trouble. While he was yet a student of law, about nineteen years old, he was betrothed to a young woman of Leipzig, without the knowledge of his parents. This grieved his father exceedingly.
But he was still more troubled on account of his relations with Luther, with whom he was at variance at this time. This was caused by Melanchthon's changed views of the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. We have remarked before that it was an arbitrary act on his part, and one which has done much harm, to alter the Augsburg Confession. For it was not his private work, but a public Confession. He altered this document in the editions of 1533 and 1535, but it was not until the year 1540 that he published a greatly changed edition. An old account says that Luther found fault with him on this account, and saidto him: "Philip, you are not acting rightly in altering the Augsburg Confession so often, for it is not your book, but the book of the Church." These alterations particularly referred to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, with which Eck had reproached him at Worms.
He expressed this article in such a manner that the Catholics and the Reformed could include their views. This may have been satisfactory enough to the Reformed, but the Lutherans were highly displeased. Luther adhered to the bodily eating and drinking of the body and blood, as he had taught from the beginning. Although he had not laid so great a stress upon this point for the last few years, he now asserted it again. There were some faithful adherents of the Gospel in Venice, who were compelled to endure great oppression. They applied to Luther, and complained of their afflictions, and spoke particularly also of the spread of the Swiss views of the Lord's Supper. Luther replied, that he had only formed a concord with the Upper Germans, but would have nothing to do with the Swiss, particularly those of Zurich. They are indeed learned, but intoxicated men, who merely eat common bread in the Lord's Supper. They should beware of false prophets, and adhere strictly to the doctrine of the connection of the body and blood of Christ with the bread and wine, even if many should think of a transubstantiation. When Melanchthon heard of this letter, he was much grieved, for he thought that Luther had conceded transubstantiation, which, however, was not the case. But the flame only began to break forth somewhat in the year 1544. During this year the Reformation book of Cologne was brought to Wittenberg. When Luther came to the article on the Lord's Supper, he would not read any further, and wrote to Chancellor Brück, who had sent it forhis inspection, by the order of the Elector: "The book does not only tolerate, but encourages the fanatics, and is far more favorable totheirdoctrine than our own. If I am to read the whole of it, our gracious Master must allow me further time, until my displeasure has abated. Otherwise I do not wish to look at it. And besides this, as the Bishop shows, it is altogether too long and too great nonsense, so that I can well perceive that chatterer, Bucer, in it." It is true that Bucer had prepared the book, but not without Melanchthon's approbation.
Luther had said, in the spring of this year, that he did not suspect Melanchthon in the least. But when he visited Amsdorf during the summer, and was in the habit of thundering against the Sacramentarians, in the pulpit and elsewhere, Melanchthon feared the worst, and wrote both to Bucer, and to Bullinger in Zurich, that Luther had never treated this matter more violently than at present, and that, on the whole, there was little hope of peace. At last Luther published his "Short Confession" concerning the Lord's Supper, which is one of his ablest productions. However strongly he attacked the Swiss in this, nothing was said of Bucer and Melanchthon, the latter of whom had feared an attack. About this time, as Melanchthon himself states in a letter to Myconius, October 10th, 1544, he had a conversation with Luther, in which he assured him that he had always granted a union of Christ with the bread and wine; so that if bread and wine are taken, Christ is truly present, and makes us his members. He believes that Luther was satisfied with this; but if not, he would be obliged to think of removing from Wittenberg, which he had been advised to do, and for which he had many and weighty reasons. However, after some time, a better state of feeling seemed to be established, sothat Melanchthon could reply to Chancellor Brück's inquiries, "that there was nothing of importance:" and Brück wrote to the Elector, "I cannot learn anything from Philip, but that he and Martin are very good friends. May the Almighty add his blessing to it!"
But Luther's Short Confession had called forth a violent refutation from Bullinger, and it was again feared that Luther would make another attack, especially upon Melanchthon, who was a correspondent of Bullinger. The Elector heard of it, and directed his Chancellor to pacify Luther, and to request him not to attack Melanchthon, "which, if it should take place, would cause us a great deal of sorrow." If Philippus adhered to those of Zurich or others, Luther should admonish him in a Christian and paternal manner, and that would certainly be effectual. Their ancient friendship was gradually restored, whether by a conversation with Melanchthon or in some other way, is not known. That Luther was not induced to depart from the true doctrine by the attacks from Zurich, is evident in a letter, addressed by him to a friend, not long before his death, from which we merely extract these words: "I am satisfied with this blessedness of the Psalm, 'Blessed is the man that walketh not in the counsel of the Sacramentarians, nor standeth in the way of the Zwinglians, nor sitteth in the seat of the Zurichers. Here you have my opinion.'"
So many sorrows resting upon Melanchthon injuriously affected his body and spirit. He was seized by another illness in July, 1544. He wrote to Veit Dietrich, July 1: "Dearest Veit, while I am writing this, I am suffering severely from an affection of the spleen, which has been caused by the afflictions which have weighed upon me for the last two months; and if my spleen ulcerates, I shalllose my life." His dear friend Camerarius, who had heard of this illness, hastened to Wittenberg, to see and comfort him. On the 6th of July, the sufferer was able to write to Myconius: "Although my health is not yet established, (for the disease of the stone is added to my other afflictions, and in two days I have passed three stones with great pain,) yet I attend to my scholastic labors, to which God has called me, and I pray for the civil government."
He at this time also received the sad tidings that one of his best friends, the celebratedJerome Baumgartner, of Nuremberg, had been captured by the robber-knight,Albert von Rosenberg, when he was returning from the Diet of Spire. We cannot deny ourselves the pleasure to communicate some parts of the letter of consolation, addressed to Baumgärtner's wife by Melanchthon: "We pray God that he will not permit you to sink in this great distress, but would by his Holy Spirit grant you comfort and strength, as he has often promised that he is a God who dwelleth with the sorrowful, as I have often experienced in no slight afflictions. And may you particularly console yourself with these three considerations:first, that what our Saviour said is certainly true, that all our hairs are numbered by God; that is, that God regards and preserves us, although we may be in danger. Therefore, even as he preserved Daniel among the lions, so he will also comfort and preserve your lord in the midst of the robbers who have captured him. In thesecondplace, that this also is certainly true, that the Divine Majesty has promised, and pledged itself, to be with the troubled and terrified who call upon him, as it is written in the 37th chapter of the Prophet Isaiah. Therefore you should not doubt that the Eternal God is with your lord and you, and will strengthen and save you from this great distress. In thethird place, it is certain that it is God's will that we should acknowledge him by calling upon him, and that he will manifest his presence by those gifts for which we pray, as he has said, 'Call upon me in the day of trouble; I will deliver thee, and thou shalt glorify me.' Therefore you should not doubt that God will hear you, and the many Christians who are praying that the Lord would restore your husband to you with joy. May the Eternal God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, do this for his own glory, and at all times comfort and protect you and your husband. Amen."
He wrote this on the 9th July, 1544; but, with many other sympathizing friends, was obliged to wait an entire year, until the prisoner regained his liberty, and could return to his family.
CHAPTER XXIII.
WORMS AND RATISBON AGAIN.
Whenthe just-mentioned Baumgärtner attended the Diet of Spire, in 1544, as the deputy from Nuremberg, the Emperor demanded the assistance of the states of the Empire against the Turks, who were giving his brother Ferdinand much trouble in Hungary. The Protestants took advantage of this opportunity, and before all demanded a fixed peace, and equal rights with the Catholics. The Emperor made many promises, and appointed a new diet to be held at Worms. He would have a Plan of Reformation prepared by learned and peaceable men, andthe Protestants should also present their plans. In the meantime there should be a general peace, and no party persecute the other because of religion. Law-suits and proscriptions, on account of religion, should be abolished. These were pleasing prospects for the Protestants, but did not last very long; for the Emperor now made peace with the king of France, and did not find any difficulty in using force of arms in Germany, as he had long ago intended. The Pope also summoned a General Council of the Church, to meet in Trent in the spring of 1545, so that it was easy to see that the affairs of the Church would be disposed of there, and not at the Diet. Melanchthon says, in a letter written January 11th, 1545, to Duke Albert, of Prussia: "The hope was entertained that the Emperor would call a National Synod, or would cause religion to be further discussed; but the Pope could not bear this. On this account the Council has been summoned for the 8th of April. Yesterday I received a letter from Worms, showing the violent feelings of the Emperor."
However, the Elector caused a writing to be prepared for the Diet, called "The Reformation of Wittenberg," composed by Melanchthon. The Theologians of Wittenberg sent this work to the Elector, together with a letter, in which they say: "We have with due submission placed together our humble opinion, and have shown by what we intend to abide to the last." The work itself was divided into five parts, treating of the pure doctrine, the true use of the sacraments, of the ministry, of the maintenance of proper discipline, of the support of needful studies and schools, and also adds one article concerning bodily protection and support. It was a mild and simple confession of the truth. At the same time, they also delivered an opinion in regard to one of Bucer's works, which had beensent to them for this purpose by the Elector. Bucer had proposed that at the Diet, the Evangelical states should unite in a complaint against the Pope, and refuse to acknowledge that he is the regular ecclesiastical power; and therefore they should labor to bring about a general reformation. But, as it was generally said that the Emperor and the King of France intended to bring about the General Council, those at Wittenberg had good reason for declaring that the Emperor would reject such proposals on the part of the States. They should only wait until the meeting of the Council, for it would propose articles which would enable well-meaning men to see the folly of the Pope and bishops. They did not, therefore, agree with the Opinion of Strasburg, and the Elector was perfectly satisfied with their judgment, for he said: "If the states on our side should accuse the Pope and his adherents before the Emperor, they would by this acknowledge his Majesty to be a judge in this matter."
The result would be bad, for the Emperor was greatly influenced by the Spanish bishops and priests, "and we have not been able to permit or approve of men being judges of the word of God." He also thought it would be best simply to abide by the Augsburg Confession, "for in it nothing is withheld from the Pope and his party," and there is no complaint made. But although he considered the work of his Theologians too mild, the chancellor defended it in a lengthy report of the 20th of January, in which he proves that it agrees fully with the Augsburg Confession and Apology, "which have, by the grace of God, accomplished much good." "God willing, this Reformation will do the same, and will serve to destroy and to disgrace the venomous priests before the world, and his Imperial Majesty also. And your Grace will observe thatMartin and the rest agree fully with him in this." To the wish expressed by the Elector, that Luther should write something against the Pope, the prudent chancellor replied: "May it please your Electoral Grace to spare Martin, until we see that the Papal Council still carries on this villany. Then it will be necessary for him to use the axe valiantly, for which he has been gifted by God's grace with a more valiant spirit than other men." This axe Luther not long after wielded with destructive force, in his publication called, "The Papacy at Rome, founded by the Devil." The Landgrave of Hesse did not find much to object to in the Wittenberg Reformation.
But at the Diet of Worms, which began at the end of March, it was not brought into notice at all, the Protestants themselves not insisting upon its delivery. The Emperor's great object at the Diet of Worms was to induce the Protestants to send delegates to the Council of Trent, which was to be actually convened during the same year. This, however, they refused to do in the most decided manner. He then appointed another Diet, to be held in Ratisbon, January 6th, 1546, at which a religious discussion should take place. They saw very plainly that the Emperor contemplated violent measures, and therefore the Protestants met at the end of the year 1545, in order to renew the League of Smalkald. The Theologians of Wittenberg also advised this League, and said: "We pray that Almighty God may incline the princes and rulers to a cordial, lasting, and inseparable union." But this union was the very thing that was wanting. They resolved to accept the religious discussion at Ratisbon, but to protest against the Council of Trent, which began at last on the 7th of January, 1546. Melanchthon drew up a memorial to this effect.
As the Protestants had declared that they would send representatives to the discussion at Ratisbon, it was now necessary to elect these delegates. We may suppose that the Court of the Elector had fixed upon Melanchthon, who had given such repeated evidences of his capability. But Luther appealed to the Elector with the words, "As it will be a useless and ineffectual council, of which we can hope nothing, Philip, who is indeed very ill, should be spared." In order to prevent Melanchthon's journey to Ratisbon, he even went to Brück, and explained the state of things to him. Of Melanchthon, he said: "He is a faithful man, who fears or shuns no one, and besides this he is weak and sick. He had no little difficulty in getting him home alive from Mansfeld, for he would not eat or drink. If we should lose this man from the University, it is likely that half the University would leave on his account. He would not advise, but most faithfully dissuade them from sending him." They should send Dr. Zoch and Dr. Maior, who was at least more learned than the Emperor's ass. Cruciger also begged that he should be excused from this discussion and journey. "However, if I knew," said the chancellor in his report, "that Melanchthon would not be excused from the disagreeable affairs at Mansfeld, I would rather advise and urge that he should be sent to Ratisbon. And Philip himself said that he would rather do the last than the first." The Elector yielded, but first summoned Melanchthon to Torgau, in order to consult with him about the discussion at Ratisbon. He here, on the 11th of January, published an Opinion, in which he said that it is not known whether the Emperor will again present one of Groper's books, or whether the Augsburg Confession would be discussed, article upon article. The Emperor was accompanied by a Spanish ecclesiastic, calledMalvenda.Melanchthon thought thathewould not fail to oppose the article on Justification. If they desired to destroy the whole discussion, it would be most useful to begin with this article, which is now known and highly esteemed throughout Germany, and among all the godly. This would soon bring matters to a close, and the Protestants could then publish a protest, that the opposite party would not be convinced, and that it would evidently be entirely useless to carry on further negotiations.
The two persons pointed out by Luther,George MaiorandLaurentius Zoch, were now chosen to attend the religious discussion at Ratisbon. It is said that when Maior once more visited Luther before his departure, he found upon the door of Luther's study the following words in Latin: "Our professors must be examined concerning the Lord's Supper." Maior asked him: "Venerable Father, what is the meaning of these words?" Luther replied: "They mean just what you read, and as they say; and when you return home again, and I too, an examination must be held, to which you as well as others shall be called." But when Maior in the most decided manner declared his adherence to the true doctrine of the sacrament, Luther spoke at length of this matter, and exhorted him to confess the same in the Church, in schools, and in private conversations, and by these means strengthen the brethren, lead his friends into the right way again, and oppose the wanton spirits. He who has the true Confession cannot stand in one stable with heretics, nor give fair words to the devil and his knaves. A teacher who says nothing against errors is worse than an open fanatic. He either lies under one cover with the enemies, or he is a doubter and weathervane, who is merely waiting to see whether Christ or the devil will gain the victory; or he isaltogether in a state of uncertainty, and is not worthy to be called a disciple, much less teacher."
Thus Luther spake, and Maior thanked him for it. How steadfastly Luther adhered to the truth, which he had recognized in regard to the important article of the Sacrament, may be inferred from this, if it were not known long before. Yet we also know that he was at this time on the most friendly terms with Melanchthon, whom he twice took along with him to Eisleben. Philip was often found at his table, and there was nothing but friendship between them. But in a few days this friendship was to receive a wound which this world could not heal. I do not refer to any change of doctrine, but to Luther's death, which to Melanchthon's great sorrow occurred very unexpectedly at Eisleben.
CHAPTER XXIV.
LUTHER DIES, AND MELANCHTHON MOURNS.
Melanchthonsaw him, his dearly beloved father, for the last time, on the 23d of January, 1546, on which day Luther with his three sons departed for Eisleben, there to assist in settling the difficulties between the Counts of Mansfeld. It is not a part of our design to describe the particulars of Luther's journey, his labors in Eisleben, his short illness, and his blessed death. Melanchthon wrote to Jonas, (and doubtless sent the letter along with him,) that the angel of the covenant might accompany the Doctor, and assist him in his efforts to restore a lasting andbeneficial harmony between the Counts of Mansfeld; and adds, that he was prevented from accompanying him by indisposition. He was at that time suffering from constipation, which he attributed to the stone. And on the 31st of January he wrote to Luther himself that his wife had been greatly troubled about him and the boys, because they had heard that the river Saale was very much swollen. "Now we pray," he adds, "the everlasting God, and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, that he would bring you all back again in health, when you have been successful in restoring harmony among the Counts of Mansfeld. By God's grace, we are here in the enjoyment of peace; God grant that it may last for a long time." He received the most hearty greetings from Eisleben. On the 18th of February, on which day Luther had already made his happy departure from this world, Melanchthon yet wrote to him. We will here present the beginning of this letter: "To the venerable man, Dr. Martin Luther, distinguished by learning, virtue, and wisdom, the restorer of the true doctrine of the Gospel, his dearest father! Revered Doctor, and dearest Father! I thank you that you have written to me so often and kindly. And we now pray God, the eternal Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, that he would lead you all safely home." This prayer was not to be heard, or rather it was to be heard in a far higher sense. On the following day, February 19, he already received the sad tidings of the departure of his dear father, from Jonas. At 9 o'clock he was to lecture on the Epistle to the Romans, but his sorrow would not permit him to do so, and he said to the assembled students: "Beloved, pious young men!—you know that I proposed to explain to you the Epistle to the Romans, according to the simple and natural meaning of the words, because in this is containedthe true doctrine of the Son of God, which God in special mercy has also revealed to us, in this our day, through our venerable father and dear teacher, Doctor Martin Luther. But I have this day received so sad a letter, which troubles and afflicts, and discourages me so much, that I doubt whether I shall be able in future to discharge the duties of my office in the University. What this is I will now relate to you, especially as other persons have also advised me to do so, and especially that you may know how it came to pass, so that you may not relate it differently from what is true, or may not believe other persons who may circulate false reports in regard to the matter, as is generally the case.