37. I then, jurors, think that sufficient accusation has been made, for I think it is necessary to carry the accusation up to this point until the accused shall appear to have done things worthy of death; for this is the most extreme punishment we can inflict upon them, so that I do not know what need there is to make many accusations against men who would not be able to give satisfaction for each of their offenses even by dying twice. 38. For it is not fitting for him to do that which is customary in this city, to make no defense against the accusations but, speaking much of themselves, they sometimes deceive, showing to you how good soldiers they are, or how many ships of the enemy they took when in command of triremes, or how many cities which were hostile they made friendly. 39. For command him to show where he killed as many of the enemy as of the citizens, or where he took as many ships as they themselves betrayed, or what city they acquired so great as this one of ours which they enslaved. 40. For did they take as many arms from the enemy as they have taken from you? Did they take such walls as those of their own country which they dismantled? Who took away the garrisons about Attica, and made it plain to you that they did not dismantle the Piraeus because the Lacedaemonians commanded it, but because they thought that thus their own power would be firmer?
41. Therefore I often wondered at the audacity of those speaking in their behalf, except when I consider that it is in their power both to do all evils and to praise those like them. 42. For this is not the first time he has acted contrary to your majority; but in the time of the Four Hundred, having set up an oligarchy in the camp, he fled from the Hellespont, deserting his ship, although the commander of it, with Iatrocles and others whose names I do not need to mention; and, having come here, he opposed those who favored a democracy. And of these things I will bring you witnesses.
43. I will pass over then his intervening life; but after the sea-fight and the disaster to the city took place, there being still a democracy, five men were made Ephors by the so-called secret societies (whence they began a sedition), to assemble the citizens, lead the conspirators, and oppose your democracy. Among them were Eratosthenes and Critias. 44. And they appointed commanders over the guards, and they directed what ought to be voted and who ought to rule, and, if they wished to do anything else, they were masters; so not only enemies, but also those who were citizens plotted against you, in order that you might vote nothing good, and might be in want of many things. 45. For this they knew, that they could not get the upper hand in any other way, but success for them depended on your misfortune; and they thought that you, wishing to be freed from your present evils, would not consider about future ones. 46. That it was in the power of the Ephors at that time, I will bring witnesses to you, not those then co-operating with him (for I should not be able), but those who heard Eratosthenes himself. 47. But, if they had been prudent, they would have borne witness against them, and would have severely punished the teachers of their crimes, and, if they had been wise, would not have considered their oaths binding to the extent of wronging the citizens, but for the good of the state they would have easily transgressed them; therefore I say such things to them. Call witnesses for me, and come forward.
48. You have heard the witnesses. At last, being established in power, he took part in no good deed, but in many of an opposite character. If, however, he were an honest man, he ought, in the first place, not to rule contrary to law; secondly, to inform the council concerning all the reports, that they were false, and that Batrachus and Aeschylides did not announce the truth, but told things invented by the Thirty, as agreed upon for the injury of the citizens. 49. And indeed, jurors, all who were ill disposed toward you, remained quiet just the same; for there were others saying and doing things which were greater evils than what could (otherwise) come to the city. But for those who said they were well disposed, why did they not show it there, both by speaking what was best themselves, and preventing men from doing wrong?
50. But perhaps he might be able to say he was afraid, and this will be a sufficient excuse to some of you. (Observe) then, if he shall appear to be opposing the Thirty in speech; otherwise it will be evident that these things pleased him, and he had so much power that, although, he opposed, he suffered no evil from them. And he ought to have this zeal for your safety, but not for Theramenes, who has wronged you in many respects. 51. But that he considered the city hostile and your enemies his friends, I shall establish by many proofs; likewise that the quarrels with each other arose not on your behalf, but on theirs, to determine who shall do these things and govern the state. 52. For, if they made the revolt in behalf of those who had been wronged, when would there have been a better opportunity for a ruler to show his friendship than when Thrasybulus had taken possession of Phyle? But he, instead of announcing or doing anything good toward those at Phyle, came with his fellow-rulers to Salamis and Eleusis, and led away three hundred of the citizens to prison, and by one vote condemned them all to death. 53. But when we came to the Piraeus, and disputes arose, and speeches were made about a reconciliation, we each had many hopes of behaving towards each other, as both parties gave indications; for the Piraeus party, being superior, permitted them to depart, (54) and they, having come to the city, drove out the Thirty, except Pheido and Eratosthenes, and chose as leaders those most opposed to them, thinking justly that by the same persons both the Thirty would be hated, and the Piraeus party loved. 55. Of these, then, Pheido, who had been one of the Thirty, and Hippocles, and Epichares of Lamptrae, and others seeming to be the most opposed to Charicles and Critias and their club, when they were established in power, created much greater party-feeling against the Piraeus party for the city party. 56. And they openly showed that they were making the disturbance, not on behalf of the Piraeus party, nor on behalf of those perishing unjustly, neither did they trouble themselves about the dead, nor those who were going to be put to death, but those who had more power and were getting rich faster. 57. For, having seized the offices and the city, they made war upon both parties, both the Thirty who had done all evils, and you who had suffered all evils; and this was evident to all, that, if the former were accused unjustly, you (were accused) justly, but if you unjustly, the Thirty justly, for they were banished from the city, not having been guilty of other things, but of these things. 58. So that it is necessary to be exceedingly indignant that Pheido, having been chosen to conciliate you and restore you, did the same things as Eratosthenes, and with the same mind was ready to injure those who were in the majority in their own party by means of you; and he was not willing to restore the city to you in unjust exile, but, having come to Sparta, he tried to persuade them to begin hostilities, falsely saying that the city would fall into the power of the Boeotians, and other things besides by which he hoped to persuade them. 59. But not being able to obtain this, either because the sacred rites were in the way, or because they themselves did not wish it, he borrowed a hundred talents in order that he might be able to hire mercenaries; and they chose Lysander as leader, who was very friendly to the oligarchy, and most hostile to the state, especially the Piraeus party. 60. Then having hired all men for the destruction of the city, and inciting cities, and finally the Lacedaemonians, and such of their allies as they could persuade, they made preparations not to restore but to destroy the city (and would have succeeded), had it not been for certain brave men, to whom I charge you to show your gratitude by punishing these wretches. 61. You know these things yourselves, and I know it is not necessary to provide witnesses, nevertheless (I will), for I need to stop speaking, and it is more pleasant for you to hear the same words from as many as possible.
62. Come now, I will show you about Theramenes as briefly as I can, and I request you to hear me, both on behalf of myself and the city. And let no one think that I am accusing Theramenes while Eratosthenes is on trial. For I learn that he will make this defense, that he was a friend of his, and took part in the same acts. 63. But I suppose that he, as a citizen, would pretend that he was acting with Themistocles, in order that the walls might be built, since (he says he is acting) with Theramenes, in order that they may be destroyed; for they do not seem to me to be worthy of a comparison, for he built them up against the will of the Spartans, but this man has torn them down, after deceiving the citizens. 64. For the opposite has happened to the city from what was natural. For it was right that the friends of Theramenes should be ruined with him, except if one happened to be acting in opposition to him; but now I see that the defense is thrown upon him, but that his companions are trying to get honor, as if he had been the cause of many blessings, and not of great evils. 65. In the first place, he was the chief cause of the former oligarchy, having persuaded you to choose the constitution, in the time of the Four Hundred. His father, being one of the commissioners, did these things, and he himself seeming to be in full sympathy with the affair, was chosen general by them. 66. And while he was in office, he showed himself faithful (to the city); but, when he saw that Pisander and Callaeschrus and others were superior to him, and that you no longer wished to hear them, then, on account of his enmity towards them, and his fear of you, he took part with Aristocrates. 67. And, wishing to seem to be faithful to you, he accused and put to death, Antiphon and Archeptolemus, who were great friends of his, and reached such a pitch of wickedness, that at the same time, on account of his faith to them, he enslaved you, and on account of his (faith) to you he destroyed his friends. 68. Then being honored, and thought worthy of the greatest things, he himself, having announced that he would save the city, destroyed it, saying he had done a great and valuable thing. And he promised to make peace, without giving hostages, without dismantling the walls, and without giving up the ships, and wishing to say these things to no one, he commanded you to trust him. 69. But you, Athenians, while the council of the Areopagus was acting for safety, and many were opposing Theramenes, though you knew that other men keep secrets on account of the enemy, while he, even among his own citizens, was unwilling to state those things which he was going to state to the enemy, nevertheless intrusted to him your country, children, wives and yourselves. 70. But he did nothing which he promised; on the contrary, he reflected that the city ought to be small and weak, so that he endeavored to persuade you to do those things which no one of the enemy ever mentioned, or of the citizens ever expected; not being compelled by the Lacedaemonians, but himself giving orders to them, both to destroy the walls of the Piraeus, and to break up the existing state of government, well knowing that, if you were not in despair, you would inflict speedy punishment upon him. 71. And finally, jurors, he did not permit the assembly to be held until the opportunity mentioned by him (Lysander) was carefully watched by him, and he had summoned the ships from Samos with Lysander, and the camp of the enemy was in the city. 72. Then, this being the state of affairs, and Lysander and Philochares and Miltiades being present, they made an assembly concerning the constitution, in order that no orator might oppose or threaten them, and that you might not choose what was advantageous, but might vote what seemed best to them. 73. And Theramenes stood up, and advised you to commit the city to thirty men, and abide by the constitution which Dracontides proposed, but you, nevertheless, being so disposed, made a tumult as if you would not do these things, for you knew that you were deliberating that day concerning slavery and liberty. 74. But Theramenes, jurors, (and of these things I will bring you yourselves as witnesses,) said he cared nothing for your tumult, since he knew that many of the Athenians were doing things like himself, and he said things which seemed good to Lysander and the Lacedaemonians; and after him Lysander rose and said a great deal, but particularly that he considered you faithless, and that the question would be to you, not about a constitution, but about safety, unless you did what Theramenes commands. 75. And of those in the assembly, the better portion were aware of the preparation and the crisis, and some remained and kept quiet; but others went off, knowing this, at least, that they had voted nothing wrong to the city; while a few base and evil schemers voted what was commanded. 76. For they were commanded to elect ten whom Theramenes proposed, and ten whom, those elected Ephors advised, and ten from those present; for they saw your weakness, and they knew their own power, so that they knew beforehand what was going to take place in the assembly. 77. And in these things it is not necessary to believe me, but him, for all those things said by me he said, in his defense in the council, reproaching the exiles, because they came back through his means,—the Lacedaemonians not caring about it,—and reviling those taking part in the government, because he himself met with such treatment, after having been the cause of all the things done in the ways mentioned by me, having himself given many pledges, and received many from them. 78. And though he has been the cause of so many other evils and disgraces, both long ago and recently, both small and great, they will venture to declare that they are friends of his, when Theramenes died not on your behalf, but on account of his own wickedness, and was justly punished in an oligarchy (for he destroyed it); as he would have been justly in a democracy; for he twice enslaved you, despising what was present, and desiring what was absent, setting himself up as a teacher of most horrible things, while using a most honorable name.
79. Concerning Theramenes then, the accusations seem to me to be sufficient; and the time has come when it is necessary not to have pardon and pity in your decision, but to punish Eratosthenes and his fellow- rulers, and not by fighting to be superior to our (public) enemies, and by voting to be weaker than our private enemies. 80. Accordingly do not favor them more for what they say they are going to do, than be angry for what they have done; neither plot against the Thirty when absent, and acquit them when present; neither aid yourselves in a manner worse, than fortune has, which has given them to the city. 81. Act against Eratosthenes and his friends, upon whom he will lay the defense, and with whom these things were done by him; but the contest between the city and Eratosthenes is not equal, for he was at once the accuser and judge of what was taking place; but we are brought now to an accusation and defense. 82. They put to death without a trial those doing no wrong; but you think it right to try according to law those who have destroyed the city; from whom even if you wished to exact punishment, contrary to law, you could not exact one worthy of the crimes which they have done to the city; for by what suffering could they suffer a punishment proportionate to their deeds? 83. If you should kill these, and their children, should we exact an adequate punishment for the murder of those whose fathers and sons and brothers they put to death without a trial? Or if you should confiscate their real estate, would it be well either for the state from which they have taken much, or for the citizens whose houses they have plundered? 84. Since, then, by most stringent measures you could not exact a sufficient punishment from them, is it not a shame for you to neglect any (penalty) whatsoever which one might wish to exact from them? It seems to me, that he must be an audacious wretch who when no others are the jurors except those very ones who have suffered ill, has come to make his defense, before the very witnesses of his villainy; so much has he either despised you or trusted others. 85. Both of these things it is worth while to consider, reflecting that they would not be able to do these things without the co-operation of others, neither would they have attempted to come now, unless they thought they would be saved by those same persons who have come here, not to rescue them, but in the belief that there would be great security to them for what they have done, and in future the power to do whatever they wish, if, having made the arrest, you shall acquit those who are guilty of the greatest crimes.
86. But it is worth while to wonder about those who take their part, whether they make their accusations as good and honorable men, showing their own virtue worth more than the baseness of these. I wish that they were as zealous to save the city as these to destroy it—or whether they will defend them as skillful in speech, and will show their deeds to be worthy. But no one of them ever endeavored to speak justly in your behalf. 87. Again it is worth while to see the witnesses who, testifying to these things, accuse themselves, thinking that you are very forgetful and simple-minded, if, they think without fear to save the Thirty through you; but thanks to Eratosthenes and his fellow-rulers, it became a fearful thing to go even to the carrying out of the dead. 88. But these men, if saved, would again be able to destroy the state, but those whom they destroyed, having died, gave their life beyond the vengeance of their enemies. Is it not a hard thing if their friends were likely to perish with those who died unjustly, while many will undertake the funeral of those who destroyed the state, seeing that so many are prepared to go to the rescue? 89. And I think it far easier to resist your wrongs than to defend the conduct of these men. But they say that Eratosthenes did the fewest evils of the Thirty, and, on this account, they demand that he shall be saved; but because, of (all) other Greeks, he has done you the most wrongs, they do not think he ought to perish. 90. Now therefore you will show what opinion you hold in regard to these matters; if you convict him, it will be evident that you are indignant at what has taken place; but, if you acquit him, you will seem to desire the same things as they, and yet you will not be able to say that you did what was commanded by the Thirty. 91. For in the present case, no one compels you to acquit contrary to your opinion. So I advise you not to convict yourselves by acquitting these, nor think that your vote is secret, for you will make your decision known to the city.
92. I desire to conclude, after reminding both parties of a few things, the city party and the Piraeus party, in order that, having as proofs the disasters which have occurred through their means, you may vote.
In the first place, you of the city party should reflect that you were so severely governed by them, that you were compelled to wage such a war upon your brothers, and sons, and citizens, that, if defeated in it, you would be on an equality with those who conquered, but conquering, would be slaves to them. 93. These villains, on the one hand, as a result of the strife, would have enriched their private resources, but you would be poorer on account of your war with each other, for they demanded that you should not share their advantages, while they compelled you to share their dishonor, having reached such a pitch of arrogance, that, without sharing the offices with you, they kept your faith, but in sharing their reproaches, they thought you would be friendly. 94. Wherefore do you, being confident, as far as you are able, both exact punishment in your own behalf and in behalf of the Piraeus party, reflecting that you were governed by those who were most vicious, that you are living now with the best of men, making war upon enemies, and deliberating for (the interests) of the city, and remembering the mercenaries whom these men made the guards of their power and your servitude in the Acropolis. 95. This much I say to you, though there are many things besides.
And you of the Piraeus party, in the first place, should remember your warlike deeds, that, having fought many battles in a foreign country, you were deprived of your arms, not by enemies, but by these men in a time of peace; secondly, that you were proclaimed exiles from the city, which our fathers gave to you, and that they demanded you, who fled, back from the cities (to which you fled). 96. Therefore be angry as when you went into exile, and remember the other misfortunes which you suffered from them, who seized some from the market-place, and others from the temple, and put them to death, and, dragging others away from their children, parents, and wives, compelled them to be murderers of their own kindred, and did not permit them to receive the customary burial; thinking their own government would be more secure from the vengeance of the gods. 97. And those who escaped death, after having often been in danger, wandering to other cities, and being outlawed from every place, in want of the necessities of life, some leaving their children in their country now become foreign, and others in a strange land, with much opposition, have come to the Piraeus. And though there were many great dangers, being honorable men, you freed some, and others you restored to their country. 98. But if you have been unsuccessful, and had failed in these things, you would yourselves have fled, fearing lest you should suffer just such wrongs as before, and neither temples nor altars, things which are a source of safety even to those doing wrong, would have helped you, injured through the characters of these men; and your children, as many as were here, would be ill-treated by them; and those in a foreign land would be slaves, on account of small debts, from the lack of those to assist them.
99. However I am not willing to say what the future will be, not being able to say what has been done by them; for it is not the work for one accuser, nor for two, but for many; still (nothing of my zeal has been left out), I have employed all my zeal in behalf of the temples, which they in part have sold, and in part desecrated by entering; in behalf of the city, which they rendered weak; in behalf of the dockyard, which they dismantled; and in behalf of the dead, whom, now that they are dead, you should aid, since you were not able to defend them when alive. 100. But I think they hear you, and will know that you are voting, feeling that those who acquit these have condemned them to death; but as many as punish these have avenged them. I shall cease my accusation. You have heard, seen, suffered, and hold the evidence. Now pass your judgment.
1. It is fitting, gentlemen of the jury, for all of you to avenge the men who died well disposed to the state, and for me not the least. For Dionysodorus was my brother-in-law and nephew. So I have the same hostility to this Agoratus as your party. For he did things on account of which he is justly hated by you and me, and, if God wills, he shall be justly punished. 2. For my brother-in-law, Dionysodorus, and many others whose names you shall hear, being men well disposed to the people, he put to death in the time of the Thirty, informing against them. Doing these things he injured me not a little and all who have come here, and greatly injured the whole state in common, as I think, by depriving it of such men. 3. Therefore, gentlemen of the jury, I think it right by divine and human law for each one to take as much revenge as he can. And I think if you should do this, we should fare better at the hands of gods and men. But, Athenians, you must hear about his deeds from the very beginning, (4) that you may first learn in what manner your democracy was destroyed, then how these men were put to death by Agoratus and what those about to die charged us with. On learning all this accurately you will more willingly and justly condemn this Agoratus. Therefore, where we can most easily teach and you learn, there I will begin the story.
5. When your ships were destroyed and the resources of the state were in a bad way, not long afterwards the ships of the Lacedaemonians arrived at the Piraeus, and at the same time conferences about peace took place with the Lacedaemonians. 6. During that period those who wished a revolution in the city laid their plans, thinking they had hit upon the right moment and would establish things just at that time as they themselves wished. 7. They thought nothing was in their way except the leaders of the people, the Strategi, and the Taxiarchs. Accordingly they wanted to remove these in some way or other, that they might more easily arrange matters as they wished. First then, they assailed Cleophon with this idea. 8. For when the first meeting about peace was in session, and those who had come from the Lacedaemonians said on what terms the Lacedaemonians were willing to make peace—if the long walls should be destroyed for ten stadia on both sides—then you, Athenians, could not bear to hear about the destruction of the walls, and Cleophon rose in your behalf and said that it was not at all possible to do this. 9. Then Theramenes, plotting against the people, rose and said if you would appoint him ambassador with full powers he would bring it about that the walls should not be destroyed, nor any other evil injure the state. He thought in some other way to benefit the city at the hands of the Lacedaemonians. 10. And you, persuaded, chose him as plenipotentiary, although the year before you rejected him after he was chosen Strategus, not thinking him well disposed to the people. 11. He, therefore, going to Sparta remained there a long time leaving you in a state of siege, though he knew that on account of the war and misfortunes the people were in need of the very necessities of life, thinking if he brought you to a very low state, as he did, that you would gladly make any sort of peace that he desired. 12. Those who remained here and planned to overthrow the government, brought Cleophon to trial on the plea that he did not come to the camp to sleep, but really because he spoke against tearing down the walls. When they had packed the jury, and those who desired to establish an oligarchy had come in, they killed him on this charge. 13. Theramenes afterwards came from Sparta. Some of the Strategi and Taxiarchs, among them Strombichides and Dionysodorus, and other citizens who were well disposed to you, as they afterwards showed, having gone to meet him, became exceedingly angry. For he came bringing a peace the nature of which we afterwards learned by actual experience. For we lost many good citizens and we ourselves were driven out by the Thirty. 14. For instead of destroying ten stadia of the long walls (the terms of peace) were to destroy all the wall, and instead of finding some other good for the city, to hand over the ships to the Lacedaemonians and to destroy the walls about the Piraeus. 15. These men, perceiving it was a peace in name, but in fact the destruction of the democracy, refused to allow this to take place, not because they were sorry, Athenians, that the walls were to fall, nor that they minded giving over the ships to the Lacedaemonians (for this was no more their concern than yours), (16) but learning that thus the people was to be destroyed; not (as some say) because they did not wish there to be peace, but because they wished to make a better peace than this for the people of Athens. They thought they would be able and would have done this if they had not been killed by this Agoratus.
17. Theramenes and others who were plotting against you, knowing that there were some who were opposed to the destruction of the democracy and would take an opposite stand for freedom, chose to bring against these men false accusations and to place them in danger before the assembly on peace was held, that no one there might raise objections in your cause. 18. Therefore they adopt the following plan. They persuade this Agoratus to become an informer against the Strategi and Taxiarchs; not that he was in their secrets, Athenians, no indeed, (for they were not so foolish and friendless, that, when they were engaged in an affair of this size, they would call in Agoratus, a slave and a son of slaves, as being trustworthy and well disposed,) but because it seemed to them that he was a necessary informer. 19. Therefore they wished him to seem to give testimony unwillingly and with reluctance, that he might seem to you somewhat more trustworthy.
But that he testified willingly I think you know from the case. For they sent Theocritus, known as the son of Elaphostictus, to the Boule, which was in session before the Thirty. And this Theocritus was a friend and relative of Agoratus. 20. But the Boule in the time of the Thirty was tampered with, and as you know, greatly favored an oligarchy. And the proof is that those in that Boule served in the last one under the Thirty. Why do I relate this to you? That you may know that the decision of that Boule was not well disposed to you, but was entirely for the destruction of your party, and that you may know them to be such. 21. Theocritus coming into the Boule in secret session testified that some were together with the intention of raising opposition to the established government. But said he could not give their names individually, for he had sworn the same oaths with them; that there were others who would tell, but that he personally would never do it. 22. If he did not testify according to a plot, why did not the Boule compel Theocritus to give their names, and not to give testimony without names? But now this vote was passed.
23. When therefore, the vote was passed, those chosen from the Boule went to Agoratus at the Piraeus, and falling in with him in the market-place, sought to arrest him. But Nicias and Nicomenes and a few others present, seeing that this was not best for the state, refused to let them take Agoratus, but took him from them and gave bail for him and pledged to bring him into the Boule. 24. The councilors took the names of those who had given bail, and stopped them, and then went away to the city. But Agoratus and the bondsmen sat down on the altar of Munychia. While they were there they planned what must be done. It seemed best to the bondsmen and to all the others to get Agoratus out of the way as soon as possible, (25) and as two boats were moored at Munychia they besought him by all means to get out of Athens, and said that they themselves were willing to go away with him until the matter was settled, saying that if he were brought into the Boule he would perhaps be tortured and forced to tell the names of the Athenians which those who wished harm to the state had suggested to him. 26. Although these urged him in this way and prepared boats, and were ready to sail with, him, this Agoratus was not willing to obey them. Agoratus, if there was no arrangement for you, and you were not sure of suffering no harm, why did you not go when boats were prepared for you, and your neighbors ready to sail off with you? For you could have done so, and the Boule had you not yet in their power. 27. But they and you were not in equal danger. For in the first place they were Athenians and did not fear being tortured; then leaving their own land they were ready to sail away with you, thinking this was better than that many citizens should be unjustly killed by you. But, first, if you remained there was danger of your being tortured, and then, too, you had no native land to leave. 28. So in every way it was easier for you to make yourself scarce than for them, unless there was something in which you trusted. Now you say you did it unwillingly, while the truth is you willingly put to death many good Athenians. There are witnesses that everything was prepared as I say, and the vote of the senate will witness against you.
29. When this vote was passed, and those from the senate came to Munychia, Agoratus willingly got up from the altar; now they say he was torn away by force. When he was brought into the senate, (30) Agoratus first wrote down the names of his bondsmen; then of the Strategi and Taxiarchs; then also of certain other citizens. This was the beginning of all the evil. I think he himself will confess that he wrote down the names. But if he does not, I will convict him in the very act. Now answer me.
31. Accordingly they desired him, gentlemen of the jury, to hand in more names, so strongly determined was the Boule to do evil, and he himself did not seem to them to tell all the truth. Thus, voluntarily, he gave in all these names, as they put no restraint on him at all. 32. When the assembly was held in the theatre at Munychia some were so very anxious that he should also testify in the popular assembly against the Strategi and Taxiarchs (but as for the others the testimony in the senate was enough) that they led him there into the assembly. Now answer me, Agoratus. But I do not think you should deny what you did against all the Athenians.
33. He himself confesses it, but nevertheless the votes of the people shall be read to you.
That this man Agoratus wrote down the names of these men, some in the senate and some in the assembly, and that he is their murderer I think you are well aware. That he was the cause of all the evils which befell the state and is not worthy to be pitied by a single one, I think I can show you in a few words. 34. For when these were arrested and put in prison then Lysander sailed into your harbors, and your ships were surrendered to the Lacedaemonians, and the walls were destroyed, and the government of the Thirty established, and indeed what evil was not done against the state? 35. When, therefore, the Thirty were established, they immediately tried these men in the senate, but the people voted in the court before two thousand. Now read the vote to me.
36. If they had been tried in the court, they could readily have been saved. For you all knew in what evil the state was, although you were not able to bring aid. But the fact was, they brought them into the Boule before the Thirty. And you know what a farce the trial was. 37. The Thirty sat on the seats where the Prytanes are now. Two tables were placed in front of the Thirty. It was necessary to deposit the vote, not in the urns, but in plain sight on the tables, the condemning vote on the further one …. so how could any one of them be saved? 38. And with one vote all that came into the council chamber to be tried before the Thirty were sentenced to death, and no one except this man Agoratus did they acquit; and they acquitted him as a doer of good. But that you may know how many were put to death by this man, I desire to read their names to you.
39. When, therefore, gentlemen of the jury, the death sentence was passed on these and they were about to be put to death, one sent for his sister to come to the prison, another for his mother, another for his wife, and others for whatever female relative each of them had, in order that having embraced them for the last time they might end their life thus. 40. And Dionysodorus sent for my sister to come to the prison, for she was his wife. And when she knew this she went, dressed in a black garment, as was fitting on account of the terrible fate of her husband. 41. In the presence of my sister, Dionysodorus left his property as he thought best, and said of this man Agoratus that he was responsible for his death, and charged me and Dionysius, his brother, and all his friends to be revenged on Agoratus in his behalf. 42. And thinking his wife was with child he told her if a son was born to tell the boy how Agoratus had killed his father, and to command him on his father's behalf to take vengeance on his murderer. That I speak truth I furnish the witnesses.
43. So these men were informed against and put to death by Agoratus. When the Thirty had removed these I think you know many misfortunes befell the state. This man is responsible for all of this, as he put them to death. It grieves me to be recalling the misfortunes which happened to the state; (44) but it is necessary, gentlemen of the jury, for you to know how much you are to pity Agoratus in this matter. For you know what sort of men and how many there were of the citizens who were carried away from Salamis, and what fate they met at the hands of the Thirty, and how many of those from Eleusis experienced this misfortune; and you remember those here who were led off to prison on account of private enmities. 45. They, having injured the city in no way, were forced to die a most shameful and inglorious death, some leaving aged parents who had hoped to be supported in their old age by their sons, and at their death to be buried by them; some leaving unmarried sisters, some little children needing their care. 46. What opinion, gentlemen of the jury, do you think they who were deprived of their dear ones by this man would have of him? Or what vote do you think they would cast were it in their power? And yet (you are aware) that the walls were torn down and the ships given over to the enemy and the shipyards destroyed, and the Spartans held your Acropolis, and the whole power of the city was undermined so that the city was in no way different from the smallest town. 47. Besides this you lost your private property and finally were driven in a body by the Thirty from your country. Those who were good men, gentlemen of the jury, having learned this, said they would not allow peace to be made. 48. Those men, Agoratus, wishing to do some good to the city, you put to death, on the ground that they were plotting against the city and you are responsible for all the misfortunes which befell the city. So now, each one, remembering not only his own misfortunes, but also those common to the whole city, should revenge himself on the cause of these evils.
49. I wonder, gentlemen of the jury, what he will dare urge in defense. For he must show that he did not give convicting testimony against these men and that he is not responsible for their death, which he will never be able to do. 50. For in the first place the votes of the senate and assembly testify against him, clearly showing about what Agoratus made the accusations. Then the sentence which was passed on him by the Thirty and revoked again clearly shows, this, "since," it runs, "he seems to have spoken the truth." Now read it to me.
51. Therefore he can in no way prove that he did not hand in the names. He must make the following point clear, that he made the accusations justly, seeing these men doing injury to the republic and not well disposed to the people. But I do not think he will try to show this. But in fact if they did any wrong to the people of Athens, the Thirty would not have condemned them for fear that the people should be overcome, taking vengeance on account of them, but I think quite the opposite of this.
52. But perhaps he will say that he did these evils unwillingly. But I do not think, gentlemen of the jury, that if any one with great unwillingness did great wrongs to you, greater than which there could not be, on this account you ought not to have revenge from him. Then remember this, that it was possible for this Agoratus to be saved and that he sat down at the altar of Munychia before he was brought into the Boule. For his bondsmen prepared boats and were ready to sail away with him. 53. And if you had heeded them, and been ready to go away with them, you would neither willingly nor unwillingly have put to death so many Athenians. But being persuaded by those to whom you yielded, you thought that if you would only give in the names of the Strategi and Taxiarchs you would get something great from them. Therefore it is not necessary for us to feel sympathy for you since you felt none for those you put to death. 54. Hippias of Thasos and Xenophon of Icaria, who were summoned by the Boule on the same accusation as he, were executed, and Xenophon was tortured. But Hippias thus …. because they did not appear worth saving to the Thirty (for they destroyed none of the Athenians). But Agoratus was acquitted because he appeared to have done the pleasantest things.
55. But I hear that he will put the blame on Menestratus for these documents. But what Menestratus did was this. This same Menestratus was informed against by Agoratus, was arrested and put in prison. And there was Hagnodorus of Amphitrope, of the same deme as Menestratus, a connection of Critias, one of the Thirty. This one, at the time when the assembly was held in the theatre at Munychia, wishing Menestratus at the same time to be saved, and as many as possible of the people to be accused and put to death, brought him into the assembly and saved him according to this vote.
56. When they had passed this vote, Menestratus made his accusations and added the names of others of the citizens. The Thirty acquitted him, as they did Agoratus, as he seemed to tell the truth, but you long afterwards brought him into court as a murderer and, justly voting death for him, gave him over to the executioner, and he was beaten to death. 57. If he was put to death then Agoratus should justly be killed, as he was responsible for the death of Menestratus having accused him, and who is more to blame for those killed by Menestratus than he who put him in such a position?
58. He seems to me to be different from Aristophanes of Chollidae who was his bondsman, and who, having boats ready at Munychia, was willing to sail away with him. And at least as far as it depended upon him you would have been saved, neither having destroyed any of the Athenians nor being yourself put in any such danger. 59. But you had the audacity to accuse your deliverer, and having informed against him you put him to death and also your other bondsmen. As he was not a pure blooded Athenian citizen, some wished him to be put to torture and induced the people to pass this decree.
60. After this, those who had the administration of affairs at that time went to Aristophanes and begged him to make disclosures and be saved, and not be in danger of undergoing the extreme penalties, being tried for usurping the rights of citizenship. But he declared he would never do it. Such an excellent man was he toward those imprisoned, and the people of Athens generally, that he preferred to die rather than inform against and put to death, any of them unjustly. That man killed by you was such a one, (61) and Xenophon was tortured, and Hippias of Thasos. But you had nothing in common with, all these men, but you were persuaded that if they were put to death you would have a share in the government established, and you accused and put to death many good Athenians.
62. I wish to show you, gentlemen of the jury, of what sort of men you were robbed by Agoratus. If there were not many of them, you should hear about them separately, but as it is, collectively. For some of them who had been your generals gave over the city to their successors in an improved condition. And some held other high offices and performed the duties of Trierarchs and never had any disgraceful charge from you. 63. For some of them were saved and are present whom this one, as far as he could, tried to put to death with cruelty (and indeed sentence of death, was passed on them), but chance and providence saved them. For fleeing from here and not being taken nor awaiting their trial, they came from exile from Phyle and were honored by you as being brave men.
64. Of these men, I say, some Agoratus put to death, others he made exiles from here. But who was he? For you must know that he was a slave and the son of slaves, that you may understand what kind of a man persecuted you. His father was Eumares, and Eumares was the slave of Nisocles and Anticles. And now, witnesses, take the stand.
65. Now, gentlemen of the jury, it would be a long task to enumerate the shameful and disgraceful things done by him and his brothers. As regards his informing, either how many private suits he brought by false accusation or how many prosecutions or dispositions he made, it is not necessary for me to say in detail. For you all together in the assembly, and in the court, convicted him of informing, and he was fined ten thousand drachmae. 66. This has been sufficiently proved by you all. Being a man of this sort, he endeavored to seduce and betray the free-born wives of the citizens, and he was taken in adultery. Death is the punishment for this. That I am speaking the truth, call up the witnesses.
67. Gentlemen of the jury, there were four brothers. The eldest was taken in the act of making treasonable signals to the enemy by Lamarchus of Sicily, and beaten to death. The second abducted a female slave in Corinth from a woman of the place, and, being taken and put in prison, was put to death. 68. The third, Phainippides arrested as a thief, and you being his judges and passing death sentence on him, gave him to be beaten to death. I think he will admit that what I say is true, and we have witnesses.
69. Why, then, is it not proper for you all to convict this man? For if each of them deserved death for one crime, surely, since he has committed many offenses, both publicly against the state and privately against you, for all of which crimes the penalty is death in our laws, you must condemn him to death.
70. Gentlemen of the jury, he will speak and try to deceive you (pretending) that he killed Phrynichus in the time of the Four Hundred; and he says the people made him an Athenian on account of this. But he lies, gentlemen of the jury, for he neither killed Phrynichus nor did the people make him an Athenian. 71. For, gentlemen of the jury, Thrasybulus of Calydon and Apollodorus of Megara conspired against Phrynichus. When they came up to him as he was walking, Thrasybulus struck Phrynichus and felled him with a blow, but Apollodorus did not even lay hands upon him. Then a shout was raised, and they set off to escape. But Agoratus was neither called in to help nor was he present nor did he know anything of the deed. This decree will make it plain to you that I tell the truth.
72. That he did not slay Phrynichus is plain from this decree. For nowhere is it (plain) that Agoratus is an Athenian as it is that Thrasybulus and Apollodorus are. If he did kill Phrynichus, his having been made an Athenian ought to be on the very same pillar as Thrasybulus and Apollodorus … by giving money to the orator they get their own names inscribed on the pillars as being doers of good. And this decree will convince you that I speak the truth.
73. So much does this man despise you that, although not being an Athenian, he served on the jury and in the assembly, and brought all manner of indictments, having himself enrolled as from Anagurius. Phrynichus established the Four Hundred, and when he was put to death many of the Four Hundred fled. 74. Do you think, therefore, that the Thirty and the Boule, which was in session under the administration of the Thirty, all of whom were of the Four Hundred exiles, if they had captured the man who killed Phrynichus, would have let him go or punished him on account of the exile to which they were subjected? I think they would have punished him. If, on the one hand, he pretends to have killed him, though he did not, he is, as I say, guilty. 75. But if you deny it and say that you did kill Phrynichus, it is plain that by doing greater evils to the Athenians you freed yourself to the Thirty from the charge concerning Phrynichus. For you can never persuade any man that, having killed Phrynichus, you would have been let off by the Thirty, unless you did great and incurable wrongs to the people of Athens. 76. If, therefore, he asserts that he killed Phrynichus, bear these things in mind and take vengeance for what he has done. But if he says he did not, ask him on what account he says he became an Athenian. If he can not show how, punish him because he acted as a juror and served in the assembly and accused many falsely, having his name enrolled as an Athenian.
77. I hear that he will allege in defense that he went to Phyle and came back from Phyle with the rest, and this is his strongest plea. This was the fact. He went to Phyle. And how could there be a greater wretch than he who, knowing that there were many at Phyle whom he himself had banished, dared to go there to them? 78. As soon as they saw him they seized him and took him to kill him at the same place where they put others to death, whenever they caught any robber or criminal. But Anytus, who was in command at Phyle, said that they must not do this, telling them they were not in a condition to take vengeance on some of their enemies, but must now keep the peace, and if they ever returned home then they would punish those who had done them injury. 79. Saying this, he became responsible for his escape at Phyle. And they were obliged to obey a general if they were to be saved. But more than this: no one would receive him as a messmate or be his tent companion, nor would the Taxiarch give him a place in his line, but as if he were accused no man would speak to him. And call the Taxiarch to me.
80. When the agreement was made with each other and the citizens from Piraeus made a procession into the city, Aesinus was the leader of the soldiers, and this one so audacious also was there. Having taken arms he accompanied them and took his place in the procession with the citizens to the city. 81. When they reached the gates and halted before going into the city, Aesinus saw him and went to him and seized and flung down his shield and told him to go to the crows and leave the citizens. For he declared that a murderer should not proceed in the procession to Athens. Thus was he driven off by Aesinus. That I tell the truth, call up my witnesses.
82. This was the relation, gentlemen of the jury, in which he stood to the citizens at Phyle and the Piraeus. For no one spoke to him because he was a murderer, and Anytus is responsible for his now being alive. If, therefore, he alleges in defense that he was on the way to Phyle, he must answer whether Anytus was responsible for his not being killed when they were ready to punish him, and whether Aesinus took away his shield and would not let him join the citizens in the procession, and whether any Taxiarch enrolled him on his list.
83. Thus you should neither receive this excuse from him, nor let him say he is punished a long while after the crime. For I do not think there is any limited period for such an offense; but I do think if anybody is punished, either immediately or after a long time, he must show that he did not do the things of which he is accused. 84. Let him prove this: either that he did not kill these men, or that he did it justly as they did some wrong to the people of Athens. And if we punish him a long time after he should have been punished, he gains the time he has lived which did not belong to him, and the men were killed by him just the same.
85. But I understand that he lays great stress upon the fact that he was indicted and brought up as taken in the act. I think that is the most foolish thing of all. As if he would have been liable to arrest if it had not been added "taken in the act"! But as this has been added he thinks there will be some relief for him. But this is the same as allowing that he put the men to death but was not taken in the act; and he relies a great deal on this, as if he must be saved because he killed the men but was not taken in the act. 86. The Eleven who arrested him seem to me not to have thought they were than sharing in the same deeds with Agoratus, and believing that they were acting rightly, forced Dionysius to make the arrest, and then added "taken in the act." First, then, having informed against some in the presence of the five hundred in the senate, and then of the whole people of Athenians in the assembly, he slew some and became responsible for their death. 87. For he does not think this alone is "taken in the act," if any one struck a man with a club or sword and knocked him down, since by your argument no one appears to have slain the men whom you deposed. For no one either knocked them down or killed them, yet they were forced to death by your accusation. Therefore is he, who is the author of their death, not "taken in the very act"? For who else was the author, if not you who deposed them? So, then, in what way are you not their murderer, taken in the very act?
88. I understand that he will talk of oaths and agreements; that he is on trial in violation of the oaths and compacts which we in the Piraeus confirmed with those in the city. Accordingly, putting so much trust in these things, he confesses he is a murderer. So he puts something in the way, either oaths or compacts or "taken in the act," but he does not trust to the deed itself that he will come out of the trial successfully. 89. But it is not fitting for you, gentlemen of the jury, to accept his defense on these grounds. Bid him make his defense on these points: that he did not give in the names, or that the men were not put to death. Then I think the compacts and agreements have nothing to do with us in this case. For the oaths were made by those in the city to those in the Piraeus.
90. Now if he was of the city party and we of the Piraeus, the oaths would have some argument for him. But the truth is, he is of the Piraeus party and Dionysius and I and all the rest of those who are taking vengeance on him, so that there is nothing at all in our way. For those in the Piraeus made no oaths with those in the Piraeus.
91. By all means this man seems to me to deserve not merely one death; this man who says (he was adopted by) the people, and seems to have treated badly the people whom he calls his father, and neglected and betrayed those by whom he might have become better and more powerful. One, therefore, who is found to have maltreated his father and not to have furnished him with the necessities of life, and to have taken away from his adopted father the property he had, does not he on this account, by the law of maltreatment, deserve to be put to death?
92. It is the duty of all of you, gentlemen of the jury, just as of each one of us, to take vengeance on behalf of these men. For when they died they left this charge to you and to us, and to all others, to punish on their behalf this Agoratus, their murderer, and to injure him as much as each one could. If these men ever did any good to the state or to the people—and you yourselves admit that they did—it is the duty of all of you to be their friends and relatives, so they made this request no more of us than of each one of you. 93. Accordingly it is right, neither by divine nor human law, for you to let this man go. Therefore do you now, Athenians, take vengeance on this man, their murderer, since you can do so, as at the time the men died you were not able to aid them on account of the circumstances which surrounded you. Remember, Athenians, that you are not doing the cruelest act of all. But if you acquit this Agoratus you are not only doing this, but also, by the same vote, you sanction the death of those men whom you admit to have been well disposed to you. 94. By acquitting the man who is the author of their death, you are deciding that they were justly put to death. They would feel most terribly if those to whom they had entrusted the task of revenge, as being their friends, should cast the same vote as the Thirty on these men. 95. By the gods, gentlemen of the jury, do not in any way, or by any act or contrivance whatever, vote to sanction the death of these men who were killed by the Thirty and this Agoratus for having done many good things for you. Remembering all the evils, both those in common with the state and those in a private way, as many as each endured when these men met their death, take vengeance on the author of these things. It has been clearly proved from the votes and testimony and everything else, that Agoratus was the cause of their death. 96. Besides, it is your duty to vote in opposition to the Thirty. Acquit those whom they condemned. Condemn those whom they acquitted. The Thirty decreed death for those men who were your friends whom you must acquit. They acquitted Agoratus since he seemed to destroy those zealously; him you should condemn. 97. If you vote in opposition to the Thirty, in the first place, you will not be their accomplices; then again you will have avenged your own friends; finally, you will seem to have voted in accordance with divine and human laws.
1. I presume, gentlemen of the jury, that you need to hear no reason from those who wish to prosecute Alcibiades, for from the start he so conducted himself in the public that it is every one's duty, even if he happen not to be privately injured by him, to consider him an enemy from his other actions. 2. For his sins were not trivial, nor do they deserve pardon, nor offer any hope of his becoming better in future, but his deeds have come to such a pitch of evil, his enemies are ashamed of those deeds in which he glories. As for a long time, ever since a dispute arose between our fathers, I have considered him my enemy, and now again since he has treated me wrongly, I, gentlemen of the jury, will try to punish him by your aid for all which he has done. 3. Archestratides has arraigned him sufficiently about other matters, for he declared the laws and brought evidence; but what he omitted, I will go over point by point with you.
4. Now it is reasonable, gentlemen of the jury, for those who serve as jurors in regard to these subjects for the first time since we made peace to be not only jurors but lawgivers, knowing well that, as you decide about these matters now, the city will manage in future. And it seems to me to be the part of a good citizen and impartial juror to define the laws as is most likely to benefit the state in future. 5. For some go so far as to say that no one is liable (to a charge) of desertion or cowardice; for there has been no battle and the law bids the soldiers to try "any one who goes to the rear through cowardice while the others are fighting." And the law does not provide for this case alone, but "whoever is not in the ranks." Now read the law.
6. You hear, gentlemen of the jury, that there are two provisions, for those who go to the rear during a battle, and those who fail to appear in the ranks. Now consider who ought to appear. Are they not those of military age? And those whom the Strategi enroll? 7. And I think, gentlemen of the jury, that he alone of the citizens is liable by the whole law. For he would be convicted of not being in the ranks, as when he was enrolled as a hoplite he did not go out with you in camp, and he did not let himself be placed in ranks,—and of cowardice, for although he ought to have met danger with the hoplites, he chose to go with the cavalry. 8. But they say he will offer this defense, that in going with the cavalry, he did no harm to the state. But I consider you have just cause of anger against him on this account, that although the law imposes a fine on any one in the cavalry who is not examined, he dared to enter the cavalry without examination. Now read the law.
9. He reached such a degree of depravity, and he had so little respect for you and so much fear of the enemy, and he had so great a wish to join the cavalry and cared so little for the laws that he disregarded the risk, and was willed to be fined and have his property confiscated and be liable to all these existing penalties, rather than to take up his position in the ranks with the citizens and be a hoplite. 10. And others who never served in the infantry and who were formerly in the cavalry and did great damage to the enemy never dared mount their horses through fear of you and the law; for they laid their plans, not as if the state would perish, but would be secure and prosperous, and would exact punishment of wrong-doers. But Alcibiades dared mount, neither through goodwill to the state, nor because he had been a knight, nor understanding (cavalry drill), nor having passed your examinations, (supposing) that the state would be unable to exact penalty of offenders.
11. It is necessary to remember that, if it is possible to do whatever one wishes, there is no use in having laws, nor for you to be impaneled, nor for Strategi to be chosen. And I wonder, gentlemen of the jury, if any one claims if a man, enrolled in the first rank, on the approach of the enemy, is found in the second, that he should be condemned for cowardice, but that if one, enrolled among the hoplites, appears among the cavalry, he should be pardoned. 12. Now, gentlemen of the jury, I think you are drawn, not only for punishing offenders, but that you may make other offenders more discreet. If now you punish, only obscure persons, no one will become better, for none will know whom you have condemned; but if you punish conspicuous offenders, all will hear of it, and in consequence of their examples the citizens will become better. 13. If now you condemn this fellow, not only will those in the city hear of it, but your allies and enemies will learn of it, and they will more highly esteem the state, if they see you are aroused against such offenses, and that those who offend against discipline in war have no pardon. 14. Remember too, gentlemen of the jury, that there are some soldiers who chance to be exhausted, and some who lack resources, and some who would gladly serve (if they could) remain in towns, and others who wish to look out for their own affairs at home, others who would have liked to serve as light-armed soldiers and others in the cavalry; (15) and yet you do not venture to leave the ranks nor choose what pleases yourselves, but you fear the laws of the state more than the risk before the enemy. Bearing these things in mind, it is now necessary to cast your vote, and make it evident to all, that those Athenians who are unwilling to fight with the enemy will be punished by you.
16. I am convinced, gentlemen of the jury, that the defendants will have nothing to say about the laws or the deed itself; but they will get up and ask and entreat you, demanding that you should not condemn the cowardice of the son of Alcibiades on the ground that he did great good and not much harm; for (in reality) if you had put him to death at the same age (that his son now is), when you first discovered his offenses against you, such misfortunes had never befallen the state. 17. It seems to me, gentlemen of the jury, a dreadful thing for you to have passed sentence of death upon the father, and when the son commits a crime, you acquit him for this very reason, that he himself did not dare to fight on your side, and that his father took part with the enemy. And when as a child he did not yet show what he was going to be, he was almost delivered to the Eleven for his father's offenses; and as you know not only the deeds of the father, but the son's cowardice, will you think it right to pity him for his father's sake? 18. Is it not terrible, gentlemen of the jury, that these are so fortunate as to be acquitted on account of their noble birth when they are caught in crime, while we, if we lose by their lawlessness, could not gain any concession from the enemy on account of the valiant deeds of our ancestors? 19. These were many and important, and (were done) for all Greece, and were not at all like theirs in relation to the state. And if they think they are noble for aiding their friends, they are evidently all the better for punishing their enemies. 20. And I think, gentlemen of the jury, one ought to be angry if his relatives try to beg him off, that they did not (rather) induce him, or if they tried to induce him, but could not obtain their end, to comply with the demands of the state. In fact, they are trying to persuade you that you need not exact a penalty from wrong-doers. 21. And if some of those in authority aid him, making a display of their power and pluming themselves that they can get off even those who are evidently criminal, you must suppose in the first place that if all were like Alcibiades there would be no need of generals, for there would be none to lead, and secondly, that it is far more for their interests to accuse those who leave the ranks than to make a defense for such. For what hope is there that others would wish to obey their generals' commands, when these very men try to screen offenders against discipline? 22. I beg you then to acquit him, if those who speak and make claims for Alcibiades proved that he served with the hoplites or with the cavalry after an examination; but if, without a just plea, they demand you to favor them, you are to remember that they are teaching you to break your oath, and disobey the laws, and that by too great zeal for offenders they make many desirous (of emulating) their deeds.
23. And I especially wonder, gentlemen of the jury, if any of you shall claim that Alcibiades be acquitted through his friend and not be condemned for his own baseness. It is right that you should hear of this (conduct), that you may know that you would not do right to acquit him on the plea that he has merely committed this wrong, but in other respects has been an exemplary citizen. For from other deeds of his you would justly condemn him to death. 24. It is for your interest to know about these things, for when you allow defendants to speak of their own good deeds, and the noble actions of their ancestors, you ought also to listen to the accusers, if they prove that the defendants have committed many crimes against you, and their ancestors did much harm. 25. For this man, when a youth, at the house of Archedemus the blear-eyed, who had stolen much of your money, while many eyes were upon him, drank, lying at full length under the same rug, and caroused at midday, having a mistress while a mere boy, imitating his ancestors, and thinking he could not be an illustrious man, unless he were a wild youth. 26. He was summoned by Alcibiades when his conduct became notorious. And what sort of a fellow should you think him, when he shocked that man who used to teach others such practices! Having conspired with Theotimus against his father, he betrayed Oreus to him. And Theotimus, taking the fortified place, first maltreated the youth and finally bound him and exacted a ransom for him. 27. And his father hated him so that he used to say he would not even care for his body if he died. And when his father died, Archebiades, a favorite of his, ransomed him. Not long after, having gambled away his property, setting sail from Leuke Akte he tried to drown his friends. 28. It would be a long story, gentlemen of the jury, to tell all his crimes against the state, his relatives, friends and others; but Hipponicus, having called many to witness, divorced his own wife, declaring that Alcibiades entered her house not as brother but as husband. 29. And though he has committed such crimes and done such horrible things, he neither repents of what he has done nor cares for what he will do, but he who should be a most illustrious citizen, making his life a shield for his father's misdeeds, tries to bring insult upon others, as if being able to transfer to others the smallest share of the disgraces which belong to himself, (30) and that too being a son of that Alcibiades who persuaded the Spartans to fortify Decelea, and sailed off to the islands, and incited many in the city to crime, and oftener fought against his country with its enemies than with his fellow-citizens against them. For all this, it is for the interest of yourselves and posterity to punish any one you find of this family. 31. He has been accustomed to say it was not right for his father to return from exile and be favored by the state, and (yet) that he should suffer unjustly in reputation on account of his father's exile. But it seems wrong, if you take away his privileges on the ground that you gave (them) without just reason, and when this one commits a wrong acquit him on the ground that his father was an ornament to the state. 32. And there are many other reasons, gentlemen of the jury, for you to condemn him, and for this reason especially, that he quotes as a precedent in support of his own baseness your acts of valor. For he dares say that Alcibiades did nothing so terrible in leading war against his country. 33. For while you were in exile you took Phyle and cut the trees and 'made assaults upon the walls, and though so doing left no reproach for your descendants, but gained honor from all men, as if those were on a par who in exile joined with the enemy against the country, and those who established themselves when the Spartans were in possession of the city. 34. I believe it is clear to all that these fellows sought to establish themselves; but you returned and expelled the enemy and freed even those citizens who wished to be slaves. So he uses like words about the two parties while the facts were not at all similar. 35. And yet, with such great misfortune coming upon him, he glories in his father's baseness, and said that he had great power, to bring evil upon the state. But who is so ignorant of his country as not to be able, if he wishes to be a traitor, to tell the enemy what fortified places to seize, to show what forts are ill-guarded, to teach them his country's weak points, and to declare which allies are ready to revolt? 36. Surely it was not through his power in exile he was able to work evil to the state when he returned deceiving you, and took command of many triremes, but was able neither to dislodge the enemy from the country nor make the Chians friendly again whom he had caused to revolt, nor do a particle of good to you. 37. So it is not difficult to realize that Alcibiades did not differ from other men in power, but was first of the citizens in villainy. Whatever he knew to be your weak points, he informed the Spartans, and when he had to act as general, he could do them no harm, but promising that the king would furnish money at his request, he took more than two hundred talents from the city. 38. And so he realized that he had done you much harm, and though being able to speak, and while he had friends, and having acquired the money, he never dared return and render his accounts, but exiling himself preferred to be a citizen of Thrace or of any other city rather than his own. And finally, gentlemen of the jury, to cap all his former baseness, he dared with Adeimantus to betray the ships to Lysander. 39. So if any one of you pities those who perished in the naval battle, or feels disgrace on account of those enslaved by the enemy, or is angry at the demolishment of the walls, or hates the Spartans, or is angry at the Thirty, he should consider that this man's father was the cause of all this, and remember that Alcibiades, his great-grandfather, and his great-great-grandfather on his mother's side were ostracized twice by your ancestors, and that the older men among you condemned his father to death; so you must consider him as an hereditary enemy of the state and as such condemn him, and care less for pitying and pardoning him than for the existing laws and the oaths which you have sworn. 41. But you must consider, gentlemen of the jury, on what ground you should spare such men. Is it on the ground that in relation to the state they have been unfortunate, but otherwise have lived with moderation and in an orderly fashion? Have they not been unchaste, and lived with their sisters, and some have had children by their daughters, (42) others have performed the mysteries, mutilated the Hermae, been impious before the gods, wronged the state, have lived without regard to justice or law in relation to others or to their fellow-citizens, have refrained from no deed of daring, nor left untried any crime? They have experienced and done everything. For such is their disposition as to be ashamed of good deeds, and to glory in crime. 43. Now it is true, gentlemen of the jury, that before now you have acquitted some, although knowing they were in the wrong, believing that in the future they would be useful to you. But what hope is there that the state will be benefited by this fellow, whom you will know to be worthless as soon as he begins his defense, and understand to be a coward from the rest of his disposition. 44. If he were banished, he could not work you any evil, being a coward and poor and unable to effect anything, at variance with his kinsmen and hated by other men. So for this reason he should not be cared for, (45) but much rather should he furnish an example to other men, especially to his associates, who are not willing to obey commands and desire such a course of action as his, and while mismanaging their own affairs attempt to dictate about yours.
46. I have made my accusation as best I could, and I know that there are some of my audience who wonder how I was able to ferret out so accurately their misdeeds, while the defendant is laughing to himself because I have mentioned (only) the smallest part of their sins. 47. So taking into account what has been omitted as well as what has been said, condemn him by your votes, remembering that he is liable to the charge, and that the state would gain much if relieved of such citizens. Read now to them the laws and the oaths and the writ, and with these in mind they will vote justly.