[271]This seems to be the same as the Hottentot custom (Kolben,Present State of the Cape of Good Hope, i. 157).[272]These are, I believe, the same ants that are used in the manufacture of thecurarepoison. They are fairly common. In lingoa-geral they are calledtucaudera.[273]“The Carayas maintain quasi-husbands for widows at the public cost, lest they should be a source of disturbance to the general peace” (Ratzel, ii. 126). Widows arerepi, prostitutes among some Melanesians (Codrington, p. 235).[274]See, for similar belief among the Zaparo, Simson, p. 174.[275]For example, among the Bororo when the medicine-man has announced that the patient will die in a given time, “if at the end of this time he still lives, the executioner, sent of course by the priest, will suddenly appear in the hut, sit astride his stomach, and strangle him to death” (Cook, p. 55).[276]See Joyce, p. 249.[277]Seesupra, p. 151.[278]The idea of blood crying for vengeance is familiar enough, and the most universally-known example is that of the fratricide Cain informed that his brother’s blood cried for vengeance from the ground (Gen. iv. 10).[279]Seesupra, p. 31.[280]“A microscopic scarletAcarus” (Orton, p. 485).[281]“To an Indian smallpox is certain death—the most dreaded enemy, who has over and over again swept off entire tribes, and the name or passing suspicion of which from youth up has always been trembled at and fled from as from death itself” (Simson, p. 142).[282]There are many varieties of this complaint. In one kind the patient wastes away. With another it assumes the characteristics of elephantiasis, the legs swell, the flesh becomes soft and podgy, the skin unhealthy and white. It is said by the rubber-gatherers that a cure can only be effected when the patient sees the sea, in other words through complete change of air.[283]Simson speaks of a “skin-disease common amongst all Indians of the higher Marañon, called ‘carata.’ The skin is ‘scaly and blotched all over with black’” (Simson, p. 178). This seems to be similar to the “cutaneous disease” mentioned by Bates, except that he explicitly mentions “the black spots were hard and rough but not scaly” (Bates, ii. 382). The Purupura Indians have also a skin complaint that causes them to be “spotted and blotched with white, brown, or nearly black patches” (Wallace, p. 357).[284]I did myself, and so did my boy Brown and others of the party.[285]André, pp. 16-110.[286]Spix and Martius, p. 31.[287]Simson, pp. 148, 194. A very common practice among Indians.[288]Koch-Grünberg, pp. 134, 165.[289]I do not mean the body of an infant killed at birth, which, as I have said, is done as quietly and secretly as possible.[290]“Primary urn-burial is characteristic in the main of the Tupi-Guarani family” (Joyce, p. 270).[291]For the same reason that prompted similar proceeding among the Norsemen, an influence still alive in many parts of our own country. Cf. Mitchell,Past in the Present. An instance is reported from Hampshire within the last few years of a child’s toys being broken on its grave. (Read,Folklore Journal, vol. xxii. p. 322.)[292]Ratzel, ii. 155.[293]Shaman is in more general use among Americans. It should be remembered that the Zaparo, with whom Simson mentions theshimano(Simson, pp. 174-5, 177), have had considerably more intercourse with western civilisation than the tribes away from the Napo line of communication.[294]Vol. xxiv.[295]“The chief ‘medicine’ of the Payes on the affluents of the Amazon, both northern and southern, and on the Orinoco” (Spruce, ii. 436).[296]Crevaux, p. 300.[297]im Thurn, p. 312; Wallace, p. 347; Crevaux, p. 299.[298]im Thurn, p. 368.[299]Spruce mentions Barré Indians “sucking out the rheumatism” from each other’s shoulders (Spruce, ii. 435).[300]I am unable to say whether the medicine-man believes that an actual stick has been literally in the patient’s flesh, or whether he believes that the stick concealed in his mouth becomes a habitation for the supernatural power causing the sickness, or if he merely does the whole thing to impress his audience, and confirm their belief in his magical powers. Quite possibly all these reasons combined in varying degrees are present in any case. See Marett,Anthropology, p. 247.[301]A boy “with epileptic tendency being preferred,” as im Thurn noted was the case in British Guiana (im Thurn, p. 334).[302]Waterton, p. 449.[303]Cf. im Thurn, p. 349.[304]Cf. Westermarck, p. 152.[305]Spruce, ii. 430-31.[306]I have never seen the medicine-man’s palm-leaf boxes mentioned by Spruce, ii. 431.[307]Among the Mungaberra the medicine-men “can and often do assume the form of eagle-hawks,” and thus attack other tribes (Spencer and Gillen, p. 533). It may be that the medicine-men of Indian tribes nearer the mountains, where these birds have their habitat, assume the form of a condor, as the medicine-man of the forest districts does that of the jaguar, for the condor is “sacred throughout practically the whole of the Andean region.” See Joyce, p. 175.[308]The jaguar and the anaconda are both magical beasts. See Chap. XIX.[309]Note: Among the Arunta the medicine-man has “a particular kind of lizard distributed through his body, which endows him with great suctional powers” (Spencer and Gillen, p. 531).[310]See im Thurn, pp. 329-31.[311]Spruce, ii. 432. Cf. Rochfort,Histoire naturelle et morale des Isles Antilles, p. 472.[312]Spruce, ii 431.[313]That the words are now incomprehensible may have arisen from the fact that the songs were originally intended only to recall things to those already instructed, in the same way that Mexican picture records “do not tell their stories in full, but only recall them to the minds of those who are already acquainted with them” (E. B. Tylor, p. 96). As instruction and memory lapsed the words would become mere gibberish. Certainly all these tribes appear to have songs they can no longer interpret.La danse est accompagnée des chantes; je regrette de n’avoir pu saisir le sens de leurs paroles(Crevaux, p. 104). There are old dances with words no longer understood among the Tukano (Koch-Grünberg, p. 254). This is, of course, by no means peculiar to the Amazonian Indians. Some of the singing games played by children in British New Guinea have words whose meanings are either obscure or lost (Barton,J.R.A.I., p. 269). Among the Naga tribes the language of the songs “is known in many cases to be now unintelligible to those who sing them” (Hodson,Naga Tribes, p. 68). Corrobborees are passed from one tribe to the other among the Australian natives, “the result is that the words are, as a general rule, quite unintelligible to the performers” (Spencer and Gillen,Central Australia, p. 281). Zulu charm songs are said to be incomprehensible to the singers (Callaway,Religious System of the Amazulu, p. 413). These instances might be multiplied, but they suffice to show that this survival of words with lost meanings is world-wide.As a curious contrast to this we find that the Spanish missionaries in South America complained that they had great difficulty in getting their converts to remember the Ave Maria and the Paternoster “seeing that the words were mere nonsense to them” (Tylor, p. 96). It should not be forgotten though, in this connection, that the potency of a word is in inverse ratio to its incomprehensibility. Cf. Brinton,Religions of Primitive Peoples, p. 92.[314]Possibly there may be a second pine harvest and dance, but the great feast takes place in October.[315]Koch-Grünberg mentions the same among the Opaina.[316]Koch-Grünberg.[317]Maw describes quite a different arrangement in a dance at Tabitinga. “The dancers were usually linked three together, one principal character supported by two others, one on each side; and there were generally two sets dancing at the same time, each set being followed by women and children dancing or jumping in the similar manner” (Maw, p. 220).[318]Koch-Grünberg mentions a dance among tribes north of the Japura where the men and women dance together in pairs. The women do not wear aprons, and at the end of the figure they disappear.[319]Spruce, i. 313.[320]One is irresistibly reminded of the clown, especially of the comic man who usually puts in an appearance at military sports. It is possible that this custom of dressing-up to secure attention when airing a grievance is what has been mistaken by some writers for a part of the dance. Sir Roger Casement, quoting Maw in theContemporary Review, September 1912, talks of “the masked men” as “a necessary part of each performance.” It is certainly quite unknown to me, for I never saw or heard of anything of the kind, though in the first edition of Bates’sNaturalist on the River Amazonthe frontispiece of the second volume gives a masked dance of the Tukuna, so I do not suggest that masked dancers do not exist, only that they are not known among the tribes of the Issa-Japura valleys.[321]It must be remembered that Indians are extraordinarily generous, or improvident, in the matter of food. I should never hesitate to join a family party when feeding, without waiting for an invitation. The complaint in question probably refers to a whole basket of manioc bartered in the plantation, which transaction would belong to quite another category.[322]Crevaux gives an account of an initiation dance where the torture applied is by means of the application of stinging ants to the naked bodies of the neophytes (Crevaux, pp. 245-50).[323]Koch-Grünberg, p. 188. The German doctor also gives an account of a dance where boys and girls perform in couples. When the figures are ended the couples withdraw into the forest, and night covers subsequent proceedings. This takes place among the Yahuna of the Kuretu group. The men of these tribes when summoned by drum to a dance leave their women behind them.[324]Bates, ii. 207.[325]Manioc.[326]Plantation.[327]Manioc root.[328]Cassava.[329]What is it? what is it?[330]It is good.[331]As proof that this dance is borrowed, and not common to all the tribes that dance it, is the fact that all tribes, whatever their language-group, use the Muenane words for the answer.[332]See Appendix.[333]The individual in question was labouring under the most extraordinary sexual excitement. This may have been due to coca influence, to the lubricity of the song words, or to the intoxication due to rhythmic movement. The first two possible causes are eliminated by the fact that Indians are almost continually under the influence of the drug, and that no song could be more lewd than the ordinary conversation of these people.[334]These Muenane riddle dances somewhat resemble thePirapurasseya, or fish dance, seen by Bates at Ega. The performers joined hands in a ring and questioned the leader in the centre, who finally might try to rush the ring, and when successful was succeeded by whoever might be responsible for his escape (Bates, ii. 276). im Thurn’s description of a Guiana animal dance also tallies more or less with these dances. See im Thurn, p. 324.[335]R. L. Stevenson,In the South Seas(Pocket Edition, 1908), p. 100.[336]“Dancing to the accompaniment of the human voice only. The wordballadis derived from this.” Ital.ballare= to dance. SeeGames, Sports, and Pastimes, by D. H. Moutray Read, in the newFolklore Handbook.[337]North of the Japura the tribes use what are known asYapurutupan-pipes, which are usually played in pairs. The Tukana call thembupupooryapurato(Koch-Grünberg, p. 300).[338]Cf. Howitt,Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 345, chap. xi., etc. Bull-roarer too sacred for women to see in Muralug Island, Torres Straits (Expedition Torres Straits, iv. 276; v. 217).[339]Cf. Spencer and Gillen,Native Tribes of Central Australia. Sound supposed by women and children to be the voice of the great spirit assisting at the boy’s initiation.Also Howitt, pp. 594-5; Andrew Lang on “the Bull-roarer” inCustom and Myth; Haddon,Study of Man, p. 309.[340]See Koch-Grünberg; Humbolt, ii. 363; Nery, p. 261; Spruce, ii. 416; Wallace, pp. 348-9.[341]There are two in the British Museum on the top shelf in the South American room.[342]Mauritia flexuosa.[343]Cf. Spencer and Gillen,op. cit.p. 517.[344]The one exception being where parturition is imminent, and no helpmate is available.[345]See Appendix.[346]Compare with identity of the white culture-hero of the higher South American cultures, Quetzalcoatl of the Nahua, Uiracocha of Peru, Tsuma of Venezuela. Note this being came from the East. See Joyce, p. 12. He is in fact theAtahocanof the Algonquin “remote from the world, to whom no worship was paid”(Ratzel, ii. 144).[347]According to the Malays’ anthropomorphic ideas concerning the tiger, “the tiger-folk … have a town of their own, where they live in houses, and act in every respect like human beings” (Skeat,Malay Magic, p. 157). In Perak tigers with human souls live in similar villages (Sir W. E. Maxwell,J.R.A.S., No. vii. p. 22). The natives of Korinchi in Sumatra are credited with the power to assume tiger form at will (Sir H. Clifford,In Court of Kampong, pp. 65-6).[348]When Markham says of the Ticuna that “they fear the evil spirit, and believe of the good one that, after death, he appears to eat fruit with the departed and takes them to his home, this would seem to be a distinct survival of missionary teaching, for these Indians were preached to between 1683 and 1728.” Christian influence is also shown in their naming ceremonies (Markham, p. 200).[349]These holes in the heavy mould of the forest are caused by subsidences. The Indians do not understand how they came to be, and explain the fact by asserting they are the work of devils.[350]Among the Kuretu the soul is believed to hover near the body for one day after death, and then to flit away, and finally to retire to a beautiful house at the source of a mysterious river.[351]Skeat,Malay Magic, p. 52.[352]im Thurn, p. 343. Cf. also Skeat,Pagan Malay, p. 47.[353]See Simson, p. 175; Orton, p. 170.[354]Cf. Spencer and Gillen, p. 498.[355]This is so frequently the case among primitive peoples as hardly to need amplifying. It is very general among the Indian races. See André, p. 16; im Thurn, pp. 158, 220.The Algonquin hold that the mention of a man’s name offends his personal deity (H. R. Schoolcraft,Oneota, pp. 331, 456;Indian Tribes of the U.S.ii. 65). Australian natives only mention secret names in a whisper (Spencer and Gillen, p. 139). See also note on names in Chap. XI.[356]This belief is also held by the Dyaks. “Their theory is that during sleep the soul can hear, see, and understand, so what is dreamt is really what the soul sees. When any one dreams of a distant land, they believe that his soul has paid a flying visit to that land” (E. H. Gomes,Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo, p. 161). Howitt writes of the South Australian native: “While his body lies motionless, his spirit goes out of him on its wanderings” (Howitt, pp. 410-11). See also Seligmann, p. 191.[357]im Thurn, pp. 329, 343.[358]See im Thurn, p. 349. In Australia “one black fellow will often tell you that he can and does do something magical, whilst all the time he is perfectly well aware that he cannot, and yet firmly believes that some other man can really do it” (Spencer and Gillen, p. 130).[359]Spruce relates a custom unknown to me practised by some tribes when astray in the bush. The Indian when lost “names the Curupira, and … twists a liana into a ring … throws it behind him … follows the direction in which it has fallen” (Spruce, ii. 437-8). The Bororo use a bull-roarer to drive the bad spirits off (W. A. Cook,The Bororo Indians of Matto Grosso, p. 55).[360]The Caribs of the Pomeroon river actually attempt to counter the attack of epidemic sickness by blocking the forest tracks “to stop the passage of the spirits” (im Thurn, p. 356). In Guiana disease is regarded as an evil spirit that prowls around (Brett,Indian Tribes of Guiana, p. 225).[361]Bates, ii. 115.[362]Jurupari is unknown south of the Japura. I can therefore give no particulars or description from personal investigation and knowledge of aught concerning this all powerful demoniac deity of the northern tribes.[363]J. D. Pfleiderer,Die Genesis des Mythus der indogermanischen Völker, p. 48.[364]Elsewhere this appears not to be the case. See Bates, ii. 114.[365]Yacu= water,mama= mother,Mai d’agoa(Tupi).Pachamama, the earth, was worshipped in Peru, and the Inca also reverencedMamaccocha, the sea mother (Joyce, pp. 154, 225).[366]Bates mentions a boy at Ega being devoured by one of these huge creatures (Bates, ii. 113-15).[367]Clough, p. 60.[368]For description see Wallace, pp. 127-8.[369]Bates, ii. 264.[370]For dance at tiger’s “wake” see Skeat,Malay Magic, p. 169.[371]Cf. Darwin, p. 64.[372]“They consider the sun as the fountain-head of majesty and power and even of beneficence, and as the abode of the Great Priests who have passed to the spirit world and fear him” (W. A. Cook,op. cit.p. 55).[373]Occidente is on the left bank of the Igara Parana, a tributary of the Issa.[374]Folklore Journal, 1912, p. 314.[375]Casement,Contemporary Review, September 1912, p. 325.[376]Indians on the main river, however, according to Dr. Silva Coutinho, “not only give names to a great number of celestial bodies [stars], but they have legends about them” (Nery, p. 252).[377]Markham, pp. 93-4.[378]Poison.[379]Narcotic.[380]Spruce, i. 314. In South America manihot is propagated by means of slips or cuttings; but in the Torres Straits themanihot sp.introduced by the white man is grown from pieces of the old roots (Exped. Torres Straits, iv. 149).[381]Clough, p. 212; Humboldt, ii. 182; Oakenfull, pp. 34-5; im Thurn, p. 375; Joyce, p. 167.[382]im Thurn, p. 375.[383]Humboldt, ii. 400-1; Chanoine Bernadino de Souza,Para e Amazon; see Nery, pp. 8-9.[384]Humboldt, pp. 88, 400.[385]Spruce, ii. 561.[386]Spruce wisely remarks on this point, “that the Spaniards had been for two whole years among Indians who wore their hair long,” and therefore were not likely to mistake men for women (Spruce, ii. 459).[387]Nery, p. 6.[388]The French traveller rejects the ἀ-, μαζός theory in favour of the ἄμα ζώνη—bound with a belt (Nery, p. 2).[389]Wallace, p. 343.[390]“I have myself seen that Indian women can fight.… The women pile up heaps of stones, to serve as missiles for the men” (Spruce, ii. 457-8). This,vide“stones,” is not possible in the Issa-Japura district.[391]Where tribal differentiation of colour is so marked as among these people it is only natural that tales should be told of some mythical “white” folk.[392]Crevaux,Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud, p. 284.[393]Komuine= monkey (Boro).[394]“So high”—demonstrated with the hand.[395]These would be her natural protectors.[396]Rubber latex. See Depilation.[397]To hide the unsightliness.[398]Of the chief’s daughter.[399]This may be a folk-tale of the monkey-people stealing Indian women for their mates. Cf. Skeat,Malay Magic, p. 185; Clifford,Studies in Brown Humanity, p. 243.But it should not be overlooked that the Boro depile most carefully, while the Andoke medicine-man does not depile at all, and the Andoke are mortal foes of the Boro. The Karahone also are said not to depile, and on this score would be regarded by the Boro as no better than brute beasts. So this story may be a traditional account of the actual rape of a chief’s daughter by a hostile tribe, the Amazonian version of Helen and Troy.
[271]This seems to be the same as the Hottentot custom (Kolben,Present State of the Cape of Good Hope, i. 157).
[271]This seems to be the same as the Hottentot custom (Kolben,Present State of the Cape of Good Hope, i. 157).
[272]These are, I believe, the same ants that are used in the manufacture of thecurarepoison. They are fairly common. In lingoa-geral they are calledtucaudera.
[272]These are, I believe, the same ants that are used in the manufacture of thecurarepoison. They are fairly common. In lingoa-geral they are calledtucaudera.
[273]“The Carayas maintain quasi-husbands for widows at the public cost, lest they should be a source of disturbance to the general peace” (Ratzel, ii. 126). Widows arerepi, prostitutes among some Melanesians (Codrington, p. 235).
[273]“The Carayas maintain quasi-husbands for widows at the public cost, lest they should be a source of disturbance to the general peace” (Ratzel, ii. 126). Widows arerepi, prostitutes among some Melanesians (Codrington, p. 235).
[274]See, for similar belief among the Zaparo, Simson, p. 174.
[274]See, for similar belief among the Zaparo, Simson, p. 174.
[275]For example, among the Bororo when the medicine-man has announced that the patient will die in a given time, “if at the end of this time he still lives, the executioner, sent of course by the priest, will suddenly appear in the hut, sit astride his stomach, and strangle him to death” (Cook, p. 55).
[275]For example, among the Bororo when the medicine-man has announced that the patient will die in a given time, “if at the end of this time he still lives, the executioner, sent of course by the priest, will suddenly appear in the hut, sit astride his stomach, and strangle him to death” (Cook, p. 55).
[276]See Joyce, p. 249.
[276]See Joyce, p. 249.
[277]Seesupra, p. 151.
[277]Seesupra, p. 151.
[278]The idea of blood crying for vengeance is familiar enough, and the most universally-known example is that of the fratricide Cain informed that his brother’s blood cried for vengeance from the ground (Gen. iv. 10).
[278]The idea of blood crying for vengeance is familiar enough, and the most universally-known example is that of the fratricide Cain informed that his brother’s blood cried for vengeance from the ground (Gen. iv. 10).
[279]Seesupra, p. 31.
[279]Seesupra, p. 31.
[280]“A microscopic scarletAcarus” (Orton, p. 485).
[280]“A microscopic scarletAcarus” (Orton, p. 485).
[281]“To an Indian smallpox is certain death—the most dreaded enemy, who has over and over again swept off entire tribes, and the name or passing suspicion of which from youth up has always been trembled at and fled from as from death itself” (Simson, p. 142).
[281]“To an Indian smallpox is certain death—the most dreaded enemy, who has over and over again swept off entire tribes, and the name or passing suspicion of which from youth up has always been trembled at and fled from as from death itself” (Simson, p. 142).
[282]There are many varieties of this complaint. In one kind the patient wastes away. With another it assumes the characteristics of elephantiasis, the legs swell, the flesh becomes soft and podgy, the skin unhealthy and white. It is said by the rubber-gatherers that a cure can only be effected when the patient sees the sea, in other words through complete change of air.
[282]There are many varieties of this complaint. In one kind the patient wastes away. With another it assumes the characteristics of elephantiasis, the legs swell, the flesh becomes soft and podgy, the skin unhealthy and white. It is said by the rubber-gatherers that a cure can only be effected when the patient sees the sea, in other words through complete change of air.
[283]Simson speaks of a “skin-disease common amongst all Indians of the higher Marañon, called ‘carata.’ The skin is ‘scaly and blotched all over with black’” (Simson, p. 178). This seems to be similar to the “cutaneous disease” mentioned by Bates, except that he explicitly mentions “the black spots were hard and rough but not scaly” (Bates, ii. 382). The Purupura Indians have also a skin complaint that causes them to be “spotted and blotched with white, brown, or nearly black patches” (Wallace, p. 357).
[283]Simson speaks of a “skin-disease common amongst all Indians of the higher Marañon, called ‘carata.’ The skin is ‘scaly and blotched all over with black’” (Simson, p. 178). This seems to be similar to the “cutaneous disease” mentioned by Bates, except that he explicitly mentions “the black spots were hard and rough but not scaly” (Bates, ii. 382). The Purupura Indians have also a skin complaint that causes them to be “spotted and blotched with white, brown, or nearly black patches” (Wallace, p. 357).
[284]I did myself, and so did my boy Brown and others of the party.
[284]I did myself, and so did my boy Brown and others of the party.
[285]André, pp. 16-110.
[285]André, pp. 16-110.
[286]Spix and Martius, p. 31.
[286]Spix and Martius, p. 31.
[287]Simson, pp. 148, 194. A very common practice among Indians.
[287]Simson, pp. 148, 194. A very common practice among Indians.
[288]Koch-Grünberg, pp. 134, 165.
[288]Koch-Grünberg, pp. 134, 165.
[289]I do not mean the body of an infant killed at birth, which, as I have said, is done as quietly and secretly as possible.
[289]I do not mean the body of an infant killed at birth, which, as I have said, is done as quietly and secretly as possible.
[290]“Primary urn-burial is characteristic in the main of the Tupi-Guarani family” (Joyce, p. 270).
[290]“Primary urn-burial is characteristic in the main of the Tupi-Guarani family” (Joyce, p. 270).
[291]For the same reason that prompted similar proceeding among the Norsemen, an influence still alive in many parts of our own country. Cf. Mitchell,Past in the Present. An instance is reported from Hampshire within the last few years of a child’s toys being broken on its grave. (Read,Folklore Journal, vol. xxii. p. 322.)
[291]For the same reason that prompted similar proceeding among the Norsemen, an influence still alive in many parts of our own country. Cf. Mitchell,Past in the Present. An instance is reported from Hampshire within the last few years of a child’s toys being broken on its grave. (Read,Folklore Journal, vol. xxii. p. 322.)
[292]Ratzel, ii. 155.
[292]Ratzel, ii. 155.
[293]Shaman is in more general use among Americans. It should be remembered that the Zaparo, with whom Simson mentions theshimano(Simson, pp. 174-5, 177), have had considerably more intercourse with western civilisation than the tribes away from the Napo line of communication.
[293]Shaman is in more general use among Americans. It should be remembered that the Zaparo, with whom Simson mentions theshimano(Simson, pp. 174-5, 177), have had considerably more intercourse with western civilisation than the tribes away from the Napo line of communication.
[294]Vol. xxiv.
[294]Vol. xxiv.
[295]“The chief ‘medicine’ of the Payes on the affluents of the Amazon, both northern and southern, and on the Orinoco” (Spruce, ii. 436).
[295]“The chief ‘medicine’ of the Payes on the affluents of the Amazon, both northern and southern, and on the Orinoco” (Spruce, ii. 436).
[296]Crevaux, p. 300.
[296]Crevaux, p. 300.
[297]im Thurn, p. 312; Wallace, p. 347; Crevaux, p. 299.
[297]im Thurn, p. 312; Wallace, p. 347; Crevaux, p. 299.
[298]im Thurn, p. 368.
[298]im Thurn, p. 368.
[299]Spruce mentions Barré Indians “sucking out the rheumatism” from each other’s shoulders (Spruce, ii. 435).
[299]Spruce mentions Barré Indians “sucking out the rheumatism” from each other’s shoulders (Spruce, ii. 435).
[300]I am unable to say whether the medicine-man believes that an actual stick has been literally in the patient’s flesh, or whether he believes that the stick concealed in his mouth becomes a habitation for the supernatural power causing the sickness, or if he merely does the whole thing to impress his audience, and confirm their belief in his magical powers. Quite possibly all these reasons combined in varying degrees are present in any case. See Marett,Anthropology, p. 247.
[300]I am unable to say whether the medicine-man believes that an actual stick has been literally in the patient’s flesh, or whether he believes that the stick concealed in his mouth becomes a habitation for the supernatural power causing the sickness, or if he merely does the whole thing to impress his audience, and confirm their belief in his magical powers. Quite possibly all these reasons combined in varying degrees are present in any case. See Marett,Anthropology, p. 247.
[301]A boy “with epileptic tendency being preferred,” as im Thurn noted was the case in British Guiana (im Thurn, p. 334).
[301]A boy “with epileptic tendency being preferred,” as im Thurn noted was the case in British Guiana (im Thurn, p. 334).
[302]Waterton, p. 449.
[302]Waterton, p. 449.
[303]Cf. im Thurn, p. 349.
[303]Cf. im Thurn, p. 349.
[304]Cf. Westermarck, p. 152.
[304]Cf. Westermarck, p. 152.
[305]Spruce, ii. 430-31.
[305]Spruce, ii. 430-31.
[306]I have never seen the medicine-man’s palm-leaf boxes mentioned by Spruce, ii. 431.
[306]I have never seen the medicine-man’s palm-leaf boxes mentioned by Spruce, ii. 431.
[307]Among the Mungaberra the medicine-men “can and often do assume the form of eagle-hawks,” and thus attack other tribes (Spencer and Gillen, p. 533). It may be that the medicine-men of Indian tribes nearer the mountains, where these birds have their habitat, assume the form of a condor, as the medicine-man of the forest districts does that of the jaguar, for the condor is “sacred throughout practically the whole of the Andean region.” See Joyce, p. 175.
[307]Among the Mungaberra the medicine-men “can and often do assume the form of eagle-hawks,” and thus attack other tribes (Spencer and Gillen, p. 533). It may be that the medicine-men of Indian tribes nearer the mountains, where these birds have their habitat, assume the form of a condor, as the medicine-man of the forest districts does that of the jaguar, for the condor is “sacred throughout practically the whole of the Andean region.” See Joyce, p. 175.
[308]The jaguar and the anaconda are both magical beasts. See Chap. XIX.
[308]The jaguar and the anaconda are both magical beasts. See Chap. XIX.
[309]Note: Among the Arunta the medicine-man has “a particular kind of lizard distributed through his body, which endows him with great suctional powers” (Spencer and Gillen, p. 531).
[309]Note: Among the Arunta the medicine-man has “a particular kind of lizard distributed through his body, which endows him with great suctional powers” (Spencer and Gillen, p. 531).
[310]See im Thurn, pp. 329-31.
[310]See im Thurn, pp. 329-31.
[311]Spruce, ii. 432. Cf. Rochfort,Histoire naturelle et morale des Isles Antilles, p. 472.
[311]Spruce, ii. 432. Cf. Rochfort,Histoire naturelle et morale des Isles Antilles, p. 472.
[312]Spruce, ii 431.
[312]Spruce, ii 431.
[313]That the words are now incomprehensible may have arisen from the fact that the songs were originally intended only to recall things to those already instructed, in the same way that Mexican picture records “do not tell their stories in full, but only recall them to the minds of those who are already acquainted with them” (E. B. Tylor, p. 96). As instruction and memory lapsed the words would become mere gibberish. Certainly all these tribes appear to have songs they can no longer interpret.La danse est accompagnée des chantes; je regrette de n’avoir pu saisir le sens de leurs paroles(Crevaux, p. 104). There are old dances with words no longer understood among the Tukano (Koch-Grünberg, p. 254). This is, of course, by no means peculiar to the Amazonian Indians. Some of the singing games played by children in British New Guinea have words whose meanings are either obscure or lost (Barton,J.R.A.I., p. 269). Among the Naga tribes the language of the songs “is known in many cases to be now unintelligible to those who sing them” (Hodson,Naga Tribes, p. 68). Corrobborees are passed from one tribe to the other among the Australian natives, “the result is that the words are, as a general rule, quite unintelligible to the performers” (Spencer and Gillen,Central Australia, p. 281). Zulu charm songs are said to be incomprehensible to the singers (Callaway,Religious System of the Amazulu, p. 413). These instances might be multiplied, but they suffice to show that this survival of words with lost meanings is world-wide.As a curious contrast to this we find that the Spanish missionaries in South America complained that they had great difficulty in getting their converts to remember the Ave Maria and the Paternoster “seeing that the words were mere nonsense to them” (Tylor, p. 96). It should not be forgotten though, in this connection, that the potency of a word is in inverse ratio to its incomprehensibility. Cf. Brinton,Religions of Primitive Peoples, p. 92.
[313]That the words are now incomprehensible may have arisen from the fact that the songs were originally intended only to recall things to those already instructed, in the same way that Mexican picture records “do not tell their stories in full, but only recall them to the minds of those who are already acquainted with them” (E. B. Tylor, p. 96). As instruction and memory lapsed the words would become mere gibberish. Certainly all these tribes appear to have songs they can no longer interpret.La danse est accompagnée des chantes; je regrette de n’avoir pu saisir le sens de leurs paroles(Crevaux, p. 104). There are old dances with words no longer understood among the Tukano (Koch-Grünberg, p. 254). This is, of course, by no means peculiar to the Amazonian Indians. Some of the singing games played by children in British New Guinea have words whose meanings are either obscure or lost (Barton,J.R.A.I., p. 269). Among the Naga tribes the language of the songs “is known in many cases to be now unintelligible to those who sing them” (Hodson,Naga Tribes, p. 68). Corrobborees are passed from one tribe to the other among the Australian natives, “the result is that the words are, as a general rule, quite unintelligible to the performers” (Spencer and Gillen,Central Australia, p. 281). Zulu charm songs are said to be incomprehensible to the singers (Callaway,Religious System of the Amazulu, p. 413). These instances might be multiplied, but they suffice to show that this survival of words with lost meanings is world-wide.
As a curious contrast to this we find that the Spanish missionaries in South America complained that they had great difficulty in getting their converts to remember the Ave Maria and the Paternoster “seeing that the words were mere nonsense to them” (Tylor, p. 96). It should not be forgotten though, in this connection, that the potency of a word is in inverse ratio to its incomprehensibility. Cf. Brinton,Religions of Primitive Peoples, p. 92.
[314]Possibly there may be a second pine harvest and dance, but the great feast takes place in October.
[314]Possibly there may be a second pine harvest and dance, but the great feast takes place in October.
[315]Koch-Grünberg mentions the same among the Opaina.
[315]Koch-Grünberg mentions the same among the Opaina.
[316]Koch-Grünberg.
[316]Koch-Grünberg.
[317]Maw describes quite a different arrangement in a dance at Tabitinga. “The dancers were usually linked three together, one principal character supported by two others, one on each side; and there were generally two sets dancing at the same time, each set being followed by women and children dancing or jumping in the similar manner” (Maw, p. 220).
[317]Maw describes quite a different arrangement in a dance at Tabitinga. “The dancers were usually linked three together, one principal character supported by two others, one on each side; and there were generally two sets dancing at the same time, each set being followed by women and children dancing or jumping in the similar manner” (Maw, p. 220).
[318]Koch-Grünberg mentions a dance among tribes north of the Japura where the men and women dance together in pairs. The women do not wear aprons, and at the end of the figure they disappear.
[318]Koch-Grünberg mentions a dance among tribes north of the Japura where the men and women dance together in pairs. The women do not wear aprons, and at the end of the figure they disappear.
[319]Spruce, i. 313.
[319]Spruce, i. 313.
[320]One is irresistibly reminded of the clown, especially of the comic man who usually puts in an appearance at military sports. It is possible that this custom of dressing-up to secure attention when airing a grievance is what has been mistaken by some writers for a part of the dance. Sir Roger Casement, quoting Maw in theContemporary Review, September 1912, talks of “the masked men” as “a necessary part of each performance.” It is certainly quite unknown to me, for I never saw or heard of anything of the kind, though in the first edition of Bates’sNaturalist on the River Amazonthe frontispiece of the second volume gives a masked dance of the Tukuna, so I do not suggest that masked dancers do not exist, only that they are not known among the tribes of the Issa-Japura valleys.
[320]One is irresistibly reminded of the clown, especially of the comic man who usually puts in an appearance at military sports. It is possible that this custom of dressing-up to secure attention when airing a grievance is what has been mistaken by some writers for a part of the dance. Sir Roger Casement, quoting Maw in theContemporary Review, September 1912, talks of “the masked men” as “a necessary part of each performance.” It is certainly quite unknown to me, for I never saw or heard of anything of the kind, though in the first edition of Bates’sNaturalist on the River Amazonthe frontispiece of the second volume gives a masked dance of the Tukuna, so I do not suggest that masked dancers do not exist, only that they are not known among the tribes of the Issa-Japura valleys.
[321]It must be remembered that Indians are extraordinarily generous, or improvident, in the matter of food. I should never hesitate to join a family party when feeding, without waiting for an invitation. The complaint in question probably refers to a whole basket of manioc bartered in the plantation, which transaction would belong to quite another category.
[321]It must be remembered that Indians are extraordinarily generous, or improvident, in the matter of food. I should never hesitate to join a family party when feeding, without waiting for an invitation. The complaint in question probably refers to a whole basket of manioc bartered in the plantation, which transaction would belong to quite another category.
[322]Crevaux gives an account of an initiation dance where the torture applied is by means of the application of stinging ants to the naked bodies of the neophytes (Crevaux, pp. 245-50).
[322]Crevaux gives an account of an initiation dance where the torture applied is by means of the application of stinging ants to the naked bodies of the neophytes (Crevaux, pp. 245-50).
[323]Koch-Grünberg, p. 188. The German doctor also gives an account of a dance where boys and girls perform in couples. When the figures are ended the couples withdraw into the forest, and night covers subsequent proceedings. This takes place among the Yahuna of the Kuretu group. The men of these tribes when summoned by drum to a dance leave their women behind them.
[323]Koch-Grünberg, p. 188. The German doctor also gives an account of a dance where boys and girls perform in couples. When the figures are ended the couples withdraw into the forest, and night covers subsequent proceedings. This takes place among the Yahuna of the Kuretu group. The men of these tribes when summoned by drum to a dance leave their women behind them.
[324]Bates, ii. 207.
[324]Bates, ii. 207.
[325]Manioc.
[325]Manioc.
[326]Plantation.
[326]Plantation.
[327]Manioc root.
[327]Manioc root.
[328]Cassava.
[328]Cassava.
[329]What is it? what is it?
[329]What is it? what is it?
[330]It is good.
[330]It is good.
[331]As proof that this dance is borrowed, and not common to all the tribes that dance it, is the fact that all tribes, whatever their language-group, use the Muenane words for the answer.
[331]As proof that this dance is borrowed, and not common to all the tribes that dance it, is the fact that all tribes, whatever their language-group, use the Muenane words for the answer.
[332]See Appendix.
[332]See Appendix.
[333]The individual in question was labouring under the most extraordinary sexual excitement. This may have been due to coca influence, to the lubricity of the song words, or to the intoxication due to rhythmic movement. The first two possible causes are eliminated by the fact that Indians are almost continually under the influence of the drug, and that no song could be more lewd than the ordinary conversation of these people.
[333]The individual in question was labouring under the most extraordinary sexual excitement. This may have been due to coca influence, to the lubricity of the song words, or to the intoxication due to rhythmic movement. The first two possible causes are eliminated by the fact that Indians are almost continually under the influence of the drug, and that no song could be more lewd than the ordinary conversation of these people.
[334]These Muenane riddle dances somewhat resemble thePirapurasseya, or fish dance, seen by Bates at Ega. The performers joined hands in a ring and questioned the leader in the centre, who finally might try to rush the ring, and when successful was succeeded by whoever might be responsible for his escape (Bates, ii. 276). im Thurn’s description of a Guiana animal dance also tallies more or less with these dances. See im Thurn, p. 324.
[334]These Muenane riddle dances somewhat resemble thePirapurasseya, or fish dance, seen by Bates at Ega. The performers joined hands in a ring and questioned the leader in the centre, who finally might try to rush the ring, and when successful was succeeded by whoever might be responsible for his escape (Bates, ii. 276). im Thurn’s description of a Guiana animal dance also tallies more or less with these dances. See im Thurn, p. 324.
[335]R. L. Stevenson,In the South Seas(Pocket Edition, 1908), p. 100.
[335]R. L. Stevenson,In the South Seas(Pocket Edition, 1908), p. 100.
[336]“Dancing to the accompaniment of the human voice only. The wordballadis derived from this.” Ital.ballare= to dance. SeeGames, Sports, and Pastimes, by D. H. Moutray Read, in the newFolklore Handbook.
[336]“Dancing to the accompaniment of the human voice only. The wordballadis derived from this.” Ital.ballare= to dance. SeeGames, Sports, and Pastimes, by D. H. Moutray Read, in the newFolklore Handbook.
[337]North of the Japura the tribes use what are known asYapurutupan-pipes, which are usually played in pairs. The Tukana call thembupupooryapurato(Koch-Grünberg, p. 300).
[337]North of the Japura the tribes use what are known asYapurutupan-pipes, which are usually played in pairs. The Tukana call thembupupooryapurato(Koch-Grünberg, p. 300).
[338]Cf. Howitt,Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 345, chap. xi., etc. Bull-roarer too sacred for women to see in Muralug Island, Torres Straits (Expedition Torres Straits, iv. 276; v. 217).
[338]Cf. Howitt,Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 345, chap. xi., etc. Bull-roarer too sacred for women to see in Muralug Island, Torres Straits (Expedition Torres Straits, iv. 276; v. 217).
[339]Cf. Spencer and Gillen,Native Tribes of Central Australia. Sound supposed by women and children to be the voice of the great spirit assisting at the boy’s initiation.Also Howitt, pp. 594-5; Andrew Lang on “the Bull-roarer” inCustom and Myth; Haddon,Study of Man, p. 309.
[339]Cf. Spencer and Gillen,Native Tribes of Central Australia. Sound supposed by women and children to be the voice of the great spirit assisting at the boy’s initiation.
Also Howitt, pp. 594-5; Andrew Lang on “the Bull-roarer” inCustom and Myth; Haddon,Study of Man, p. 309.
[340]See Koch-Grünberg; Humbolt, ii. 363; Nery, p. 261; Spruce, ii. 416; Wallace, pp. 348-9.
[340]See Koch-Grünberg; Humbolt, ii. 363; Nery, p. 261; Spruce, ii. 416; Wallace, pp. 348-9.
[341]There are two in the British Museum on the top shelf in the South American room.
[341]There are two in the British Museum on the top shelf in the South American room.
[342]Mauritia flexuosa.
[342]Mauritia flexuosa.
[343]Cf. Spencer and Gillen,op. cit.p. 517.
[343]Cf. Spencer and Gillen,op. cit.p. 517.
[344]The one exception being where parturition is imminent, and no helpmate is available.
[344]The one exception being where parturition is imminent, and no helpmate is available.
[345]See Appendix.
[345]See Appendix.
[346]Compare with identity of the white culture-hero of the higher South American cultures, Quetzalcoatl of the Nahua, Uiracocha of Peru, Tsuma of Venezuela. Note this being came from the East. See Joyce, p. 12. He is in fact theAtahocanof the Algonquin “remote from the world, to whom no worship was paid”(Ratzel, ii. 144).
[346]Compare with identity of the white culture-hero of the higher South American cultures, Quetzalcoatl of the Nahua, Uiracocha of Peru, Tsuma of Venezuela. Note this being came from the East. See Joyce, p. 12. He is in fact theAtahocanof the Algonquin “remote from the world, to whom no worship was paid”(Ratzel, ii. 144).
[347]According to the Malays’ anthropomorphic ideas concerning the tiger, “the tiger-folk … have a town of their own, where they live in houses, and act in every respect like human beings” (Skeat,Malay Magic, p. 157). In Perak tigers with human souls live in similar villages (Sir W. E. Maxwell,J.R.A.S., No. vii. p. 22). The natives of Korinchi in Sumatra are credited with the power to assume tiger form at will (Sir H. Clifford,In Court of Kampong, pp. 65-6).
[347]According to the Malays’ anthropomorphic ideas concerning the tiger, “the tiger-folk … have a town of their own, where they live in houses, and act in every respect like human beings” (Skeat,Malay Magic, p. 157). In Perak tigers with human souls live in similar villages (Sir W. E. Maxwell,J.R.A.S., No. vii. p. 22). The natives of Korinchi in Sumatra are credited with the power to assume tiger form at will (Sir H. Clifford,In Court of Kampong, pp. 65-6).
[348]When Markham says of the Ticuna that “they fear the evil spirit, and believe of the good one that, after death, he appears to eat fruit with the departed and takes them to his home, this would seem to be a distinct survival of missionary teaching, for these Indians were preached to between 1683 and 1728.” Christian influence is also shown in their naming ceremonies (Markham, p. 200).
[348]When Markham says of the Ticuna that “they fear the evil spirit, and believe of the good one that, after death, he appears to eat fruit with the departed and takes them to his home, this would seem to be a distinct survival of missionary teaching, for these Indians were preached to between 1683 and 1728.” Christian influence is also shown in their naming ceremonies (Markham, p. 200).
[349]These holes in the heavy mould of the forest are caused by subsidences. The Indians do not understand how they came to be, and explain the fact by asserting they are the work of devils.
[349]These holes in the heavy mould of the forest are caused by subsidences. The Indians do not understand how they came to be, and explain the fact by asserting they are the work of devils.
[350]Among the Kuretu the soul is believed to hover near the body for one day after death, and then to flit away, and finally to retire to a beautiful house at the source of a mysterious river.
[350]Among the Kuretu the soul is believed to hover near the body for one day after death, and then to flit away, and finally to retire to a beautiful house at the source of a mysterious river.
[351]Skeat,Malay Magic, p. 52.
[351]Skeat,Malay Magic, p. 52.
[352]im Thurn, p. 343. Cf. also Skeat,Pagan Malay, p. 47.
[352]im Thurn, p. 343. Cf. also Skeat,Pagan Malay, p. 47.
[353]See Simson, p. 175; Orton, p. 170.
[353]See Simson, p. 175; Orton, p. 170.
[354]Cf. Spencer and Gillen, p. 498.
[354]Cf. Spencer and Gillen, p. 498.
[355]This is so frequently the case among primitive peoples as hardly to need amplifying. It is very general among the Indian races. See André, p. 16; im Thurn, pp. 158, 220.The Algonquin hold that the mention of a man’s name offends his personal deity (H. R. Schoolcraft,Oneota, pp. 331, 456;Indian Tribes of the U.S.ii. 65). Australian natives only mention secret names in a whisper (Spencer and Gillen, p. 139). See also note on names in Chap. XI.
[355]This is so frequently the case among primitive peoples as hardly to need amplifying. It is very general among the Indian races. See André, p. 16; im Thurn, pp. 158, 220.
The Algonquin hold that the mention of a man’s name offends his personal deity (H. R. Schoolcraft,Oneota, pp. 331, 456;Indian Tribes of the U.S.ii. 65). Australian natives only mention secret names in a whisper (Spencer and Gillen, p. 139). See also note on names in Chap. XI.
[356]This belief is also held by the Dyaks. “Their theory is that during sleep the soul can hear, see, and understand, so what is dreamt is really what the soul sees. When any one dreams of a distant land, they believe that his soul has paid a flying visit to that land” (E. H. Gomes,Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo, p. 161). Howitt writes of the South Australian native: “While his body lies motionless, his spirit goes out of him on its wanderings” (Howitt, pp. 410-11). See also Seligmann, p. 191.
[356]This belief is also held by the Dyaks. “Their theory is that during sleep the soul can hear, see, and understand, so what is dreamt is really what the soul sees. When any one dreams of a distant land, they believe that his soul has paid a flying visit to that land” (E. H. Gomes,Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo, p. 161). Howitt writes of the South Australian native: “While his body lies motionless, his spirit goes out of him on its wanderings” (Howitt, pp. 410-11). See also Seligmann, p. 191.
[357]im Thurn, pp. 329, 343.
[357]im Thurn, pp. 329, 343.
[358]See im Thurn, p. 349. In Australia “one black fellow will often tell you that he can and does do something magical, whilst all the time he is perfectly well aware that he cannot, and yet firmly believes that some other man can really do it” (Spencer and Gillen, p. 130).
[358]See im Thurn, p. 349. In Australia “one black fellow will often tell you that he can and does do something magical, whilst all the time he is perfectly well aware that he cannot, and yet firmly believes that some other man can really do it” (Spencer and Gillen, p. 130).
[359]Spruce relates a custom unknown to me practised by some tribes when astray in the bush. The Indian when lost “names the Curupira, and … twists a liana into a ring … throws it behind him … follows the direction in which it has fallen” (Spruce, ii. 437-8). The Bororo use a bull-roarer to drive the bad spirits off (W. A. Cook,The Bororo Indians of Matto Grosso, p. 55).
[359]Spruce relates a custom unknown to me practised by some tribes when astray in the bush. The Indian when lost “names the Curupira, and … twists a liana into a ring … throws it behind him … follows the direction in which it has fallen” (Spruce, ii. 437-8). The Bororo use a bull-roarer to drive the bad spirits off (W. A. Cook,The Bororo Indians of Matto Grosso, p. 55).
[360]The Caribs of the Pomeroon river actually attempt to counter the attack of epidemic sickness by blocking the forest tracks “to stop the passage of the spirits” (im Thurn, p. 356). In Guiana disease is regarded as an evil spirit that prowls around (Brett,Indian Tribes of Guiana, p. 225).
[360]The Caribs of the Pomeroon river actually attempt to counter the attack of epidemic sickness by blocking the forest tracks “to stop the passage of the spirits” (im Thurn, p. 356). In Guiana disease is regarded as an evil spirit that prowls around (Brett,Indian Tribes of Guiana, p. 225).
[361]Bates, ii. 115.
[361]Bates, ii. 115.
[362]Jurupari is unknown south of the Japura. I can therefore give no particulars or description from personal investigation and knowledge of aught concerning this all powerful demoniac deity of the northern tribes.
[362]Jurupari is unknown south of the Japura. I can therefore give no particulars or description from personal investigation and knowledge of aught concerning this all powerful demoniac deity of the northern tribes.
[363]J. D. Pfleiderer,Die Genesis des Mythus der indogermanischen Völker, p. 48.
[363]J. D. Pfleiderer,Die Genesis des Mythus der indogermanischen Völker, p. 48.
[364]Elsewhere this appears not to be the case. See Bates, ii. 114.
[364]Elsewhere this appears not to be the case. See Bates, ii. 114.
[365]Yacu= water,mama= mother,Mai d’agoa(Tupi).Pachamama, the earth, was worshipped in Peru, and the Inca also reverencedMamaccocha, the sea mother (Joyce, pp. 154, 225).
[365]Yacu= water,mama= mother,Mai d’agoa(Tupi).Pachamama, the earth, was worshipped in Peru, and the Inca also reverencedMamaccocha, the sea mother (Joyce, pp. 154, 225).
[366]Bates mentions a boy at Ega being devoured by one of these huge creatures (Bates, ii. 113-15).
[366]Bates mentions a boy at Ega being devoured by one of these huge creatures (Bates, ii. 113-15).
[367]Clough, p. 60.
[367]Clough, p. 60.
[368]For description see Wallace, pp. 127-8.
[368]For description see Wallace, pp. 127-8.
[369]Bates, ii. 264.
[369]Bates, ii. 264.
[370]For dance at tiger’s “wake” see Skeat,Malay Magic, p. 169.
[370]For dance at tiger’s “wake” see Skeat,Malay Magic, p. 169.
[371]Cf. Darwin, p. 64.
[371]Cf. Darwin, p. 64.
[372]“They consider the sun as the fountain-head of majesty and power and even of beneficence, and as the abode of the Great Priests who have passed to the spirit world and fear him” (W. A. Cook,op. cit.p. 55).
[372]“They consider the sun as the fountain-head of majesty and power and even of beneficence, and as the abode of the Great Priests who have passed to the spirit world and fear him” (W. A. Cook,op. cit.p. 55).
[373]Occidente is on the left bank of the Igara Parana, a tributary of the Issa.
[373]Occidente is on the left bank of the Igara Parana, a tributary of the Issa.
[374]Folklore Journal, 1912, p. 314.
[374]Folklore Journal, 1912, p. 314.
[375]Casement,Contemporary Review, September 1912, p. 325.
[375]Casement,Contemporary Review, September 1912, p. 325.
[376]Indians on the main river, however, according to Dr. Silva Coutinho, “not only give names to a great number of celestial bodies [stars], but they have legends about them” (Nery, p. 252).
[376]Indians on the main river, however, according to Dr. Silva Coutinho, “not only give names to a great number of celestial bodies [stars], but they have legends about them” (Nery, p. 252).
[377]Markham, pp. 93-4.
[377]Markham, pp. 93-4.
[378]Poison.
[378]Poison.
[379]Narcotic.
[379]Narcotic.
[380]Spruce, i. 314. In South America manihot is propagated by means of slips or cuttings; but in the Torres Straits themanihot sp.introduced by the white man is grown from pieces of the old roots (Exped. Torres Straits, iv. 149).
[380]Spruce, i. 314. In South America manihot is propagated by means of slips or cuttings; but in the Torres Straits themanihot sp.introduced by the white man is grown from pieces of the old roots (Exped. Torres Straits, iv. 149).
[381]Clough, p. 212; Humboldt, ii. 182; Oakenfull, pp. 34-5; im Thurn, p. 375; Joyce, p. 167.
[381]Clough, p. 212; Humboldt, ii. 182; Oakenfull, pp. 34-5; im Thurn, p. 375; Joyce, p. 167.
[382]im Thurn, p. 375.
[382]im Thurn, p. 375.
[383]Humboldt, ii. 400-1; Chanoine Bernadino de Souza,Para e Amazon; see Nery, pp. 8-9.
[383]Humboldt, ii. 400-1; Chanoine Bernadino de Souza,Para e Amazon; see Nery, pp. 8-9.
[384]Humboldt, pp. 88, 400.
[384]Humboldt, pp. 88, 400.
[385]Spruce, ii. 561.
[385]Spruce, ii. 561.
[386]Spruce wisely remarks on this point, “that the Spaniards had been for two whole years among Indians who wore their hair long,” and therefore were not likely to mistake men for women (Spruce, ii. 459).
[386]Spruce wisely remarks on this point, “that the Spaniards had been for two whole years among Indians who wore their hair long,” and therefore were not likely to mistake men for women (Spruce, ii. 459).
[387]Nery, p. 6.
[387]Nery, p. 6.
[388]The French traveller rejects the ἀ-, μαζός theory in favour of the ἄμα ζώνη—bound with a belt (Nery, p. 2).
[388]The French traveller rejects the ἀ-, μαζός theory in favour of the ἄμα ζώνη—bound with a belt (Nery, p. 2).
[389]Wallace, p. 343.
[389]Wallace, p. 343.
[390]“I have myself seen that Indian women can fight.… The women pile up heaps of stones, to serve as missiles for the men” (Spruce, ii. 457-8). This,vide“stones,” is not possible in the Issa-Japura district.
[390]“I have myself seen that Indian women can fight.… The women pile up heaps of stones, to serve as missiles for the men” (Spruce, ii. 457-8). This,vide“stones,” is not possible in the Issa-Japura district.
[391]Where tribal differentiation of colour is so marked as among these people it is only natural that tales should be told of some mythical “white” folk.
[391]Where tribal differentiation of colour is so marked as among these people it is only natural that tales should be told of some mythical “white” folk.
[392]Crevaux,Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud, p. 284.
[392]Crevaux,Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud, p. 284.
[393]Komuine= monkey (Boro).
[393]Komuine= monkey (Boro).
[394]“So high”—demonstrated with the hand.
[394]“So high”—demonstrated with the hand.
[395]These would be her natural protectors.
[395]These would be her natural protectors.
[396]Rubber latex. See Depilation.
[396]Rubber latex. See Depilation.
[397]To hide the unsightliness.
[397]To hide the unsightliness.
[398]Of the chief’s daughter.
[398]Of the chief’s daughter.
[399]This may be a folk-tale of the monkey-people stealing Indian women for their mates. Cf. Skeat,Malay Magic, p. 185; Clifford,Studies in Brown Humanity, p. 243.But it should not be overlooked that the Boro depile most carefully, while the Andoke medicine-man does not depile at all, and the Andoke are mortal foes of the Boro. The Karahone also are said not to depile, and on this score would be regarded by the Boro as no better than brute beasts. So this story may be a traditional account of the actual rape of a chief’s daughter by a hostile tribe, the Amazonian version of Helen and Troy.
[399]This may be a folk-tale of the monkey-people stealing Indian women for their mates. Cf. Skeat,Malay Magic, p. 185; Clifford,Studies in Brown Humanity, p. 243.
But it should not be overlooked that the Boro depile most carefully, while the Andoke medicine-man does not depile at all, and the Andoke are mortal foes of the Boro. The Karahone also are said not to depile, and on this score would be regarded by the Boro as no better than brute beasts. So this story may be a traditional account of the actual rape of a chief’s daughter by a hostile tribe, the Amazonian version of Helen and Troy.