Chapter 7

120MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty-five leagues.”121Instead of this last phrase, MS. 5,650 reads: “and very little of that.” The account of the shipwreck and rescue as given here is very confusing and inadequate. Cf. Guillemard,ut supra, pp. 175–179, and Navarrete, iv, pp. 38, 39. One man was lost, namely, the negro slave of João Serrão. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) gives the briefest mention of it. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) says: “After this [i.e., the mutiny], they wintered for three months; and Magallanes again ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to go ahead in order to explore. The ship was wrecked but all of its crew were saved.” Correa’s account (Stanley, p. 250) is very short, and mentions that only the hull of the vessel was lost.122Mosto (p. 60, note 3) derives this word from the Spanishmejillon, a variety of cockle, which he thinks may be theMytilusor common mussel.123SeeVol. II, p. 34, note 5*.124Eden (p. 252) says: “52. degree ... lackynge a thyrde parte.”125MS. 5,650 omits: “and the holy bodies,” and has in its place: “by His grace.”126MS. 5,650 omits these last two words. The Italian formbracciois retained in view of these words; for the Spanishbrazais a measure about equivalent to the English fathom, while thebraccio, although varying in different cities, is near three palmos (spans) in length. The term is, however, translatedbrasse(“fathom”) in MS. 5,650. Mosto (p. 60, note 8), conjectures this fish to be theEliginus maclovinus. Of this fish, TheodoreGill, the well-known ichthyologist, says in a letter of May 22, 1905: “The Italian editor gave a shrewd guess in the suggestion that the fish in question was what was formerly calledEliginus maclovinus. The only vulgar name that I have been able to find for it is ‘robalo,’ and this name is applied to it by the Spanish-speaking people of both sides of South America. Like most popular names, however, it is very misleading. ‘Robalo’ is the Spanish name for the European bass, which is nearly related to our striped bass or rock bass. To that fish the robalo of South America has no affinity or real resemblance, and belongs to a very different family peculiar to the southern hemisphere—theNototheniids. The so-calledEliginus maclovinus(properly,Eliginops maclovinus) is the most common and widely distributed species and probably the one obtained by the fleet of Magalhães.”127Of the river Santa Cruz and the stay there, Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says: “We left that place [i.e., Port San Julian] on the 24th of the said month [of August] and coasted along to the southwest by west. About 30 leguas farther on, we found a river named Santa Cruz, which we entered on the 26th of the same month. We stayed there until the day of San Lucas, the 18th of the month of October. We caught many fish there and got wood and water. That coast extends northeast by east and southwest by west, and is an excellent coast with good indentations.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) places the river Santa Cruz twenty leagues from San Julian and in about 50°. That narrative says that the four remaining boats continued to pick up the wreckage of the “Santiago” until September 18. The name Santa Cruz was said to have been given to the river because they entered it on September 14, the day of the exaltation of the holy cross (see Stanley, p. 4, note 4, and Mosto, p. 60, note 7), but Kohl (Mosto,ut supra) attributes the name to João Serrão who was near that river on May 3, 1520, the day on which the church celebrates the feast of the finding of the holy cross. Navarrete (iv, p. 41) cites Herrera as authority for an eclipse of the sun that happened while at this river on October 11, 1520. Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 187, 188) is disinclined to believe the report, although he mentions an annular eclipse of the sun on October 20, 1520, which was however not visible in Patagonia. Navarrete (ut supra) says that Magalhães gave instructions to his captains here “saying that he would follow those coasts until finding a strait or the end of that continent, even if he had to go to a latitude of 75°; that before abandoning that enterprise, the ships might be twice unrigged; and that after that he would go in search of Maluco toward the east and east northeast, by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza and the island of San Lorenzo.”A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply headed “chapter.”128The anonymous Portuguese who accompanied Duarte Barbosa says 53° 30´; Barros, 52° 56´; Elcano, 54°; and Albo, 52° 30´. Mosto, p. 60, note 9.129MS. 5.650 has the words in brackets.130Eden (p. 252) says of the strait: “they founde the ſtraight nowe cauled the ſtraight of Magellanus, beinge in ſum place C.x. leagues in length: and in breadth ſumwhere very large and in other places lyttle more than halfe a league in bredth.” Stanley (p. 57) is uncertain of the Frenchet quasi autant de largeur moins de demye lieue, which is (translated freely) simply “something like almost a half-league wide.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 7) says that the channel “at some places has a width of three leagues, and two, and one, and in some places half a league.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320) gives the width as two, three, five, or ten Italian miles; Gomara, two leagues or so; Barros, one league at the mouth, and the strait, from a musket or cannon shot to one and one and one-half leagues; Castanheda, at the mouth as wide as two ships close together, then opening up to one league; Peter Martyr, a sling-shot’s distance in places. (Mosto, p. 61, note 2.)131ProiseorProi(proy,proic) is an ancient Catalonian word meaning the “bow moorings;” Cf. Jal,Glossaire nautìque(Mosto, p. 61, note 3). The old Spanish word is “proís,” which signifies both the thing to which the ship is moored ashore, and the rope by which it is moored to the shore.132This passage is as follows in MS. 5,650: “The said strait was a circular place surrounded with mountains (as I have said), and the majority of the sailors thought that there was no exit from it into the said Pacific Sea. But the captain-general declared that there was another strait which led out, and that he knew that well, for he had seen it on a marine chart of the king of Portugal. That map had been made by a renowned sailor and pilot, named Martin de Boesme. The said captain sent two of his ships forward—one named the ‘Sainct Anthoine,’ and the other the ‘Conception’—in order that they might look for and discover the exit from the said strait, which was called the cape de la Baya.”Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Bœhem), Bœhm) was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436) of a family originally from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany, and died at Lisbon, July 29, 1506. He was a draper in Flanders, 1477–1479, after which he went to Lisbon (1480) where he becameacquainted with Columbus. In 1484 he was chosen geographer of Diego Cam’s expedition to Western Africa. On his return, he received the order of knighthood in the military order of Christ of Portugal; after which he went to the island of Fayal in the Azores where he became interested in colonization and agriculture, and married the daughter of the governor. In 1491 he returned to Germany, where he lived at Nuremberg until 1493, and where, at the request of his townsmen, he constructed an immense globe on the information of Ptolemy, Strabo, and others, which contains many errors (see facsimile in Guillemard), In 1493 he returned to Lisbon, and in 1494 to Fayal, where he remained until 1506, when he went to Lisbon. Many myths sprung up about him, such that he had visited America before Columbus and the straits of Magellan before Magalhães, the latter of whom he may have known at Lisbon. See Rose,New Biographical Dictionary(London, 1848);Grande Encyclopédie(Paris, Lamirault et Cie.); and Guillemard, pp. 73, 74.See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189–198) for a discussion of knowledge regarding the existence of a strait to the south of the American continent, prior to Magalhães’s discovery and passage of it. Guillemard, after weighing the evidence for and against, decides that there may have been a “more or less inexact knowledge of the existence of some antarctic break “that would allow access to the eastern world.133Possession Bay, according to Mosto, p. 61, note 5, but Guillemard (pp. 199, 200) thinks it may have been Lomas Bay.134Probably Anegada Point to the northwest of Cape Orange.135The “First Narrows” or Primera Garganta, just beyond Anegada Point.136Lago de los Estrechos, St. Philip’s Bay, or Boucant Bay.137The “Second Narrows” and Broad Reach.138MS. 5,650 does not mention the smoke signals.139MS. 5,650 reads: “When near us they suddenly discharged a number of guns, whereat we very joyously saluted them with artillery and cries.”140The first is the passage east of Dawson Island, which extends to the northeast into Useless Bay and to the southeast into Admiralty Sound. The second opening was the passage between the western side of Dawson Island and Brunswick Peninsula.141Esteban Gomez was an experienced Portuguese navigator and pilot with ambitions only less than those of Magalhães, his kinsman (Guillemard, p. 203). His desertion occurred probablyin the first part of November, and was perhaps directly due to pique at what he considered lack of appreciation from Magalhães. Conspiring with Gerónimo Guerra, the notary, who was elected captain of the “San Antonio” they made off with that ship, and after imprisoning Alvaro de Mezquita, returned to Spain, anchoring at Sevilla May 6, 1521. There Gomez was imprisoned after the return of the “Victoria,” but was liberated, and in 1524 proposed an expedition to discover a northwest passage. An expedition having been fitted out by Cárlos I, he coasted Florida and the eastern coast, as far as Cape Cod, and returned to Spain in 1525. SeeGrande Encyclopédie; Navarrete, iv, pp. 42–45, and 201–208; and Guillemard,ut supra, pp. 203–205.Brito’s story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of the “San Antonio” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as follows: “They left that place [i.e., the river of Santa Cruz] on October 20, and went to enter a strait of which they had no knowledge. The entrance of the strait extends for about 15 leguas; and after they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-locked, and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portuguese pilot named Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend a mountain in order to ascertain whether there was any outlet. Carballo returned saying that it appeared land-locked to him. Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ to go in advance in order to explore the strait. After having gone ahead for about 30 leguas, they returned to tell Magallanes that the river went farther but that they could not tell where it would take them. Upon receiving that information Magallanes weighed anchor with all three ships, and advanced along the strait until reaching the point to which the others had explored. Then he ordered the ‘San Antonio’ of which Alvaro de Mezquito, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban Gomez, a Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel that opened in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was wrecked. Magallanes proceeded with his remaining ships until he found an exit.” Correa’s account of the desertion of the “San Antonio” is as usual with him, inadequate, and evidently based on hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250).142Literally “brother;” but to be understood probably as the expressioncugino germano, “cousin german.”143MS. 5,650 begins this sentence as follows: “But that ship lost its time, for the other.”144Guillemard (p. 206) conjectures from the records of Albo, Pigafetta, and Herrera that the river of Sardines is Port Gallant which is located on the Brunswick Peninsula, opposite the Charles Islands. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says that after taking thecourse to the northwest they sailed about 15 leagues before anchoring.145Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 216) says that the two capes at the exit of the strait were called Fermosa and Deseado, this latter being Cape Pillar (see Guillemard, map facing p. 198).146MS. 5,650 adds: “which were on the other side.”147João Serrão, the brother of Magalhães’s staunchest friend Francisco Serrão, and a firm supporter of the great navigator. Pigafetta errs in calling him a Spaniard (see p. 183), though he may have become a naturalized Spaniard, since the register speaks of him as a citizen of Sevilla. One document (Navarrete, iv, p. 155) calls him a Portuguese pilot, and Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) a Castilian. He was an experienced navigator and captain, and had served under Vasco da Gama, Almeida, and Albuquerque. Vasco da Gama (on his second voyage, 1502–1503) made him captain of the ship “Pomposa” which was built in Mozambique where he was left to attend to Portuguese affairs. On this expedition he saw the coast of Brazil for the first time, for Vasco da Gama’s fleet, ere doubling the Cape of Good Hope, crossed to the Brazilian coast, which they followed as far as Cape Santo Agostinho. He fought bravely in the battle of Cananor under Almeida (March 16, 1506, in which Magalhães also participated). He was chief captain of three caravels in August, 1510, in Eastern water, and was in the Java seas in 1512, but must have returned to Portugal soon after that, for he was there in 1513; although he seems to have been appointed clerk at the fortress of Calicut in the latter year. He embarked with Magalhães as captain and pilot of the “Santiago,” but after the wreck of that vessel near port San Julian was given command of the “Concepcion,” in which he later explored the strait. Failing to dissuade Magalhães from attacking the natives of Matan, he became commander, with Duarte Barbosa, of the fleet at Magalhães’s death, and was murdered by the Cebuans after the treacherous banquet given by them to the fleet. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Stanley’sThree voyages of Vasco da Gama(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869).148MS. 5,650 reads as follows: “Such was the method ordered by the captain from the beginning, in order that the ship that happened to become separated from the others might rejoin the fleet.” Then it adds: “Thereupon the crew of the said ship did what the captain had ordered them and more, for they set two banners with their letters,” etc.149“The island of Santa Magdalena (Mosto, p. 62, note 11).150According to Guillemard the river of Isleo (or “of Islands”)is located on Brunswick Peninsula, and is identified with the port of San Miguel, just east of the “River of Sardines;” the island where the cross was planted would be one of the Charles Islands.151The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 3) mentions that the day at the port of San Julian was about seven hours long; while the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 30) says that the sun only appeared for some “four hours each day” in June and July. Transylvanus says the nights in the strait were not longer than five hours.152MS. 5,650 adds: “which is the collateral wind between the east and south.”153MS. 5,650 adds: “and anchorages.”154Various kinds of these umbelliferous parsley plants are still to be found in Patagonia, where they are highly esteemed (Mosto, p. 63, note 3).155MS. 5,650 reads: “I do not believe that there is a more beautiful country or a better strait than that.” See Albo’s description of the strait, inVol. I,pp. 264–265; that of Transylvanus,Vol. I,pp. 319–321; and that inWorld encompassed(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 236, 237 (this last account also mentioning the difficulty of finding water sufficiently shallow for anchoring). The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait was called the “Strait of Victoria, because the ship ‘Victoria’ was the first that had seen it: some called it the Strait of Magalhaens because our captain was named Fernando de Magalhaens.” Castanheda says that Magalhães gave it the name of “bay of All Saints” because it was discovered on November 1; and San Martin in his reply to Magalhães’s request for opinions regarding the continuance of the expedition calls it “channel of All Saints:” but this name was first applied to only one gulf or one branch and later extended to the entire channel. This name is found in the instructions given for the expedition of Sebastian Cabot in 1527, and in the map made that same year at Sevilla by the Englishman Robert Thorne. Sarmiento de Gamboa petitioned Felipe II that it be called “strait of the Mother of God.” It was also called “strait of Martin Behaim.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait is 400 miles long. The “Roterio” (Stanley, pp. 7, 8) says that it is 100 leagues in length, and that in traversing it, they “sailed as long as it was daylight, and anchored when it was night.” Transylvanus (Vol. I,p. 320) gives the length as 100 Spanish miles; Oviedo, 100 or 110 leagues; Herrera, 100 leagues, and twenty days to navigate; Gomara, 110 to 120 leagues; Peter Martyr, 110 leagues. See Mosto, p. 60, note 10, and p. 62, note 2; andante, note 130.156These fish are: a species ofCoryphæna; theThymnus albacora, and theThymnus plamys.157From the Spanishgolondrina, the sapphirine gurnard or tubfish (Trigla hirundo).158MS. 5,650 reads: “one foot or more.”159At this point in the original Italian MS., which ends a page, occurs the heading of the following pageSequitur Vocabuli pataghoni, that is, “Continuation of Patagonian words.”160Literally: “for the nature of women.”161MS. 5,650 presents the following differences in the list of Patagonian words from the Italian MS.EyesatherEyelashesocchechlLipsschianeHairajchirThroatohumerShoulderspelesPenisscachetTesticlesscaneosRumpschiachenArmmarPulseohonLegschossFeettecheHeelthereSole of the footcartscheniFingernailscoliniTo scratchghecareYoung mancalemiWateroliSmokejaicheWechenYeszeiPetre lazuresecheghiSuncalexcheniTo eatmecchiereTo lookconneTo walkrheiShiptheuTo runhaimOstrich eggsjanThe powder of the herb which they eatcapaeRed clothterechaiBlackamelRedtheicheTo cookjrecolesA goosechacheTheir little devilsCheleultIn the above list,chencorresponds in the Italian MS. toehen, the equivalent of “no;”theuis “ship” in the above, and “snow” in the Italian;courire(the equivalent ofcovrireorcoprire, “to cover”) in the Italian, becomescourir(“to run”) in MS. 5,650. All are to be regarded as errors of the French. Certain words are left in Italian in MS. 5,650, which are as follows:la copa;alcalcagno; (Italian MS.al calcagno);homo squerzo(Italian MS.sguerco);a la pignate(Italian MS.pigniata);alstruzzo vcelo(Italian MS.al seruzo ucelo); andalcocinare(Italian MS.al coçinare). Stanley offers this as proof that MS. 5,650 was written by Pigafetta, and not translated from his Italian, but it furnishes no evidence that Pigafetta even saw the French version of his relation. It must be remembered that Stanley did not himself see the Italian MS. but only the Amoretti mutilation of it (from which, and from MS. 5,650, he reproduces the vocabulary, without English translation); and hence bases his observations on that and the conjectures of its editor. Stanley points out the fact that Amoretti has omitted several words of this list, but they are all in the Italian MS. A sad blunder has been made by Stanley in his transcription ofLa pouldre dherbe qui mangentwhose Patagonian equivalent iscapac. He transcribes as follows:la pouldre d’herbewith Patagonian equivalentqui(which it is to be noted is only the wrong form of the French relative), andmangentwith Patagonian equivalentcapac, explainingmangentin a footnote as “Food, the root used as bread.” Stanley also makes the following mistranscriptions:oreschofororesche(“nostrils”);canneghinforcaimeghin(“palm of the hand”);ochyforochii(“bosom”);scancosforscaneos(“testicles”);houforhoii(“buttocks”);ohoyforohon(“pulse”);cartschemforcartscheni(“sole of the foot”);cholforthol(“heart”);omforoni(“wind”);aschameforaschanie(“earthen pot”);oamagheiforoamaghce(“to fight”);ametforamel(“black”); andixecolesforjrocoles(“to cook”). Amoretti has also made many errors (see Stanley’sFirst Voyage, pp. 62, 63). Mosto, who is on the whole a faithful transcriber, hassacancosas the Patagonian equivalent ofa li testiculi;om janifora li sui, the correct forms of the latter beingjanianda li sui oui; andtcrechaifor the equivalent of “red cloth.” Eden (p. 252) gives only the following words: “breade, Capar: water, Oli: redde clothe, Cherecai: red colour, Cheiche: blacke colour, Amel.”Mosto (p. 63, note 8) gives the following words from thevocabulary of the Tehuel-ches compiled by the second lieutenant of the ship “Roncagli,” which correspond almost exactly with those given by Pigafetta.EnglishRoncagliPigafettaNoseororeyeóthelotherhandtzéncheneearshasaneostrichóyuehoi hoiBrinton (American Race, p. 328) cites Ramon Lista (Mis exploraciones y descubrìmientos en Patagonia, Buenos Ayres, 1880) in proof that the language of the Patagonians has undergone but slight change since the time of Pigafetta. See also lists of words in Brinton (ut supra), p. 364, from the Patagonian and Fuegian languages. The vocabularies given by Horatio Hale (Wilkes’sU. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842, Philadelphia, 1846, viii, pp. 651–656) bear no resemblance to Pigafetta’s vocabulary. Hale says that guttural sounds are frequent among the Indians of the Patagonian district.162MS. 5,650 reads: “capae.”163Cf. with the methods of fire-making used by the North American Indians inJesuit Relations and Allied Documents(Cleveland reissue); seealso Captivity of Hans Stade(Hakluyt Society edition), p. 126.At this point (folio 14a) in the original Italian MS. occurs the first chart, representing the straits of Magellan (see p. 86). The cardinal points in all of Pigafetta’s charts are the reverse of the ordinary, the north being below and the south above. MS. 5,650 precedes this chart (which there occupies folio 21a) by the words: “Below is depicted the strait of Patagonie.” Immediately following this chart in the Italian MS. (folio 15a) is the chart of theYsole Infortunate(“Unfortunate Isles;” see p. 92). These islands are shown in MS. 5,650 on folio 23a, with the following notice: “Here are shown the two islands called ‘Unfortunate Islands.’” The charts in the Italian MS. are brown or dull black on a blue ground.164The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that Magalhães left the strait November 26 (having entered it October 21); the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) and Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 65, note 1), November 27.165MS. 5,650 reads: “And we ate only biscuits that had fallen to powder, which was quite full of worms, and stank from the filth of the urine of rats that covered it, and of which the good had been eaten.” Eden (p. 252) reads: “And hauynge inthis tyme conſumed all theyr byſket and other vyttales, they fell into ſuche neceſſitie that they were inforced to eate the pouder that remayned therof beinge nowe full of woormes and ſtynkynge lyke pyſſe by reaſon of the ſalte water,” Herrera (Navarrete, iv, p. 51) says that the rice was cooked with salt water.166A curious coincidence in view of Magalhães’s answer to Esteban Gomez at a council called in the strait to discuss the continuance of the voyage that “although he had to eat the cowhide wrappings of the yardarms, he would still persevere and discover what he had promised the emperor” (Navarrete, iv, p. 43; cited from Herrera). At that council André de San Martin, pilot in the “San Antonio,” advised that they continue explorations until the middle of January, 1521, and then return to Spain; and urged that no farther southward descent be made, and that navigation along so dangerous coasts be only by day, in order that the crew might have some rest (Navarrete, iv, pp. 45–49).167MS. 5,650 reads: “enough of them.”168This was the scurvy. Navarrete (iv, p. 54) following a document conserved in Archivo general de Indias, says that only eleven men died of scurvy during the voyage from the strait to the Ladrones.169The anonymous Portuguese says (Stanley, p. 31) that after sailing west and northwest for 9,858 miles, the equator was reached. At the line (“Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 9), Magalhães changed the course in order to strike land north of the Moluccas, as “he had information that there were no provisions” there.170MS. 5,650 reads: “It is well named Pacific.”171MS. 5,650 adds: “which is a large fish called tiburoni.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31), says that the Unfortunate Islands were met before the line was reached and were eight hundred miles distant from one another. One was called St. Peter (in 18°) and the other the island of Tiburones (in 14°). Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 321), Herrera, and Oviedo, say that the three vessels stopped two days at those islands for supplies, but Albo’s journal (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) indicates that no stop was made there. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9), gives the latitude of these islands as 18° or 19° and 13° or 14°. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) says that the first was discovered January 24 in 16° 15´, and was called San Pablo, because that was the date of St. Paul’s conversion; and the island of Tiburones was discovered February 4, in 10° 40´, at a distance of 9° (sic) from the former. Eden (p. 253) says that the second island lay in 5°. These two islands were probably Puka-puka (theHonden Eylandof the Dutch atlases) of the Tuamotu group, located in latitude14° 45´ south, and longitude 138° 48´ west; and Flint Island of the Manihiki group, located in latitude 11° 20´ south and longitude 151° 48´ west. The latter is still uninhabited, but the former contains a population of over four hundred. Seeante, note 163. See Guillemard, p. 220, and Mosto, p. 65, note 6.172MS. 5,650 reads: “now at the stern, now at the windward side, or otherwise.” Amoretti changes this passage completely, reading: “According to our measurement of the distance that we made with the chain astern, we ran from sixty to seventy leagues daily.” Many basing themselves on this passage of Amoretti, have believed that the log was in use at the time of the first circumnavigation. Dr. Breusing (Die Catena a poppa bei Pigafetta und die Logge, in “Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin,” 1869, iv, pp. 107–115) believes that the “stern chain (catena poppa) is not the log properly so-called, but an instrument for determining the angle of the ship’s leeway, an opinion accepted also by Gelcich in hisLa scoperta d’America e Cristoforo Colombo nella letteratura moderna(Gorizia, 1890). L’Vzielle (Studi bibliogr. e biogr. sulla storia della geogr. in Italia, Roma, 1875, part ii, introduction, pp. 294–296), combats that opinion, as well as the idea that the log is meant. The difficulty of the passage, he says, hinges on the wordhoand whether it is interpreted as a verb or a conjunction. If it be a conjunction then the passage, means “estimating by sight, the rate of the ship from the ‘bow catena,’ or at the stern”(‘catena’ being a beam perpendicular to the ship’s axis at the point near the bow where it begins to curve inward; that is, at such a point that from that place to the stern, the direction of the apparent way is parallel to the longitudinal axis of the ship) his ship made fifty, sixty, or seventy leagues.” One might suppose, ifhobe regarded as a verb, that Pigafetta calledcatenaa cross beam of the stern (the passage reading “the catena that was at the stern”); or that the disjunctiveho, “or” is used in place ofe, “and,” and that Pigafetta, dividing the distance between the stern and the bow catena by the time necessary for a fixed point of the sea to pass from the elevation of the bow to that of the stern, thus deduced the ship’s rate. See Mosto, p. 66, note1. L’Vzielli’s opinion is the most probable, for although the log is mentioned by Purchas as early as 1607, its use did not become general until 1620. An instrument used to measure the rates of vessels is mentioned as early as 1577, but it was very deficient.173The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 6) says that this cape, which he calls “cape of the virgins” was discovered on October 21, 1520, and lay in latitude about 52° south. Barros says that it was discovered on October 20; and Transylvanus and Oviedo, on November 27. See Mosto, p. 61, note 1.174Regarding the reckonings Eden says: “In ſo much that it was neceſſarie to helpe the needle with the lode ſtone (commonly cauled the adamant) before they could ſaile therwith, bycauſe it moued not as it doothe when it is in theſe owre partes.” Eden also gives a cut of the “ſtarres abowt the pole Antartike.” The same author also (pp. 277–280) compiles from Amerigo Vespucci and Andreas de Corsali a treatise entitled “Of the Pole Antartike and the stars abowt the same and of the qualitie of the regions and disposition of the Elementes abowt the Equinoctiall line. Alſo certeyne ſecreates touching the arte of ſaylynge.” The former says: “The pole Antartike hath nother the great beare nor the lyttle as is ſeene abowte owre pole. But hath foure ſtarres whiche compaſſe it abowt in forme of a quadrangle. When these are hydden, there is ſeene on the lefte ſyde a bryght Canopus of three ſtarres of notable greatneſſe, whiche beinge in the myddeſt of heauen, repreſenteth this figure.” The latter says: “Here we ſawe a marueylous order of ſtarres, ſo that in the parte of heauen contrary to owre northe pole, to knowe in what place and degree the ſouth pole was, we tooke the day with the ſoonne, and obſerued the nyght with the aſtrolabie, and ſaw manifeſtly twoo clowdes of reaſonable bygneſſe mouynge abowt the place of the pole continually nowe ryſynge and nowe faulynge, ſo keepynge theyr continuall courſe in circular mouynge, with a ſtarre euer in the myddeſt which is turned abowt with them abowte. xi. degrees frome the pole. Aboue theſe appeareth a marueylous croſſe in the myddeſt of fyue notable ſtarres which compaſſe it abowt.... This croſſe is so fayre and bewtiful, that none other heuenly gne may be compared to it....” These are the Magallanic clouds (Nuebecula major and Nubecula minor) and the constellation of the Southern Cross or Crux. The Magellanic clouds resemble portions of the milky way, Nubecula major being visible to the naked eye in strong moonlight and covering about two hundred times the moon’s surface, while the Nubecula minor, although visible to the naked eye, disappears in full moonlight, and covers an area only one-fourth that of the former. They were first observed by the Arabians. The Portuguese pilots probably called them at first “clouds of the cape.” (Mosto, p. 66, note 2). The Southern Cross, which resembles a lute rather than a cross, was first erected into a constellation by Royer in 1679, although often spoken of before as a cross. Only one of its five principal stars belongs to the first magnitude. The cross is only 6° in extent north and south and less than that east and west.The second chart of the plate at p. 92 represents the Ladrones Islands and occurs in the Italian MS. at this point (folio 16b). This chart is found on folio 25b in MS. 5,650, and is preceded by the inscription: “The island of the robbers and the style of their boats.”175MS. 5,650 reads: “During that time of two months and twelve days.”176Amoretti reads: “three degrees east of Capo Verde.” If the cape is meant, the correction is proper, but if the islands, the MS. is correct. See Mosto, p. 67, note 4.177Cipangu is Japan, while Sumbdit Pradit may be the island of Antilia, called “Septe citade” on Martin Behaim’s globe (Mosto, p. 67, note 5). The locations given by Pigafetta prove that they did not see them, but that he writes only from vague reports. Europe first learned of Japan, near the end of the thirteenth century, through Marco Polo, who had been told in China fabulous tales of the wealth of Zipangu. This word is derived by Marco Polo from the Chinese Dschi-pen-Kuë or Dschi-pon, which the Japanese have transformed into Nippon or Nihon. SeeTravels of Marco Polo, book iii, ch. ii; and Rein’sJapan, p. 4.178SeeVol. I, pp. 208, 209, 210, 312, 336.179MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 322) names two islands of the Ladrones Inuagana and Acacan, but says that both were uninhabited. Guillemard (ut supra, p. 223) conjectures these names to be identical with Agana in Guam and Sosan in Rota. Hugues (Mosto, p. 67, note 7) believes the first island visited to have been Guam, and his conjecture is undoubtedly correct.180MS. 5,650 adds: “called skiff.”181MS. 5,650 adds: “of the said island.”182MS. 5,650 has a new unnumbered chapter heading before the following paragraph.183This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650, as is also all the following sentence; but that MS. adds: “We left the said island immediately afterward, and continued our course.” This was on March 9, on which day the only Englishman in the fleet, “Master Andrew” of Bristol, died (Guillemard,ut supra, p. 226).184Eden (p. 254) says: “two hundreth of theyr boates.”185MS. 5,650 has a new chapter at this point, although the chapter is unnumbered.When Loaisa’s expedition reached the Ladrones, they found still alive a Galician, one of three deserters from Espinosa’s ship (seeVol. II, pp. 30, 34, 35, 110). See the reception accorded Legazpi, and a description of one of those islands in 1565,Vol. II, pp. 109–113. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that the expedition reached the Ladrones, March 6, 1521 (with which Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 219 agrees); and that after the theft of theskiff, Magellan landed with fifty or sixty men, burned the whole village, killed seven or eight persons, both men and women; and that supplies were taken aboard. The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the Ladrones (which lay in 10°–12° north latitude, were 2,046 miles by the course traveled from the equator. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says: “Thence [i.e., the Unfortunate Islands] they laid their course westward, and after sailing 500 leguas came to certain islands where they found a considerable number of savages. So many of the latter boarded the vessels that when the men tried to restore order in them, they were unable to get rid of the savages except by lance-thrusts. They killed many savages, who laughed as if it were a cause for rejoicing.”186MS. 5,650 adds: “or superior.”187MS. 5,650 reads: “cloth.”188At this point, MS. 5,650 begins a new sentence, thus: “There are found in that place.”189MS. 5,650 reads: “Those women.”190MS. 5,650 makes use of the Italian wordstoreforstuojeorstojemeaning “mats,” and explains by adding: “which we call mats.”191They also (according to Herrera) received the nameLas Velas, “the sails” from the lateen-rigged vessels that the natives used (Mosto, p. 67, note 7). See alsoVol. XVI, pp. 200–202.192In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “The pastime of the men and women of the said place and their sport, is to go in their boats to catch those flying fish with fishhooks made of fishbone.”193Mosto (p. 68, note 5) says that these boats were thefisolere, which were small and very swift oared-vessels, used in winter on the Venetian lakes by the Venetian nobles for hunting with bows and arrows and guns. Amoretti conjectures that Pigafetta means thefusiniere, boats named after Fusine whence people are ferried to Venice.194MS. 5,650 reads: “The said boats have no difference between stern and bow.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 219), in speaking of the boats of the Chamorros, uses almost identically the same expression: “They went both ways, for they could make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern, whenever they wished.” The apparatus described by Pigafetta as belonging to these boats is the outrigger, common to many of the boats of the eastern islands.195In the Italian MS., the chart ofAguada ly boni segnaly(“Watering-place of good signs”), Zzamal (Samar), Abarien,Humunu, Hyunagan, Zuluam, Cenalo, and Ybusson (q.v., p. 102) follows at this point. It is found on folio 29b of MS. 5,650 and is preceded by the following: “Here is shown the island of Good Signs, and the four islands, Cenalo, Humanghar, Ibusson, and Abarien, and several others.”196“The tenth of March” in Eden, and the distance of Zamal from the Ladrones is given as “xxx. leagues.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says that the first land seen was called Yunagan, “which extended north and had many bays;” and that going south from there they anchored at a small island called Suluan. At the former “we saw some canoes, and went thither, but they fled. That island lies in 9° 40´ north latitude.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 10) says that the first land seen was in “barely eleven degrees,” and that the fleet “went to touch at another further on, which appeared first.” Two praus approached a boat sent ashore, whereupon the latter was ordered back, and the praus fled. Thereupon the fleet went to another nearby island “which lies in ten degrees, to which they gave the name of the ‘Island of Good Signs,’ because they found some gold in it.”197This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.198MS. 5,650 reads: “more than one foot long.”199Since rice is an important staple among all the eastern islands, it is natural that there are different and distinctive names for that grain in the various languages and dialects for all stages of its growth and all its modes of preparation. Thus the Tagálog has words for “green rice,” “rice with small heads,” “dirty and partly rotten rice,” “early rice,” “late rice,” “cooked rice,” and many others. See alsoU. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 70, 71.200MS. 5,650 reads: “In order to explain what manner of fruit is that above named, one must know that what is called ‘cochi’ is the fruit borne by the palm-tree. Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and vinegar, which are obtained from different things, so those people get the above named substances from those palm-trees alone.” See Delgado’sHistoria, pp. 634–659, for description of the useful cocoa palm; also,U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 72, 73, 75.201MS. 5,650 reads: “along the tree.” Practically the method used today to gather the cocoanut wine. SeeU. S. Philippine Gazetteer, p. 75.202In describing the cocoanut palm and fruit, Eden (p. 254) reads: “Vnder this rynde, there is a thicke ſhell whiche they burne and make pouder thereof and vſe it as a remedie for certeyne diſeaſes.” He says lower, that the cocoanut milk on congealing “lyeth within the ſhell lyke an egge.”203MS. 5,650 reads: “By so doing they last a century.”204Called “Suluan” by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220). It is a small island southeast of Samar. Seeante, note 196. Dr. David P. Barrows (Census of the Philippines, Washington, 1905, i, p. 413), says that the men from Suluan “were perhaps not typical of the rest of the population which Magellan found sparsely scattered about the coasts of the central islands, but ... were almost certainly of the same stock from which the present Visayan people are in the main descended.” These natives had probably come, he says, “in successively extending settlements, up the west coast of Mindanao from the Sulu archipelago. ‘Sulúan’ itself means ‘Where there are Suluges,’ that is, men of Sulu or Joló.”205MS. adds: “seeing that they were thus well dispositioned.”206MS. 5,650 adds: “into the sea.”207Albo calls it (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) the island of Gada (i.e.,Aguada, “watering-place”) “where we took on water and wood, that island being very free of shoals” (seeante, note 196). This island is now called Homonhón, Jomonjol, or Malhón. Its greatest dimensions are ten miles from northwest to southeast, and five miles from northeast to southwest. It is eleven miles southwest from the nearest point in Samar. It is called “Buenas Señas” on Murillo Velarde’s map.208The “Roteiro” (Stanley p. 11) says that the archipelago was also called “Vall Sem Periguo,” or “Valley without Peril.” The name “Filipinas” was not applied to them until 1542 by Villalobos (seeVol. II, p. 48).209Probably the jungle-fowl (Gallus bankiva) which is caught and tamed in large numbers by the natives of the Philippines and still used for crossing with the domestic fowl. See Guillemard (ut supra, p. 228, note 1).210This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.211MS. 5,650 reads: “In his ears he wore pendants of gold jewels, which they call ‘schione.’”212MS. adds: “whom he had put ashore on that island that they might recruit their strength.”213MS. 5,650 reads: “There is another island near the above island, inhabited by people.” Mosto says (p. 70, note 6) thatpichetiis from the Spanishpiquete, “a small hole made with a sharp pointed instrument.” This custom of piercing the ears is quite general among savage, barbarous, and semi-barbarous peoples.214Eden (p. 254) reads: “caphranitathat is gentyles.” SeeVol. III, p. 93, note 29.215This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.216Our transcript readsfacine, and MS. 5,650fascine, both of which translate “fascines.” Mosto readsfocine, which is amended by Amoretti tofoscine. This latter is probably the same word asfiocina, a “harpoon” or “eel-spear,” and hence here a “dart.”217Stanley failed to decipher this word in MS. 5,650, which is the same as the word in the Italian MS. Mosto, citing Boerio (Dizion. veneziano), says ofrizali: “Rizzagioorrizzagno, ‘sweepnet’ a fine thickly woven net, which when thrown into rivers by the fisherman, opens, and when near the bottom, closes, and covers and encloses the fish.Rizzagiois also called that contrivance or net, made in the manner of an inverted cone, with a barrel hoop attached to the circumference as a selvage. It has a hole underneath, through which if the eels in the ponds slyly enter the net, there is no danger of their escape.”Fish are caught in the Philippines by various devices—in favorable situations by traps, weirs, corrals of bamboo set along the shore in shallow waters. Various kinds of nets and seines, the hook and line, and also the spear, are also used. SeeCensus of the Philippine Islands(Washington, 1905), iv, p. 533.218MS. 5,650 reads: “Hiunanghar.” Stanley has mistranscribed “Huinanghar.” It is difficult to identify the four islands of Cenalo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson, and Abarien with certainty. Mosto (p. 71, notes) suggests that they may be Dinagat, Cabugan, Gibuson, and Cabalarián. The first three are evidently correct, as those islands would naturally be sighted in the course followed. The last island is shown in Pigafetta’s chart to be north of Malhón, and the probability is that he names and locates it merely from hearsay, and that they did not see it. Its position seems to indicate Manicani rather than Cabalarián.After this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 21a) follows the chart of the islands of Pozzon, Ticobon, Polon, Baibai and Ceilon (together forming the island of Leyte), Gatighan, Bohol, and Mazzana (sic) (q.v., p. 112). This chart in MS. 5,650 (on folio 36a) is preceded by: “Below is shown the cape of Gatighan and many other islands surrounding it.”219Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says: “We departed thence [i.e., from Malhón] and went toward the west in order to strike a large island called Seilani [i.e., Leyte] which is inhabited and has gold in it. We coasted along it and took our course to the west southwest in order to strike a small island, which is inhabited and called Mazava. The people there are very friendly.We erected a cross on a mountain in that island. Three islands lying to the west southwest were pointed out to us from that island, which are said to possess gold in abundance. They showed us how it was obtained. They found pieces as large as chickpeas and beans. Masava lies in latitude 9 and two-thirds degrees north.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 11) says: “They ran on to another island twenty leagues from that from which they sailed [i.e., Malhón], and came to anchor at another island, which is named Macangor [i.e., Masaua], which is nine degrees; and in this island they were very well received, and they placed a cross in it.” See alsoVol. I, pp. 322, 323.220MS. 5,650 reads: “But they moved off immediately and would not enter the ship through distrust of us.” The slave who acted as interpreter is the Henrique de Malaca of Navarrete’s list.221Bara: the Spanish wordbarra.222MS. 5,650 reads: “to ask him to give him some food for his ships in exchange for his money.”223MS. 5,650 reads: “The king hearing that came with seven or eight men.”224Fordorade,i.e., the dorado. MS. 5,650 adds: “which are very large fish of the kind abovesaid.”225The ceremony of blood brotherhood.Casicasimeans “intimate friends.” See Trumbull’sBlood Covenant(Philadelphia, 1898), which shows how widespread was the covenant or friendship typified by blood.226MS. 5,650 reads: “After that the said captain had one of his men-at-arms armed in offensive armor.” Stanley has translatedharnois blancliterally as “white armor.”227This passage may be translated: “Thereby was the king rendered almost speechless, and told the captain, through the slave, that one of those armed men was worth a hundred of his own men. The captain answered that that was a fact, and that he had brought two hundred men in each ship, who were armed in that manner.” Eden so understood it, and reads: “whereat the Kynge marualed greatly, and ſayde to th[e] interpretoure (who was a ſlaue borne in Malacha) that one of thoſe armed men was able to encounter with a hundreth of his men.” MS. 5,650 agrees with the translation of the text.228Instead of this last phrase MS. 5,650 has: “and he made two of his men engage in sword-play before the king.”229MS. 5,650 says only: “Then he showed the king the sea-chart, and the navigation compass.” Eden says (p. 348) that the first to use the compass was one “Flauius of Malpha, a citie inthe kingdom of Naples.... Next vnto Flauius, the chiefe commendation is dew to the Spanyardes and Portugales by whoſe daylye experience, the ſame is brought to further perfection, and the vſe thereof better knowen; althowghe hytherto no man knoweth the cauſe why the iren touched with the lode ſtone, turneth euer towarde the north ſtarre, as playnely appeareth in euery common dyall.” He also says: “As touchynge the needle of the compaſſe, I haue redde in the Portugales nauigations that ſaylynge as farre ſouth as Cap. de Bona Speranza, the poynt of the needle ſtyll reſpected the northe as it dyd on this ſyde the Equinoctiall, ſauynge that it ſumwhat trembeled and declyned a lyttle, whereby the force ſeemed ſumwhat to be diminiſſhed, ſo that they were fayne to helpe it with the lode ſtone.” (Seeante, p. 93). The compass was known in a rough form to the Chinese at early as 2634B.C., and first applied to navigation in the third or fourth centuryA.D., or perhaps earlier. It was probably introduced into Europe through the Arabs who learned of it from the Chinese. It is first referred to in European literature by Alexander Neckam in the twelfth century inDe Utensilibus. The variations from the true north were observed as early as 1269.230Stanley says that the Amoretti edition represents the king as making this request and Magalhães as assenting thereto; but the Italian MS. reads as distinctly as MS. 5,650, that Magalhães made the request.231MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.232MS. 5,650 adds: “that is, a boat.”233The following passage relating to the meal reads thus in MS. 5,650: “Then the king had a plate of pork and some wine brought in. Their fashion of drinking is as follows. First they lift their hands toward the sky, and then take with the right hand the vessel from which they drink, while extending the fist of the left hand toward the people. The king did that to me, and extended his fist toward me, so that I thought that he was going to strike me. But I did the same to him, and in such wise did we banquet and afterwards sup with him using that ceremony and others.” See Spencer’sCeremonial Institutions, especially chapter I.234Eden reads (p. 255): “When the kynge ſawe Antonie Pigafetta write the names of many thinges, and afterwarde rehearſe them ageyne, he marualed yet more, makynge ſygnes that ſuche men deſcended from heauen.” Continuing he confuses the eldest son of the first king with the latter’s brother, the second king.235A tolerably good description of the native houses of thepresent day in the Philippines. Cf. Morga’s description,Vol. XVI, pp. 117–119.236MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter at this point.237This sentence to this point in MS. 5,650, is wrongly made to refer to the house of the king. The passage there reads: “All the dishes with which he is served, and also a part of his house, which was well furnished according to the custom of the country, were of gold.”

120MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty-five leagues.”121Instead of this last phrase, MS. 5,650 reads: “and very little of that.” The account of the shipwreck and rescue as given here is very confusing and inadequate. Cf. Guillemard,ut supra, pp. 175–179, and Navarrete, iv, pp. 38, 39. One man was lost, namely, the negro slave of João Serrão. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) gives the briefest mention of it. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) says: “After this [i.e., the mutiny], they wintered for three months; and Magallanes again ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to go ahead in order to explore. The ship was wrecked but all of its crew were saved.” Correa’s account (Stanley, p. 250) is very short, and mentions that only the hull of the vessel was lost.122Mosto (p. 60, note 3) derives this word from the Spanishmejillon, a variety of cockle, which he thinks may be theMytilusor common mussel.123SeeVol. II, p. 34, note 5*.124Eden (p. 252) says: “52. degree ... lackynge a thyrde parte.”125MS. 5,650 omits: “and the holy bodies,” and has in its place: “by His grace.”126MS. 5,650 omits these last two words. The Italian formbracciois retained in view of these words; for the Spanishbrazais a measure about equivalent to the English fathom, while thebraccio, although varying in different cities, is near three palmos (spans) in length. The term is, however, translatedbrasse(“fathom”) in MS. 5,650. Mosto (p. 60, note 8), conjectures this fish to be theEliginus maclovinus. Of this fish, TheodoreGill, the well-known ichthyologist, says in a letter of May 22, 1905: “The Italian editor gave a shrewd guess in the suggestion that the fish in question was what was formerly calledEliginus maclovinus. The only vulgar name that I have been able to find for it is ‘robalo,’ and this name is applied to it by the Spanish-speaking people of both sides of South America. Like most popular names, however, it is very misleading. ‘Robalo’ is the Spanish name for the European bass, which is nearly related to our striped bass or rock bass. To that fish the robalo of South America has no affinity or real resemblance, and belongs to a very different family peculiar to the southern hemisphere—theNototheniids. The so-calledEliginus maclovinus(properly,Eliginops maclovinus) is the most common and widely distributed species and probably the one obtained by the fleet of Magalhães.”127Of the river Santa Cruz and the stay there, Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says: “We left that place [i.e., Port San Julian] on the 24th of the said month [of August] and coasted along to the southwest by west. About 30 leguas farther on, we found a river named Santa Cruz, which we entered on the 26th of the same month. We stayed there until the day of San Lucas, the 18th of the month of October. We caught many fish there and got wood and water. That coast extends northeast by east and southwest by west, and is an excellent coast with good indentations.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) places the river Santa Cruz twenty leagues from San Julian and in about 50°. That narrative says that the four remaining boats continued to pick up the wreckage of the “Santiago” until September 18. The name Santa Cruz was said to have been given to the river because they entered it on September 14, the day of the exaltation of the holy cross (see Stanley, p. 4, note 4, and Mosto, p. 60, note 7), but Kohl (Mosto,ut supra) attributes the name to João Serrão who was near that river on May 3, 1520, the day on which the church celebrates the feast of the finding of the holy cross. Navarrete (iv, p. 41) cites Herrera as authority for an eclipse of the sun that happened while at this river on October 11, 1520. Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 187, 188) is disinclined to believe the report, although he mentions an annular eclipse of the sun on October 20, 1520, which was however not visible in Patagonia. Navarrete (ut supra) says that Magalhães gave instructions to his captains here “saying that he would follow those coasts until finding a strait or the end of that continent, even if he had to go to a latitude of 75°; that before abandoning that enterprise, the ships might be twice unrigged; and that after that he would go in search of Maluco toward the east and east northeast, by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza and the island of San Lorenzo.”A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply headed “chapter.”128The anonymous Portuguese who accompanied Duarte Barbosa says 53° 30´; Barros, 52° 56´; Elcano, 54°; and Albo, 52° 30´. Mosto, p. 60, note 9.129MS. 5.650 has the words in brackets.130Eden (p. 252) says of the strait: “they founde the ſtraight nowe cauled the ſtraight of Magellanus, beinge in ſum place C.x. leagues in length: and in breadth ſumwhere very large and in other places lyttle more than halfe a league in bredth.” Stanley (p. 57) is uncertain of the Frenchet quasi autant de largeur moins de demye lieue, which is (translated freely) simply “something like almost a half-league wide.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 7) says that the channel “at some places has a width of three leagues, and two, and one, and in some places half a league.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320) gives the width as two, three, five, or ten Italian miles; Gomara, two leagues or so; Barros, one league at the mouth, and the strait, from a musket or cannon shot to one and one and one-half leagues; Castanheda, at the mouth as wide as two ships close together, then opening up to one league; Peter Martyr, a sling-shot’s distance in places. (Mosto, p. 61, note 2.)131ProiseorProi(proy,proic) is an ancient Catalonian word meaning the “bow moorings;” Cf. Jal,Glossaire nautìque(Mosto, p. 61, note 3). The old Spanish word is “proís,” which signifies both the thing to which the ship is moored ashore, and the rope by which it is moored to the shore.132This passage is as follows in MS. 5,650: “The said strait was a circular place surrounded with mountains (as I have said), and the majority of the sailors thought that there was no exit from it into the said Pacific Sea. But the captain-general declared that there was another strait which led out, and that he knew that well, for he had seen it on a marine chart of the king of Portugal. That map had been made by a renowned sailor and pilot, named Martin de Boesme. The said captain sent two of his ships forward—one named the ‘Sainct Anthoine,’ and the other the ‘Conception’—in order that they might look for and discover the exit from the said strait, which was called the cape de la Baya.”Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Bœhem), Bœhm) was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436) of a family originally from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany, and died at Lisbon, July 29, 1506. He was a draper in Flanders, 1477–1479, after which he went to Lisbon (1480) where he becameacquainted with Columbus. In 1484 he was chosen geographer of Diego Cam’s expedition to Western Africa. On his return, he received the order of knighthood in the military order of Christ of Portugal; after which he went to the island of Fayal in the Azores where he became interested in colonization and agriculture, and married the daughter of the governor. In 1491 he returned to Germany, where he lived at Nuremberg until 1493, and where, at the request of his townsmen, he constructed an immense globe on the information of Ptolemy, Strabo, and others, which contains many errors (see facsimile in Guillemard), In 1493 he returned to Lisbon, and in 1494 to Fayal, where he remained until 1506, when he went to Lisbon. Many myths sprung up about him, such that he had visited America before Columbus and the straits of Magellan before Magalhães, the latter of whom he may have known at Lisbon. See Rose,New Biographical Dictionary(London, 1848);Grande Encyclopédie(Paris, Lamirault et Cie.); and Guillemard, pp. 73, 74.See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189–198) for a discussion of knowledge regarding the existence of a strait to the south of the American continent, prior to Magalhães’s discovery and passage of it. Guillemard, after weighing the evidence for and against, decides that there may have been a “more or less inexact knowledge of the existence of some antarctic break “that would allow access to the eastern world.133Possession Bay, according to Mosto, p. 61, note 5, but Guillemard (pp. 199, 200) thinks it may have been Lomas Bay.134Probably Anegada Point to the northwest of Cape Orange.135The “First Narrows” or Primera Garganta, just beyond Anegada Point.136Lago de los Estrechos, St. Philip’s Bay, or Boucant Bay.137The “Second Narrows” and Broad Reach.138MS. 5,650 does not mention the smoke signals.139MS. 5,650 reads: “When near us they suddenly discharged a number of guns, whereat we very joyously saluted them with artillery and cries.”140The first is the passage east of Dawson Island, which extends to the northeast into Useless Bay and to the southeast into Admiralty Sound. The second opening was the passage between the western side of Dawson Island and Brunswick Peninsula.141Esteban Gomez was an experienced Portuguese navigator and pilot with ambitions only less than those of Magalhães, his kinsman (Guillemard, p. 203). His desertion occurred probablyin the first part of November, and was perhaps directly due to pique at what he considered lack of appreciation from Magalhães. Conspiring with Gerónimo Guerra, the notary, who was elected captain of the “San Antonio” they made off with that ship, and after imprisoning Alvaro de Mezquita, returned to Spain, anchoring at Sevilla May 6, 1521. There Gomez was imprisoned after the return of the “Victoria,” but was liberated, and in 1524 proposed an expedition to discover a northwest passage. An expedition having been fitted out by Cárlos I, he coasted Florida and the eastern coast, as far as Cape Cod, and returned to Spain in 1525. SeeGrande Encyclopédie; Navarrete, iv, pp. 42–45, and 201–208; and Guillemard,ut supra, pp. 203–205.Brito’s story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of the “San Antonio” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as follows: “They left that place [i.e., the river of Santa Cruz] on October 20, and went to enter a strait of which they had no knowledge. The entrance of the strait extends for about 15 leguas; and after they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-locked, and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portuguese pilot named Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend a mountain in order to ascertain whether there was any outlet. Carballo returned saying that it appeared land-locked to him. Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ to go in advance in order to explore the strait. After having gone ahead for about 30 leguas, they returned to tell Magallanes that the river went farther but that they could not tell where it would take them. Upon receiving that information Magallanes weighed anchor with all three ships, and advanced along the strait until reaching the point to which the others had explored. Then he ordered the ‘San Antonio’ of which Alvaro de Mezquito, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban Gomez, a Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel that opened in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was wrecked. Magallanes proceeded with his remaining ships until he found an exit.” Correa’s account of the desertion of the “San Antonio” is as usual with him, inadequate, and evidently based on hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250).142Literally “brother;” but to be understood probably as the expressioncugino germano, “cousin german.”143MS. 5,650 begins this sentence as follows: “But that ship lost its time, for the other.”144Guillemard (p. 206) conjectures from the records of Albo, Pigafetta, and Herrera that the river of Sardines is Port Gallant which is located on the Brunswick Peninsula, opposite the Charles Islands. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says that after taking thecourse to the northwest they sailed about 15 leagues before anchoring.145Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 216) says that the two capes at the exit of the strait were called Fermosa and Deseado, this latter being Cape Pillar (see Guillemard, map facing p. 198).146MS. 5,650 adds: “which were on the other side.”147João Serrão, the brother of Magalhães’s staunchest friend Francisco Serrão, and a firm supporter of the great navigator. Pigafetta errs in calling him a Spaniard (see p. 183), though he may have become a naturalized Spaniard, since the register speaks of him as a citizen of Sevilla. One document (Navarrete, iv, p. 155) calls him a Portuguese pilot, and Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) a Castilian. He was an experienced navigator and captain, and had served under Vasco da Gama, Almeida, and Albuquerque. Vasco da Gama (on his second voyage, 1502–1503) made him captain of the ship “Pomposa” which was built in Mozambique where he was left to attend to Portuguese affairs. On this expedition he saw the coast of Brazil for the first time, for Vasco da Gama’s fleet, ere doubling the Cape of Good Hope, crossed to the Brazilian coast, which they followed as far as Cape Santo Agostinho. He fought bravely in the battle of Cananor under Almeida (March 16, 1506, in which Magalhães also participated). He was chief captain of three caravels in August, 1510, in Eastern water, and was in the Java seas in 1512, but must have returned to Portugal soon after that, for he was there in 1513; although he seems to have been appointed clerk at the fortress of Calicut in the latter year. He embarked with Magalhães as captain and pilot of the “Santiago,” but after the wreck of that vessel near port San Julian was given command of the “Concepcion,” in which he later explored the strait. Failing to dissuade Magalhães from attacking the natives of Matan, he became commander, with Duarte Barbosa, of the fleet at Magalhães’s death, and was murdered by the Cebuans after the treacherous banquet given by them to the fleet. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Stanley’sThree voyages of Vasco da Gama(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869).148MS. 5,650 reads as follows: “Such was the method ordered by the captain from the beginning, in order that the ship that happened to become separated from the others might rejoin the fleet.” Then it adds: “Thereupon the crew of the said ship did what the captain had ordered them and more, for they set two banners with their letters,” etc.149“The island of Santa Magdalena (Mosto, p. 62, note 11).150According to Guillemard the river of Isleo (or “of Islands”)is located on Brunswick Peninsula, and is identified with the port of San Miguel, just east of the “River of Sardines;” the island where the cross was planted would be one of the Charles Islands.151The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 3) mentions that the day at the port of San Julian was about seven hours long; while the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 30) says that the sun only appeared for some “four hours each day” in June and July. Transylvanus says the nights in the strait were not longer than five hours.152MS. 5,650 adds: “which is the collateral wind between the east and south.”153MS. 5,650 adds: “and anchorages.”154Various kinds of these umbelliferous parsley plants are still to be found in Patagonia, where they are highly esteemed (Mosto, p. 63, note 3).155MS. 5,650 reads: “I do not believe that there is a more beautiful country or a better strait than that.” See Albo’s description of the strait, inVol. I,pp. 264–265; that of Transylvanus,Vol. I,pp. 319–321; and that inWorld encompassed(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 236, 237 (this last account also mentioning the difficulty of finding water sufficiently shallow for anchoring). The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait was called the “Strait of Victoria, because the ship ‘Victoria’ was the first that had seen it: some called it the Strait of Magalhaens because our captain was named Fernando de Magalhaens.” Castanheda says that Magalhães gave it the name of “bay of All Saints” because it was discovered on November 1; and San Martin in his reply to Magalhães’s request for opinions regarding the continuance of the expedition calls it “channel of All Saints:” but this name was first applied to only one gulf or one branch and later extended to the entire channel. This name is found in the instructions given for the expedition of Sebastian Cabot in 1527, and in the map made that same year at Sevilla by the Englishman Robert Thorne. Sarmiento de Gamboa petitioned Felipe II that it be called “strait of the Mother of God.” It was also called “strait of Martin Behaim.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait is 400 miles long. The “Roterio” (Stanley, pp. 7, 8) says that it is 100 leagues in length, and that in traversing it, they “sailed as long as it was daylight, and anchored when it was night.” Transylvanus (Vol. I,p. 320) gives the length as 100 Spanish miles; Oviedo, 100 or 110 leagues; Herrera, 100 leagues, and twenty days to navigate; Gomara, 110 to 120 leagues; Peter Martyr, 110 leagues. See Mosto, p. 60, note 10, and p. 62, note 2; andante, note 130.156These fish are: a species ofCoryphæna; theThymnus albacora, and theThymnus plamys.157From the Spanishgolondrina, the sapphirine gurnard or tubfish (Trigla hirundo).158MS. 5,650 reads: “one foot or more.”159At this point in the original Italian MS., which ends a page, occurs the heading of the following pageSequitur Vocabuli pataghoni, that is, “Continuation of Patagonian words.”160Literally: “for the nature of women.”161MS. 5,650 presents the following differences in the list of Patagonian words from the Italian MS.EyesatherEyelashesocchechlLipsschianeHairajchirThroatohumerShoulderspelesPenisscachetTesticlesscaneosRumpschiachenArmmarPulseohonLegschossFeettecheHeelthereSole of the footcartscheniFingernailscoliniTo scratchghecareYoung mancalemiWateroliSmokejaicheWechenYeszeiPetre lazuresecheghiSuncalexcheniTo eatmecchiereTo lookconneTo walkrheiShiptheuTo runhaimOstrich eggsjanThe powder of the herb which they eatcapaeRed clothterechaiBlackamelRedtheicheTo cookjrecolesA goosechacheTheir little devilsCheleultIn the above list,chencorresponds in the Italian MS. toehen, the equivalent of “no;”theuis “ship” in the above, and “snow” in the Italian;courire(the equivalent ofcovrireorcoprire, “to cover”) in the Italian, becomescourir(“to run”) in MS. 5,650. All are to be regarded as errors of the French. Certain words are left in Italian in MS. 5,650, which are as follows:la copa;alcalcagno; (Italian MS.al calcagno);homo squerzo(Italian MS.sguerco);a la pignate(Italian MS.pigniata);alstruzzo vcelo(Italian MS.al seruzo ucelo); andalcocinare(Italian MS.al coçinare). Stanley offers this as proof that MS. 5,650 was written by Pigafetta, and not translated from his Italian, but it furnishes no evidence that Pigafetta even saw the French version of his relation. It must be remembered that Stanley did not himself see the Italian MS. but only the Amoretti mutilation of it (from which, and from MS. 5,650, he reproduces the vocabulary, without English translation); and hence bases his observations on that and the conjectures of its editor. Stanley points out the fact that Amoretti has omitted several words of this list, but they are all in the Italian MS. A sad blunder has been made by Stanley in his transcription ofLa pouldre dherbe qui mangentwhose Patagonian equivalent iscapac. He transcribes as follows:la pouldre d’herbewith Patagonian equivalentqui(which it is to be noted is only the wrong form of the French relative), andmangentwith Patagonian equivalentcapac, explainingmangentin a footnote as “Food, the root used as bread.” Stanley also makes the following mistranscriptions:oreschofororesche(“nostrils”);canneghinforcaimeghin(“palm of the hand”);ochyforochii(“bosom”);scancosforscaneos(“testicles”);houforhoii(“buttocks”);ohoyforohon(“pulse”);cartschemforcartscheni(“sole of the foot”);cholforthol(“heart”);omforoni(“wind”);aschameforaschanie(“earthen pot”);oamagheiforoamaghce(“to fight”);ametforamel(“black”); andixecolesforjrocoles(“to cook”). Amoretti has also made many errors (see Stanley’sFirst Voyage, pp. 62, 63). Mosto, who is on the whole a faithful transcriber, hassacancosas the Patagonian equivalent ofa li testiculi;om janifora li sui, the correct forms of the latter beingjanianda li sui oui; andtcrechaifor the equivalent of “red cloth.” Eden (p. 252) gives only the following words: “breade, Capar: water, Oli: redde clothe, Cherecai: red colour, Cheiche: blacke colour, Amel.”Mosto (p. 63, note 8) gives the following words from thevocabulary of the Tehuel-ches compiled by the second lieutenant of the ship “Roncagli,” which correspond almost exactly with those given by Pigafetta.EnglishRoncagliPigafettaNoseororeyeóthelotherhandtzéncheneearshasaneostrichóyuehoi hoiBrinton (American Race, p. 328) cites Ramon Lista (Mis exploraciones y descubrìmientos en Patagonia, Buenos Ayres, 1880) in proof that the language of the Patagonians has undergone but slight change since the time of Pigafetta. See also lists of words in Brinton (ut supra), p. 364, from the Patagonian and Fuegian languages. The vocabularies given by Horatio Hale (Wilkes’sU. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842, Philadelphia, 1846, viii, pp. 651–656) bear no resemblance to Pigafetta’s vocabulary. Hale says that guttural sounds are frequent among the Indians of the Patagonian district.162MS. 5,650 reads: “capae.”163Cf. with the methods of fire-making used by the North American Indians inJesuit Relations and Allied Documents(Cleveland reissue); seealso Captivity of Hans Stade(Hakluyt Society edition), p. 126.At this point (folio 14a) in the original Italian MS. occurs the first chart, representing the straits of Magellan (see p. 86). The cardinal points in all of Pigafetta’s charts are the reverse of the ordinary, the north being below and the south above. MS. 5,650 precedes this chart (which there occupies folio 21a) by the words: “Below is depicted the strait of Patagonie.” Immediately following this chart in the Italian MS. (folio 15a) is the chart of theYsole Infortunate(“Unfortunate Isles;” see p. 92). These islands are shown in MS. 5,650 on folio 23a, with the following notice: “Here are shown the two islands called ‘Unfortunate Islands.’” The charts in the Italian MS. are brown or dull black on a blue ground.164The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that Magalhães left the strait November 26 (having entered it October 21); the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) and Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 65, note 1), November 27.165MS. 5,650 reads: “And we ate only biscuits that had fallen to powder, which was quite full of worms, and stank from the filth of the urine of rats that covered it, and of which the good had been eaten.” Eden (p. 252) reads: “And hauynge inthis tyme conſumed all theyr byſket and other vyttales, they fell into ſuche neceſſitie that they were inforced to eate the pouder that remayned therof beinge nowe full of woormes and ſtynkynge lyke pyſſe by reaſon of the ſalte water,” Herrera (Navarrete, iv, p. 51) says that the rice was cooked with salt water.166A curious coincidence in view of Magalhães’s answer to Esteban Gomez at a council called in the strait to discuss the continuance of the voyage that “although he had to eat the cowhide wrappings of the yardarms, he would still persevere and discover what he had promised the emperor” (Navarrete, iv, p. 43; cited from Herrera). At that council André de San Martin, pilot in the “San Antonio,” advised that they continue explorations until the middle of January, 1521, and then return to Spain; and urged that no farther southward descent be made, and that navigation along so dangerous coasts be only by day, in order that the crew might have some rest (Navarrete, iv, pp. 45–49).167MS. 5,650 reads: “enough of them.”168This was the scurvy. Navarrete (iv, p. 54) following a document conserved in Archivo general de Indias, says that only eleven men died of scurvy during the voyage from the strait to the Ladrones.169The anonymous Portuguese says (Stanley, p. 31) that after sailing west and northwest for 9,858 miles, the equator was reached. At the line (“Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 9), Magalhães changed the course in order to strike land north of the Moluccas, as “he had information that there were no provisions” there.170MS. 5,650 reads: “It is well named Pacific.”171MS. 5,650 adds: “which is a large fish called tiburoni.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31), says that the Unfortunate Islands were met before the line was reached and were eight hundred miles distant from one another. One was called St. Peter (in 18°) and the other the island of Tiburones (in 14°). Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 321), Herrera, and Oviedo, say that the three vessels stopped two days at those islands for supplies, but Albo’s journal (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) indicates that no stop was made there. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9), gives the latitude of these islands as 18° or 19° and 13° or 14°. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) says that the first was discovered January 24 in 16° 15´, and was called San Pablo, because that was the date of St. Paul’s conversion; and the island of Tiburones was discovered February 4, in 10° 40´, at a distance of 9° (sic) from the former. Eden (p. 253) says that the second island lay in 5°. These two islands were probably Puka-puka (theHonden Eylandof the Dutch atlases) of the Tuamotu group, located in latitude14° 45´ south, and longitude 138° 48´ west; and Flint Island of the Manihiki group, located in latitude 11° 20´ south and longitude 151° 48´ west. The latter is still uninhabited, but the former contains a population of over four hundred. Seeante, note 163. See Guillemard, p. 220, and Mosto, p. 65, note 6.172MS. 5,650 reads: “now at the stern, now at the windward side, or otherwise.” Amoretti changes this passage completely, reading: “According to our measurement of the distance that we made with the chain astern, we ran from sixty to seventy leagues daily.” Many basing themselves on this passage of Amoretti, have believed that the log was in use at the time of the first circumnavigation. Dr. Breusing (Die Catena a poppa bei Pigafetta und die Logge, in “Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin,” 1869, iv, pp. 107–115) believes that the “stern chain (catena poppa) is not the log properly so-called, but an instrument for determining the angle of the ship’s leeway, an opinion accepted also by Gelcich in hisLa scoperta d’America e Cristoforo Colombo nella letteratura moderna(Gorizia, 1890). L’Vzielle (Studi bibliogr. e biogr. sulla storia della geogr. in Italia, Roma, 1875, part ii, introduction, pp. 294–296), combats that opinion, as well as the idea that the log is meant. The difficulty of the passage, he says, hinges on the wordhoand whether it is interpreted as a verb or a conjunction. If it be a conjunction then the passage, means “estimating by sight, the rate of the ship from the ‘bow catena,’ or at the stern”(‘catena’ being a beam perpendicular to the ship’s axis at the point near the bow where it begins to curve inward; that is, at such a point that from that place to the stern, the direction of the apparent way is parallel to the longitudinal axis of the ship) his ship made fifty, sixty, or seventy leagues.” One might suppose, ifhobe regarded as a verb, that Pigafetta calledcatenaa cross beam of the stern (the passage reading “the catena that was at the stern”); or that the disjunctiveho, “or” is used in place ofe, “and,” and that Pigafetta, dividing the distance between the stern and the bow catena by the time necessary for a fixed point of the sea to pass from the elevation of the bow to that of the stern, thus deduced the ship’s rate. See Mosto, p. 66, note1. L’Vzielli’s opinion is the most probable, for although the log is mentioned by Purchas as early as 1607, its use did not become general until 1620. An instrument used to measure the rates of vessels is mentioned as early as 1577, but it was very deficient.173The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 6) says that this cape, which he calls “cape of the virgins” was discovered on October 21, 1520, and lay in latitude about 52° south. Barros says that it was discovered on October 20; and Transylvanus and Oviedo, on November 27. See Mosto, p. 61, note 1.174Regarding the reckonings Eden says: “In ſo much that it was neceſſarie to helpe the needle with the lode ſtone (commonly cauled the adamant) before they could ſaile therwith, bycauſe it moued not as it doothe when it is in theſe owre partes.” Eden also gives a cut of the “ſtarres abowt the pole Antartike.” The same author also (pp. 277–280) compiles from Amerigo Vespucci and Andreas de Corsali a treatise entitled “Of the Pole Antartike and the stars abowt the same and of the qualitie of the regions and disposition of the Elementes abowt the Equinoctiall line. Alſo certeyne ſecreates touching the arte of ſaylynge.” The former says: “The pole Antartike hath nother the great beare nor the lyttle as is ſeene abowte owre pole. But hath foure ſtarres whiche compaſſe it abowt in forme of a quadrangle. When these are hydden, there is ſeene on the lefte ſyde a bryght Canopus of three ſtarres of notable greatneſſe, whiche beinge in the myddeſt of heauen, repreſenteth this figure.” The latter says: “Here we ſawe a marueylous order of ſtarres, ſo that in the parte of heauen contrary to owre northe pole, to knowe in what place and degree the ſouth pole was, we tooke the day with the ſoonne, and obſerued the nyght with the aſtrolabie, and ſaw manifeſtly twoo clowdes of reaſonable bygneſſe mouynge abowt the place of the pole continually nowe ryſynge and nowe faulynge, ſo keepynge theyr continuall courſe in circular mouynge, with a ſtarre euer in the myddeſt which is turned abowt with them abowte. xi. degrees frome the pole. Aboue theſe appeareth a marueylous croſſe in the myddeſt of fyue notable ſtarres which compaſſe it abowt.... This croſſe is so fayre and bewtiful, that none other heuenly gne may be compared to it....” These are the Magallanic clouds (Nuebecula major and Nubecula minor) and the constellation of the Southern Cross or Crux. The Magellanic clouds resemble portions of the milky way, Nubecula major being visible to the naked eye in strong moonlight and covering about two hundred times the moon’s surface, while the Nubecula minor, although visible to the naked eye, disappears in full moonlight, and covers an area only one-fourth that of the former. They were first observed by the Arabians. The Portuguese pilots probably called them at first “clouds of the cape.” (Mosto, p. 66, note 2). The Southern Cross, which resembles a lute rather than a cross, was first erected into a constellation by Royer in 1679, although often spoken of before as a cross. Only one of its five principal stars belongs to the first magnitude. The cross is only 6° in extent north and south and less than that east and west.The second chart of the plate at p. 92 represents the Ladrones Islands and occurs in the Italian MS. at this point (folio 16b). This chart is found on folio 25b in MS. 5,650, and is preceded by the inscription: “The island of the robbers and the style of their boats.”175MS. 5,650 reads: “During that time of two months and twelve days.”176Amoretti reads: “three degrees east of Capo Verde.” If the cape is meant, the correction is proper, but if the islands, the MS. is correct. See Mosto, p. 67, note 4.177Cipangu is Japan, while Sumbdit Pradit may be the island of Antilia, called “Septe citade” on Martin Behaim’s globe (Mosto, p. 67, note 5). The locations given by Pigafetta prove that they did not see them, but that he writes only from vague reports. Europe first learned of Japan, near the end of the thirteenth century, through Marco Polo, who had been told in China fabulous tales of the wealth of Zipangu. This word is derived by Marco Polo from the Chinese Dschi-pen-Kuë or Dschi-pon, which the Japanese have transformed into Nippon or Nihon. SeeTravels of Marco Polo, book iii, ch. ii; and Rein’sJapan, p. 4.178SeeVol. I, pp. 208, 209, 210, 312, 336.179MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 322) names two islands of the Ladrones Inuagana and Acacan, but says that both were uninhabited. Guillemard (ut supra, p. 223) conjectures these names to be identical with Agana in Guam and Sosan in Rota. Hugues (Mosto, p. 67, note 7) believes the first island visited to have been Guam, and his conjecture is undoubtedly correct.180MS. 5,650 adds: “called skiff.”181MS. 5,650 adds: “of the said island.”182MS. 5,650 has a new unnumbered chapter heading before the following paragraph.183This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650, as is also all the following sentence; but that MS. adds: “We left the said island immediately afterward, and continued our course.” This was on March 9, on which day the only Englishman in the fleet, “Master Andrew” of Bristol, died (Guillemard,ut supra, p. 226).184Eden (p. 254) says: “two hundreth of theyr boates.”185MS. 5,650 has a new chapter at this point, although the chapter is unnumbered.When Loaisa’s expedition reached the Ladrones, they found still alive a Galician, one of three deserters from Espinosa’s ship (seeVol. II, pp. 30, 34, 35, 110). See the reception accorded Legazpi, and a description of one of those islands in 1565,Vol. II, pp. 109–113. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that the expedition reached the Ladrones, March 6, 1521 (with which Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 219 agrees); and that after the theft of theskiff, Magellan landed with fifty or sixty men, burned the whole village, killed seven or eight persons, both men and women; and that supplies were taken aboard. The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the Ladrones (which lay in 10°–12° north latitude, were 2,046 miles by the course traveled from the equator. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says: “Thence [i.e., the Unfortunate Islands] they laid their course westward, and after sailing 500 leguas came to certain islands where they found a considerable number of savages. So many of the latter boarded the vessels that when the men tried to restore order in them, they were unable to get rid of the savages except by lance-thrusts. They killed many savages, who laughed as if it were a cause for rejoicing.”186MS. 5,650 adds: “or superior.”187MS. 5,650 reads: “cloth.”188At this point, MS. 5,650 begins a new sentence, thus: “There are found in that place.”189MS. 5,650 reads: “Those women.”190MS. 5,650 makes use of the Italian wordstoreforstuojeorstojemeaning “mats,” and explains by adding: “which we call mats.”191They also (according to Herrera) received the nameLas Velas, “the sails” from the lateen-rigged vessels that the natives used (Mosto, p. 67, note 7). See alsoVol. XVI, pp. 200–202.192In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “The pastime of the men and women of the said place and their sport, is to go in their boats to catch those flying fish with fishhooks made of fishbone.”193Mosto (p. 68, note 5) says that these boats were thefisolere, which were small and very swift oared-vessels, used in winter on the Venetian lakes by the Venetian nobles for hunting with bows and arrows and guns. Amoretti conjectures that Pigafetta means thefusiniere, boats named after Fusine whence people are ferried to Venice.194MS. 5,650 reads: “The said boats have no difference between stern and bow.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 219), in speaking of the boats of the Chamorros, uses almost identically the same expression: “They went both ways, for they could make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern, whenever they wished.” The apparatus described by Pigafetta as belonging to these boats is the outrigger, common to many of the boats of the eastern islands.195In the Italian MS., the chart ofAguada ly boni segnaly(“Watering-place of good signs”), Zzamal (Samar), Abarien,Humunu, Hyunagan, Zuluam, Cenalo, and Ybusson (q.v., p. 102) follows at this point. It is found on folio 29b of MS. 5,650 and is preceded by the following: “Here is shown the island of Good Signs, and the four islands, Cenalo, Humanghar, Ibusson, and Abarien, and several others.”196“The tenth of March” in Eden, and the distance of Zamal from the Ladrones is given as “xxx. leagues.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says that the first land seen was called Yunagan, “which extended north and had many bays;” and that going south from there they anchored at a small island called Suluan. At the former “we saw some canoes, and went thither, but they fled. That island lies in 9° 40´ north latitude.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 10) says that the first land seen was in “barely eleven degrees,” and that the fleet “went to touch at another further on, which appeared first.” Two praus approached a boat sent ashore, whereupon the latter was ordered back, and the praus fled. Thereupon the fleet went to another nearby island “which lies in ten degrees, to which they gave the name of the ‘Island of Good Signs,’ because they found some gold in it.”197This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.198MS. 5,650 reads: “more than one foot long.”199Since rice is an important staple among all the eastern islands, it is natural that there are different and distinctive names for that grain in the various languages and dialects for all stages of its growth and all its modes of preparation. Thus the Tagálog has words for “green rice,” “rice with small heads,” “dirty and partly rotten rice,” “early rice,” “late rice,” “cooked rice,” and many others. See alsoU. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 70, 71.200MS. 5,650 reads: “In order to explain what manner of fruit is that above named, one must know that what is called ‘cochi’ is the fruit borne by the palm-tree. Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and vinegar, which are obtained from different things, so those people get the above named substances from those palm-trees alone.” See Delgado’sHistoria, pp. 634–659, for description of the useful cocoa palm; also,U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 72, 73, 75.201MS. 5,650 reads: “along the tree.” Practically the method used today to gather the cocoanut wine. SeeU. S. Philippine Gazetteer, p. 75.202In describing the cocoanut palm and fruit, Eden (p. 254) reads: “Vnder this rynde, there is a thicke ſhell whiche they burne and make pouder thereof and vſe it as a remedie for certeyne diſeaſes.” He says lower, that the cocoanut milk on congealing “lyeth within the ſhell lyke an egge.”203MS. 5,650 reads: “By so doing they last a century.”204Called “Suluan” by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220). It is a small island southeast of Samar. Seeante, note 196. Dr. David P. Barrows (Census of the Philippines, Washington, 1905, i, p. 413), says that the men from Suluan “were perhaps not typical of the rest of the population which Magellan found sparsely scattered about the coasts of the central islands, but ... were almost certainly of the same stock from which the present Visayan people are in the main descended.” These natives had probably come, he says, “in successively extending settlements, up the west coast of Mindanao from the Sulu archipelago. ‘Sulúan’ itself means ‘Where there are Suluges,’ that is, men of Sulu or Joló.”205MS. adds: “seeing that they were thus well dispositioned.”206MS. 5,650 adds: “into the sea.”207Albo calls it (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) the island of Gada (i.e.,Aguada, “watering-place”) “where we took on water and wood, that island being very free of shoals” (seeante, note 196). This island is now called Homonhón, Jomonjol, or Malhón. Its greatest dimensions are ten miles from northwest to southeast, and five miles from northeast to southwest. It is eleven miles southwest from the nearest point in Samar. It is called “Buenas Señas” on Murillo Velarde’s map.208The “Roteiro” (Stanley p. 11) says that the archipelago was also called “Vall Sem Periguo,” or “Valley without Peril.” The name “Filipinas” was not applied to them until 1542 by Villalobos (seeVol. II, p. 48).209Probably the jungle-fowl (Gallus bankiva) which is caught and tamed in large numbers by the natives of the Philippines and still used for crossing with the domestic fowl. See Guillemard (ut supra, p. 228, note 1).210This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.211MS. 5,650 reads: “In his ears he wore pendants of gold jewels, which they call ‘schione.’”212MS. adds: “whom he had put ashore on that island that they might recruit their strength.”213MS. 5,650 reads: “There is another island near the above island, inhabited by people.” Mosto says (p. 70, note 6) thatpichetiis from the Spanishpiquete, “a small hole made with a sharp pointed instrument.” This custom of piercing the ears is quite general among savage, barbarous, and semi-barbarous peoples.214Eden (p. 254) reads: “caphranitathat is gentyles.” SeeVol. III, p. 93, note 29.215This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.216Our transcript readsfacine, and MS. 5,650fascine, both of which translate “fascines.” Mosto readsfocine, which is amended by Amoretti tofoscine. This latter is probably the same word asfiocina, a “harpoon” or “eel-spear,” and hence here a “dart.”217Stanley failed to decipher this word in MS. 5,650, which is the same as the word in the Italian MS. Mosto, citing Boerio (Dizion. veneziano), says ofrizali: “Rizzagioorrizzagno, ‘sweepnet’ a fine thickly woven net, which when thrown into rivers by the fisherman, opens, and when near the bottom, closes, and covers and encloses the fish.Rizzagiois also called that contrivance or net, made in the manner of an inverted cone, with a barrel hoop attached to the circumference as a selvage. It has a hole underneath, through which if the eels in the ponds slyly enter the net, there is no danger of their escape.”Fish are caught in the Philippines by various devices—in favorable situations by traps, weirs, corrals of bamboo set along the shore in shallow waters. Various kinds of nets and seines, the hook and line, and also the spear, are also used. SeeCensus of the Philippine Islands(Washington, 1905), iv, p. 533.218MS. 5,650 reads: “Hiunanghar.” Stanley has mistranscribed “Huinanghar.” It is difficult to identify the four islands of Cenalo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson, and Abarien with certainty. Mosto (p. 71, notes) suggests that they may be Dinagat, Cabugan, Gibuson, and Cabalarián. The first three are evidently correct, as those islands would naturally be sighted in the course followed. The last island is shown in Pigafetta’s chart to be north of Malhón, and the probability is that he names and locates it merely from hearsay, and that they did not see it. Its position seems to indicate Manicani rather than Cabalarián.After this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 21a) follows the chart of the islands of Pozzon, Ticobon, Polon, Baibai and Ceilon (together forming the island of Leyte), Gatighan, Bohol, and Mazzana (sic) (q.v., p. 112). This chart in MS. 5,650 (on folio 36a) is preceded by: “Below is shown the cape of Gatighan and many other islands surrounding it.”219Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says: “We departed thence [i.e., from Malhón] and went toward the west in order to strike a large island called Seilani [i.e., Leyte] which is inhabited and has gold in it. We coasted along it and took our course to the west southwest in order to strike a small island, which is inhabited and called Mazava. The people there are very friendly.We erected a cross on a mountain in that island. Three islands lying to the west southwest were pointed out to us from that island, which are said to possess gold in abundance. They showed us how it was obtained. They found pieces as large as chickpeas and beans. Masava lies in latitude 9 and two-thirds degrees north.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 11) says: “They ran on to another island twenty leagues from that from which they sailed [i.e., Malhón], and came to anchor at another island, which is named Macangor [i.e., Masaua], which is nine degrees; and in this island they were very well received, and they placed a cross in it.” See alsoVol. I, pp. 322, 323.220MS. 5,650 reads: “But they moved off immediately and would not enter the ship through distrust of us.” The slave who acted as interpreter is the Henrique de Malaca of Navarrete’s list.221Bara: the Spanish wordbarra.222MS. 5,650 reads: “to ask him to give him some food for his ships in exchange for his money.”223MS. 5,650 reads: “The king hearing that came with seven or eight men.”224Fordorade,i.e., the dorado. MS. 5,650 adds: “which are very large fish of the kind abovesaid.”225The ceremony of blood brotherhood.Casicasimeans “intimate friends.” See Trumbull’sBlood Covenant(Philadelphia, 1898), which shows how widespread was the covenant or friendship typified by blood.226MS. 5,650 reads: “After that the said captain had one of his men-at-arms armed in offensive armor.” Stanley has translatedharnois blancliterally as “white armor.”227This passage may be translated: “Thereby was the king rendered almost speechless, and told the captain, through the slave, that one of those armed men was worth a hundred of his own men. The captain answered that that was a fact, and that he had brought two hundred men in each ship, who were armed in that manner.” Eden so understood it, and reads: “whereat the Kynge marualed greatly, and ſayde to th[e] interpretoure (who was a ſlaue borne in Malacha) that one of thoſe armed men was able to encounter with a hundreth of his men.” MS. 5,650 agrees with the translation of the text.228Instead of this last phrase MS. 5,650 has: “and he made two of his men engage in sword-play before the king.”229MS. 5,650 says only: “Then he showed the king the sea-chart, and the navigation compass.” Eden says (p. 348) that the first to use the compass was one “Flauius of Malpha, a citie inthe kingdom of Naples.... Next vnto Flauius, the chiefe commendation is dew to the Spanyardes and Portugales by whoſe daylye experience, the ſame is brought to further perfection, and the vſe thereof better knowen; althowghe hytherto no man knoweth the cauſe why the iren touched with the lode ſtone, turneth euer towarde the north ſtarre, as playnely appeareth in euery common dyall.” He also says: “As touchynge the needle of the compaſſe, I haue redde in the Portugales nauigations that ſaylynge as farre ſouth as Cap. de Bona Speranza, the poynt of the needle ſtyll reſpected the northe as it dyd on this ſyde the Equinoctiall, ſauynge that it ſumwhat trembeled and declyned a lyttle, whereby the force ſeemed ſumwhat to be diminiſſhed, ſo that they were fayne to helpe it with the lode ſtone.” (Seeante, p. 93). The compass was known in a rough form to the Chinese at early as 2634B.C., and first applied to navigation in the third or fourth centuryA.D., or perhaps earlier. It was probably introduced into Europe through the Arabs who learned of it from the Chinese. It is first referred to in European literature by Alexander Neckam in the twelfth century inDe Utensilibus. The variations from the true north were observed as early as 1269.230Stanley says that the Amoretti edition represents the king as making this request and Magalhães as assenting thereto; but the Italian MS. reads as distinctly as MS. 5,650, that Magalhães made the request.231MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.232MS. 5,650 adds: “that is, a boat.”233The following passage relating to the meal reads thus in MS. 5,650: “Then the king had a plate of pork and some wine brought in. Their fashion of drinking is as follows. First they lift their hands toward the sky, and then take with the right hand the vessel from which they drink, while extending the fist of the left hand toward the people. The king did that to me, and extended his fist toward me, so that I thought that he was going to strike me. But I did the same to him, and in such wise did we banquet and afterwards sup with him using that ceremony and others.” See Spencer’sCeremonial Institutions, especially chapter I.234Eden reads (p. 255): “When the kynge ſawe Antonie Pigafetta write the names of many thinges, and afterwarde rehearſe them ageyne, he marualed yet more, makynge ſygnes that ſuche men deſcended from heauen.” Continuing he confuses the eldest son of the first king with the latter’s brother, the second king.235A tolerably good description of the native houses of thepresent day in the Philippines. Cf. Morga’s description,Vol. XVI, pp. 117–119.236MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter at this point.237This sentence to this point in MS. 5,650, is wrongly made to refer to the house of the king. The passage there reads: “All the dishes with which he is served, and also a part of his house, which was well furnished according to the custom of the country, were of gold.”

120MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty-five leagues.”121Instead of this last phrase, MS. 5,650 reads: “and very little of that.” The account of the shipwreck and rescue as given here is very confusing and inadequate. Cf. Guillemard,ut supra, pp. 175–179, and Navarrete, iv, pp. 38, 39. One man was lost, namely, the negro slave of João Serrão. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) gives the briefest mention of it. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) says: “After this [i.e., the mutiny], they wintered for three months; and Magallanes again ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to go ahead in order to explore. The ship was wrecked but all of its crew were saved.” Correa’s account (Stanley, p. 250) is very short, and mentions that only the hull of the vessel was lost.122Mosto (p. 60, note 3) derives this word from the Spanishmejillon, a variety of cockle, which he thinks may be theMytilusor common mussel.123SeeVol. II, p. 34, note 5*.124Eden (p. 252) says: “52. degree ... lackynge a thyrde parte.”125MS. 5,650 omits: “and the holy bodies,” and has in its place: “by His grace.”126MS. 5,650 omits these last two words. The Italian formbracciois retained in view of these words; for the Spanishbrazais a measure about equivalent to the English fathom, while thebraccio, although varying in different cities, is near three palmos (spans) in length. The term is, however, translatedbrasse(“fathom”) in MS. 5,650. Mosto (p. 60, note 8), conjectures this fish to be theEliginus maclovinus. Of this fish, TheodoreGill, the well-known ichthyologist, says in a letter of May 22, 1905: “The Italian editor gave a shrewd guess in the suggestion that the fish in question was what was formerly calledEliginus maclovinus. The only vulgar name that I have been able to find for it is ‘robalo,’ and this name is applied to it by the Spanish-speaking people of both sides of South America. Like most popular names, however, it is very misleading. ‘Robalo’ is the Spanish name for the European bass, which is nearly related to our striped bass or rock bass. To that fish the robalo of South America has no affinity or real resemblance, and belongs to a very different family peculiar to the southern hemisphere—theNototheniids. The so-calledEliginus maclovinus(properly,Eliginops maclovinus) is the most common and widely distributed species and probably the one obtained by the fleet of Magalhães.”127Of the river Santa Cruz and the stay there, Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says: “We left that place [i.e., Port San Julian] on the 24th of the said month [of August] and coasted along to the southwest by west. About 30 leguas farther on, we found a river named Santa Cruz, which we entered on the 26th of the same month. We stayed there until the day of San Lucas, the 18th of the month of October. We caught many fish there and got wood and water. That coast extends northeast by east and southwest by west, and is an excellent coast with good indentations.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) places the river Santa Cruz twenty leagues from San Julian and in about 50°. That narrative says that the four remaining boats continued to pick up the wreckage of the “Santiago” until September 18. The name Santa Cruz was said to have been given to the river because they entered it on September 14, the day of the exaltation of the holy cross (see Stanley, p. 4, note 4, and Mosto, p. 60, note 7), but Kohl (Mosto,ut supra) attributes the name to João Serrão who was near that river on May 3, 1520, the day on which the church celebrates the feast of the finding of the holy cross. Navarrete (iv, p. 41) cites Herrera as authority for an eclipse of the sun that happened while at this river on October 11, 1520. Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 187, 188) is disinclined to believe the report, although he mentions an annular eclipse of the sun on October 20, 1520, which was however not visible in Patagonia. Navarrete (ut supra) says that Magalhães gave instructions to his captains here “saying that he would follow those coasts until finding a strait or the end of that continent, even if he had to go to a latitude of 75°; that before abandoning that enterprise, the ships might be twice unrigged; and that after that he would go in search of Maluco toward the east and east northeast, by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza and the island of San Lorenzo.”A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply headed “chapter.”128The anonymous Portuguese who accompanied Duarte Barbosa says 53° 30´; Barros, 52° 56´; Elcano, 54°; and Albo, 52° 30´. Mosto, p. 60, note 9.129MS. 5.650 has the words in brackets.130Eden (p. 252) says of the strait: “they founde the ſtraight nowe cauled the ſtraight of Magellanus, beinge in ſum place C.x. leagues in length: and in breadth ſumwhere very large and in other places lyttle more than halfe a league in bredth.” Stanley (p. 57) is uncertain of the Frenchet quasi autant de largeur moins de demye lieue, which is (translated freely) simply “something like almost a half-league wide.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 7) says that the channel “at some places has a width of three leagues, and two, and one, and in some places half a league.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320) gives the width as two, three, five, or ten Italian miles; Gomara, two leagues or so; Barros, one league at the mouth, and the strait, from a musket or cannon shot to one and one and one-half leagues; Castanheda, at the mouth as wide as two ships close together, then opening up to one league; Peter Martyr, a sling-shot’s distance in places. (Mosto, p. 61, note 2.)131ProiseorProi(proy,proic) is an ancient Catalonian word meaning the “bow moorings;” Cf. Jal,Glossaire nautìque(Mosto, p. 61, note 3). The old Spanish word is “proís,” which signifies both the thing to which the ship is moored ashore, and the rope by which it is moored to the shore.132This passage is as follows in MS. 5,650: “The said strait was a circular place surrounded with mountains (as I have said), and the majority of the sailors thought that there was no exit from it into the said Pacific Sea. But the captain-general declared that there was another strait which led out, and that he knew that well, for he had seen it on a marine chart of the king of Portugal. That map had been made by a renowned sailor and pilot, named Martin de Boesme. The said captain sent two of his ships forward—one named the ‘Sainct Anthoine,’ and the other the ‘Conception’—in order that they might look for and discover the exit from the said strait, which was called the cape de la Baya.”Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Bœhem), Bœhm) was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436) of a family originally from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany, and died at Lisbon, July 29, 1506. He was a draper in Flanders, 1477–1479, after which he went to Lisbon (1480) where he becameacquainted with Columbus. In 1484 he was chosen geographer of Diego Cam’s expedition to Western Africa. On his return, he received the order of knighthood in the military order of Christ of Portugal; after which he went to the island of Fayal in the Azores where he became interested in colonization and agriculture, and married the daughter of the governor. In 1491 he returned to Germany, where he lived at Nuremberg until 1493, and where, at the request of his townsmen, he constructed an immense globe on the information of Ptolemy, Strabo, and others, which contains many errors (see facsimile in Guillemard), In 1493 he returned to Lisbon, and in 1494 to Fayal, where he remained until 1506, when he went to Lisbon. Many myths sprung up about him, such that he had visited America before Columbus and the straits of Magellan before Magalhães, the latter of whom he may have known at Lisbon. See Rose,New Biographical Dictionary(London, 1848);Grande Encyclopédie(Paris, Lamirault et Cie.); and Guillemard, pp. 73, 74.See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189–198) for a discussion of knowledge regarding the existence of a strait to the south of the American continent, prior to Magalhães’s discovery and passage of it. Guillemard, after weighing the evidence for and against, decides that there may have been a “more or less inexact knowledge of the existence of some antarctic break “that would allow access to the eastern world.133Possession Bay, according to Mosto, p. 61, note 5, but Guillemard (pp. 199, 200) thinks it may have been Lomas Bay.134Probably Anegada Point to the northwest of Cape Orange.135The “First Narrows” or Primera Garganta, just beyond Anegada Point.136Lago de los Estrechos, St. Philip’s Bay, or Boucant Bay.137The “Second Narrows” and Broad Reach.138MS. 5,650 does not mention the smoke signals.139MS. 5,650 reads: “When near us they suddenly discharged a number of guns, whereat we very joyously saluted them with artillery and cries.”140The first is the passage east of Dawson Island, which extends to the northeast into Useless Bay and to the southeast into Admiralty Sound. The second opening was the passage between the western side of Dawson Island and Brunswick Peninsula.141Esteban Gomez was an experienced Portuguese navigator and pilot with ambitions only less than those of Magalhães, his kinsman (Guillemard, p. 203). His desertion occurred probablyin the first part of November, and was perhaps directly due to pique at what he considered lack of appreciation from Magalhães. Conspiring with Gerónimo Guerra, the notary, who was elected captain of the “San Antonio” they made off with that ship, and after imprisoning Alvaro de Mezquita, returned to Spain, anchoring at Sevilla May 6, 1521. There Gomez was imprisoned after the return of the “Victoria,” but was liberated, and in 1524 proposed an expedition to discover a northwest passage. An expedition having been fitted out by Cárlos I, he coasted Florida and the eastern coast, as far as Cape Cod, and returned to Spain in 1525. SeeGrande Encyclopédie; Navarrete, iv, pp. 42–45, and 201–208; and Guillemard,ut supra, pp. 203–205.Brito’s story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of the “San Antonio” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as follows: “They left that place [i.e., the river of Santa Cruz] on October 20, and went to enter a strait of which they had no knowledge. The entrance of the strait extends for about 15 leguas; and after they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-locked, and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portuguese pilot named Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend a mountain in order to ascertain whether there was any outlet. Carballo returned saying that it appeared land-locked to him. Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ to go in advance in order to explore the strait. After having gone ahead for about 30 leguas, they returned to tell Magallanes that the river went farther but that they could not tell where it would take them. Upon receiving that information Magallanes weighed anchor with all three ships, and advanced along the strait until reaching the point to which the others had explored. Then he ordered the ‘San Antonio’ of which Alvaro de Mezquito, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban Gomez, a Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel that opened in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was wrecked. Magallanes proceeded with his remaining ships until he found an exit.” Correa’s account of the desertion of the “San Antonio” is as usual with him, inadequate, and evidently based on hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250).142Literally “brother;” but to be understood probably as the expressioncugino germano, “cousin german.”143MS. 5,650 begins this sentence as follows: “But that ship lost its time, for the other.”144Guillemard (p. 206) conjectures from the records of Albo, Pigafetta, and Herrera that the river of Sardines is Port Gallant which is located on the Brunswick Peninsula, opposite the Charles Islands. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says that after taking thecourse to the northwest they sailed about 15 leagues before anchoring.145Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 216) says that the two capes at the exit of the strait were called Fermosa and Deseado, this latter being Cape Pillar (see Guillemard, map facing p. 198).146MS. 5,650 adds: “which were on the other side.”147João Serrão, the brother of Magalhães’s staunchest friend Francisco Serrão, and a firm supporter of the great navigator. Pigafetta errs in calling him a Spaniard (see p. 183), though he may have become a naturalized Spaniard, since the register speaks of him as a citizen of Sevilla. One document (Navarrete, iv, p. 155) calls him a Portuguese pilot, and Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) a Castilian. He was an experienced navigator and captain, and had served under Vasco da Gama, Almeida, and Albuquerque. Vasco da Gama (on his second voyage, 1502–1503) made him captain of the ship “Pomposa” which was built in Mozambique where he was left to attend to Portuguese affairs. On this expedition he saw the coast of Brazil for the first time, for Vasco da Gama’s fleet, ere doubling the Cape of Good Hope, crossed to the Brazilian coast, which they followed as far as Cape Santo Agostinho. He fought bravely in the battle of Cananor under Almeida (March 16, 1506, in which Magalhães also participated). He was chief captain of three caravels in August, 1510, in Eastern water, and was in the Java seas in 1512, but must have returned to Portugal soon after that, for he was there in 1513; although he seems to have been appointed clerk at the fortress of Calicut in the latter year. He embarked with Magalhães as captain and pilot of the “Santiago,” but after the wreck of that vessel near port San Julian was given command of the “Concepcion,” in which he later explored the strait. Failing to dissuade Magalhães from attacking the natives of Matan, he became commander, with Duarte Barbosa, of the fleet at Magalhães’s death, and was murdered by the Cebuans after the treacherous banquet given by them to the fleet. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Stanley’sThree voyages of Vasco da Gama(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869).148MS. 5,650 reads as follows: “Such was the method ordered by the captain from the beginning, in order that the ship that happened to become separated from the others might rejoin the fleet.” Then it adds: “Thereupon the crew of the said ship did what the captain had ordered them and more, for they set two banners with their letters,” etc.149“The island of Santa Magdalena (Mosto, p. 62, note 11).150According to Guillemard the river of Isleo (or “of Islands”)is located on Brunswick Peninsula, and is identified with the port of San Miguel, just east of the “River of Sardines;” the island where the cross was planted would be one of the Charles Islands.151The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 3) mentions that the day at the port of San Julian was about seven hours long; while the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 30) says that the sun only appeared for some “four hours each day” in June and July. Transylvanus says the nights in the strait were not longer than five hours.152MS. 5,650 adds: “which is the collateral wind between the east and south.”153MS. 5,650 adds: “and anchorages.”154Various kinds of these umbelliferous parsley plants are still to be found in Patagonia, where they are highly esteemed (Mosto, p. 63, note 3).155MS. 5,650 reads: “I do not believe that there is a more beautiful country or a better strait than that.” See Albo’s description of the strait, inVol. I,pp. 264–265; that of Transylvanus,Vol. I,pp. 319–321; and that inWorld encompassed(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 236, 237 (this last account also mentioning the difficulty of finding water sufficiently shallow for anchoring). The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait was called the “Strait of Victoria, because the ship ‘Victoria’ was the first that had seen it: some called it the Strait of Magalhaens because our captain was named Fernando de Magalhaens.” Castanheda says that Magalhães gave it the name of “bay of All Saints” because it was discovered on November 1; and San Martin in his reply to Magalhães’s request for opinions regarding the continuance of the expedition calls it “channel of All Saints:” but this name was first applied to only one gulf or one branch and later extended to the entire channel. This name is found in the instructions given for the expedition of Sebastian Cabot in 1527, and in the map made that same year at Sevilla by the Englishman Robert Thorne. Sarmiento de Gamboa petitioned Felipe II that it be called “strait of the Mother of God.” It was also called “strait of Martin Behaim.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait is 400 miles long. The “Roterio” (Stanley, pp. 7, 8) says that it is 100 leagues in length, and that in traversing it, they “sailed as long as it was daylight, and anchored when it was night.” Transylvanus (Vol. I,p. 320) gives the length as 100 Spanish miles; Oviedo, 100 or 110 leagues; Herrera, 100 leagues, and twenty days to navigate; Gomara, 110 to 120 leagues; Peter Martyr, 110 leagues. See Mosto, p. 60, note 10, and p. 62, note 2; andante, note 130.156These fish are: a species ofCoryphæna; theThymnus albacora, and theThymnus plamys.157From the Spanishgolondrina, the sapphirine gurnard or tubfish (Trigla hirundo).158MS. 5,650 reads: “one foot or more.”159At this point in the original Italian MS., which ends a page, occurs the heading of the following pageSequitur Vocabuli pataghoni, that is, “Continuation of Patagonian words.”160Literally: “for the nature of women.”161MS. 5,650 presents the following differences in the list of Patagonian words from the Italian MS.EyesatherEyelashesocchechlLipsschianeHairajchirThroatohumerShoulderspelesPenisscachetTesticlesscaneosRumpschiachenArmmarPulseohonLegschossFeettecheHeelthereSole of the footcartscheniFingernailscoliniTo scratchghecareYoung mancalemiWateroliSmokejaicheWechenYeszeiPetre lazuresecheghiSuncalexcheniTo eatmecchiereTo lookconneTo walkrheiShiptheuTo runhaimOstrich eggsjanThe powder of the herb which they eatcapaeRed clothterechaiBlackamelRedtheicheTo cookjrecolesA goosechacheTheir little devilsCheleultIn the above list,chencorresponds in the Italian MS. toehen, the equivalent of “no;”theuis “ship” in the above, and “snow” in the Italian;courire(the equivalent ofcovrireorcoprire, “to cover”) in the Italian, becomescourir(“to run”) in MS. 5,650. All are to be regarded as errors of the French. Certain words are left in Italian in MS. 5,650, which are as follows:la copa;alcalcagno; (Italian MS.al calcagno);homo squerzo(Italian MS.sguerco);a la pignate(Italian MS.pigniata);alstruzzo vcelo(Italian MS.al seruzo ucelo); andalcocinare(Italian MS.al coçinare). Stanley offers this as proof that MS. 5,650 was written by Pigafetta, and not translated from his Italian, but it furnishes no evidence that Pigafetta even saw the French version of his relation. It must be remembered that Stanley did not himself see the Italian MS. but only the Amoretti mutilation of it (from which, and from MS. 5,650, he reproduces the vocabulary, without English translation); and hence bases his observations on that and the conjectures of its editor. Stanley points out the fact that Amoretti has omitted several words of this list, but they are all in the Italian MS. A sad blunder has been made by Stanley in his transcription ofLa pouldre dherbe qui mangentwhose Patagonian equivalent iscapac. He transcribes as follows:la pouldre d’herbewith Patagonian equivalentqui(which it is to be noted is only the wrong form of the French relative), andmangentwith Patagonian equivalentcapac, explainingmangentin a footnote as “Food, the root used as bread.” Stanley also makes the following mistranscriptions:oreschofororesche(“nostrils”);canneghinforcaimeghin(“palm of the hand”);ochyforochii(“bosom”);scancosforscaneos(“testicles”);houforhoii(“buttocks”);ohoyforohon(“pulse”);cartschemforcartscheni(“sole of the foot”);cholforthol(“heart”);omforoni(“wind”);aschameforaschanie(“earthen pot”);oamagheiforoamaghce(“to fight”);ametforamel(“black”); andixecolesforjrocoles(“to cook”). Amoretti has also made many errors (see Stanley’sFirst Voyage, pp. 62, 63). Mosto, who is on the whole a faithful transcriber, hassacancosas the Patagonian equivalent ofa li testiculi;om janifora li sui, the correct forms of the latter beingjanianda li sui oui; andtcrechaifor the equivalent of “red cloth.” Eden (p. 252) gives only the following words: “breade, Capar: water, Oli: redde clothe, Cherecai: red colour, Cheiche: blacke colour, Amel.”Mosto (p. 63, note 8) gives the following words from thevocabulary of the Tehuel-ches compiled by the second lieutenant of the ship “Roncagli,” which correspond almost exactly with those given by Pigafetta.EnglishRoncagliPigafettaNoseororeyeóthelotherhandtzéncheneearshasaneostrichóyuehoi hoiBrinton (American Race, p. 328) cites Ramon Lista (Mis exploraciones y descubrìmientos en Patagonia, Buenos Ayres, 1880) in proof that the language of the Patagonians has undergone but slight change since the time of Pigafetta. See also lists of words in Brinton (ut supra), p. 364, from the Patagonian and Fuegian languages. The vocabularies given by Horatio Hale (Wilkes’sU. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842, Philadelphia, 1846, viii, pp. 651–656) bear no resemblance to Pigafetta’s vocabulary. Hale says that guttural sounds are frequent among the Indians of the Patagonian district.162MS. 5,650 reads: “capae.”163Cf. with the methods of fire-making used by the North American Indians inJesuit Relations and Allied Documents(Cleveland reissue); seealso Captivity of Hans Stade(Hakluyt Society edition), p. 126.At this point (folio 14a) in the original Italian MS. occurs the first chart, representing the straits of Magellan (see p. 86). The cardinal points in all of Pigafetta’s charts are the reverse of the ordinary, the north being below and the south above. MS. 5,650 precedes this chart (which there occupies folio 21a) by the words: “Below is depicted the strait of Patagonie.” Immediately following this chart in the Italian MS. (folio 15a) is the chart of theYsole Infortunate(“Unfortunate Isles;” see p. 92). These islands are shown in MS. 5,650 on folio 23a, with the following notice: “Here are shown the two islands called ‘Unfortunate Islands.’” The charts in the Italian MS. are brown or dull black on a blue ground.164The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that Magalhães left the strait November 26 (having entered it October 21); the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) and Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 65, note 1), November 27.165MS. 5,650 reads: “And we ate only biscuits that had fallen to powder, which was quite full of worms, and stank from the filth of the urine of rats that covered it, and of which the good had been eaten.” Eden (p. 252) reads: “And hauynge inthis tyme conſumed all theyr byſket and other vyttales, they fell into ſuche neceſſitie that they were inforced to eate the pouder that remayned therof beinge nowe full of woormes and ſtynkynge lyke pyſſe by reaſon of the ſalte water,” Herrera (Navarrete, iv, p. 51) says that the rice was cooked with salt water.166A curious coincidence in view of Magalhães’s answer to Esteban Gomez at a council called in the strait to discuss the continuance of the voyage that “although he had to eat the cowhide wrappings of the yardarms, he would still persevere and discover what he had promised the emperor” (Navarrete, iv, p. 43; cited from Herrera). At that council André de San Martin, pilot in the “San Antonio,” advised that they continue explorations until the middle of January, 1521, and then return to Spain; and urged that no farther southward descent be made, and that navigation along so dangerous coasts be only by day, in order that the crew might have some rest (Navarrete, iv, pp. 45–49).167MS. 5,650 reads: “enough of them.”168This was the scurvy. Navarrete (iv, p. 54) following a document conserved in Archivo general de Indias, says that only eleven men died of scurvy during the voyage from the strait to the Ladrones.169The anonymous Portuguese says (Stanley, p. 31) that after sailing west and northwest for 9,858 miles, the equator was reached. At the line (“Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 9), Magalhães changed the course in order to strike land north of the Moluccas, as “he had information that there were no provisions” there.170MS. 5,650 reads: “It is well named Pacific.”171MS. 5,650 adds: “which is a large fish called tiburoni.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31), says that the Unfortunate Islands were met before the line was reached and were eight hundred miles distant from one another. One was called St. Peter (in 18°) and the other the island of Tiburones (in 14°). Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 321), Herrera, and Oviedo, say that the three vessels stopped two days at those islands for supplies, but Albo’s journal (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) indicates that no stop was made there. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9), gives the latitude of these islands as 18° or 19° and 13° or 14°. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) says that the first was discovered January 24 in 16° 15´, and was called San Pablo, because that was the date of St. Paul’s conversion; and the island of Tiburones was discovered February 4, in 10° 40´, at a distance of 9° (sic) from the former. Eden (p. 253) says that the second island lay in 5°. These two islands were probably Puka-puka (theHonden Eylandof the Dutch atlases) of the Tuamotu group, located in latitude14° 45´ south, and longitude 138° 48´ west; and Flint Island of the Manihiki group, located in latitude 11° 20´ south and longitude 151° 48´ west. The latter is still uninhabited, but the former contains a population of over four hundred. Seeante, note 163. See Guillemard, p. 220, and Mosto, p. 65, note 6.172MS. 5,650 reads: “now at the stern, now at the windward side, or otherwise.” Amoretti changes this passage completely, reading: “According to our measurement of the distance that we made with the chain astern, we ran from sixty to seventy leagues daily.” Many basing themselves on this passage of Amoretti, have believed that the log was in use at the time of the first circumnavigation. Dr. Breusing (Die Catena a poppa bei Pigafetta und die Logge, in “Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin,” 1869, iv, pp. 107–115) believes that the “stern chain (catena poppa) is not the log properly so-called, but an instrument for determining the angle of the ship’s leeway, an opinion accepted also by Gelcich in hisLa scoperta d’America e Cristoforo Colombo nella letteratura moderna(Gorizia, 1890). L’Vzielle (Studi bibliogr. e biogr. sulla storia della geogr. in Italia, Roma, 1875, part ii, introduction, pp. 294–296), combats that opinion, as well as the idea that the log is meant. The difficulty of the passage, he says, hinges on the wordhoand whether it is interpreted as a verb or a conjunction. If it be a conjunction then the passage, means “estimating by sight, the rate of the ship from the ‘bow catena,’ or at the stern”(‘catena’ being a beam perpendicular to the ship’s axis at the point near the bow where it begins to curve inward; that is, at such a point that from that place to the stern, the direction of the apparent way is parallel to the longitudinal axis of the ship) his ship made fifty, sixty, or seventy leagues.” One might suppose, ifhobe regarded as a verb, that Pigafetta calledcatenaa cross beam of the stern (the passage reading “the catena that was at the stern”); or that the disjunctiveho, “or” is used in place ofe, “and,” and that Pigafetta, dividing the distance between the stern and the bow catena by the time necessary for a fixed point of the sea to pass from the elevation of the bow to that of the stern, thus deduced the ship’s rate. See Mosto, p. 66, note1. L’Vzielli’s opinion is the most probable, for although the log is mentioned by Purchas as early as 1607, its use did not become general until 1620. An instrument used to measure the rates of vessels is mentioned as early as 1577, but it was very deficient.173The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 6) says that this cape, which he calls “cape of the virgins” was discovered on October 21, 1520, and lay in latitude about 52° south. Barros says that it was discovered on October 20; and Transylvanus and Oviedo, on November 27. See Mosto, p. 61, note 1.174Regarding the reckonings Eden says: “In ſo much that it was neceſſarie to helpe the needle with the lode ſtone (commonly cauled the adamant) before they could ſaile therwith, bycauſe it moued not as it doothe when it is in theſe owre partes.” Eden also gives a cut of the “ſtarres abowt the pole Antartike.” The same author also (pp. 277–280) compiles from Amerigo Vespucci and Andreas de Corsali a treatise entitled “Of the Pole Antartike and the stars abowt the same and of the qualitie of the regions and disposition of the Elementes abowt the Equinoctiall line. Alſo certeyne ſecreates touching the arte of ſaylynge.” The former says: “The pole Antartike hath nother the great beare nor the lyttle as is ſeene abowte owre pole. But hath foure ſtarres whiche compaſſe it abowt in forme of a quadrangle. When these are hydden, there is ſeene on the lefte ſyde a bryght Canopus of three ſtarres of notable greatneſſe, whiche beinge in the myddeſt of heauen, repreſenteth this figure.” The latter says: “Here we ſawe a marueylous order of ſtarres, ſo that in the parte of heauen contrary to owre northe pole, to knowe in what place and degree the ſouth pole was, we tooke the day with the ſoonne, and obſerued the nyght with the aſtrolabie, and ſaw manifeſtly twoo clowdes of reaſonable bygneſſe mouynge abowt the place of the pole continually nowe ryſynge and nowe faulynge, ſo keepynge theyr continuall courſe in circular mouynge, with a ſtarre euer in the myddeſt which is turned abowt with them abowte. xi. degrees frome the pole. Aboue theſe appeareth a marueylous croſſe in the myddeſt of fyue notable ſtarres which compaſſe it abowt.... This croſſe is so fayre and bewtiful, that none other heuenly gne may be compared to it....” These are the Magallanic clouds (Nuebecula major and Nubecula minor) and the constellation of the Southern Cross or Crux. The Magellanic clouds resemble portions of the milky way, Nubecula major being visible to the naked eye in strong moonlight and covering about two hundred times the moon’s surface, while the Nubecula minor, although visible to the naked eye, disappears in full moonlight, and covers an area only one-fourth that of the former. They were first observed by the Arabians. The Portuguese pilots probably called them at first “clouds of the cape.” (Mosto, p. 66, note 2). The Southern Cross, which resembles a lute rather than a cross, was first erected into a constellation by Royer in 1679, although often spoken of before as a cross. Only one of its five principal stars belongs to the first magnitude. The cross is only 6° in extent north and south and less than that east and west.The second chart of the plate at p. 92 represents the Ladrones Islands and occurs in the Italian MS. at this point (folio 16b). This chart is found on folio 25b in MS. 5,650, and is preceded by the inscription: “The island of the robbers and the style of their boats.”175MS. 5,650 reads: “During that time of two months and twelve days.”176Amoretti reads: “three degrees east of Capo Verde.” If the cape is meant, the correction is proper, but if the islands, the MS. is correct. See Mosto, p. 67, note 4.177Cipangu is Japan, while Sumbdit Pradit may be the island of Antilia, called “Septe citade” on Martin Behaim’s globe (Mosto, p. 67, note 5). The locations given by Pigafetta prove that they did not see them, but that he writes only from vague reports. Europe first learned of Japan, near the end of the thirteenth century, through Marco Polo, who had been told in China fabulous tales of the wealth of Zipangu. This word is derived by Marco Polo from the Chinese Dschi-pen-Kuë or Dschi-pon, which the Japanese have transformed into Nippon or Nihon. SeeTravels of Marco Polo, book iii, ch. ii; and Rein’sJapan, p. 4.178SeeVol. I, pp. 208, 209, 210, 312, 336.179MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 322) names two islands of the Ladrones Inuagana and Acacan, but says that both were uninhabited. Guillemard (ut supra, p. 223) conjectures these names to be identical with Agana in Guam and Sosan in Rota. Hugues (Mosto, p. 67, note 7) believes the first island visited to have been Guam, and his conjecture is undoubtedly correct.180MS. 5,650 adds: “called skiff.”181MS. 5,650 adds: “of the said island.”182MS. 5,650 has a new unnumbered chapter heading before the following paragraph.183This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650, as is also all the following sentence; but that MS. adds: “We left the said island immediately afterward, and continued our course.” This was on March 9, on which day the only Englishman in the fleet, “Master Andrew” of Bristol, died (Guillemard,ut supra, p. 226).184Eden (p. 254) says: “two hundreth of theyr boates.”185MS. 5,650 has a new chapter at this point, although the chapter is unnumbered.When Loaisa’s expedition reached the Ladrones, they found still alive a Galician, one of three deserters from Espinosa’s ship (seeVol. II, pp. 30, 34, 35, 110). See the reception accorded Legazpi, and a description of one of those islands in 1565,Vol. II, pp. 109–113. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that the expedition reached the Ladrones, March 6, 1521 (with which Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 219 agrees); and that after the theft of theskiff, Magellan landed with fifty or sixty men, burned the whole village, killed seven or eight persons, both men and women; and that supplies were taken aboard. The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the Ladrones (which lay in 10°–12° north latitude, were 2,046 miles by the course traveled from the equator. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says: “Thence [i.e., the Unfortunate Islands] they laid their course westward, and after sailing 500 leguas came to certain islands where they found a considerable number of savages. So many of the latter boarded the vessels that when the men tried to restore order in them, they were unable to get rid of the savages except by lance-thrusts. They killed many savages, who laughed as if it were a cause for rejoicing.”186MS. 5,650 adds: “or superior.”187MS. 5,650 reads: “cloth.”188At this point, MS. 5,650 begins a new sentence, thus: “There are found in that place.”189MS. 5,650 reads: “Those women.”190MS. 5,650 makes use of the Italian wordstoreforstuojeorstojemeaning “mats,” and explains by adding: “which we call mats.”191They also (according to Herrera) received the nameLas Velas, “the sails” from the lateen-rigged vessels that the natives used (Mosto, p. 67, note 7). See alsoVol. XVI, pp. 200–202.192In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “The pastime of the men and women of the said place and their sport, is to go in their boats to catch those flying fish with fishhooks made of fishbone.”193Mosto (p. 68, note 5) says that these boats were thefisolere, which were small and very swift oared-vessels, used in winter on the Venetian lakes by the Venetian nobles for hunting with bows and arrows and guns. Amoretti conjectures that Pigafetta means thefusiniere, boats named after Fusine whence people are ferried to Venice.194MS. 5,650 reads: “The said boats have no difference between stern and bow.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 219), in speaking of the boats of the Chamorros, uses almost identically the same expression: “They went both ways, for they could make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern, whenever they wished.” The apparatus described by Pigafetta as belonging to these boats is the outrigger, common to many of the boats of the eastern islands.195In the Italian MS., the chart ofAguada ly boni segnaly(“Watering-place of good signs”), Zzamal (Samar), Abarien,Humunu, Hyunagan, Zuluam, Cenalo, and Ybusson (q.v., p. 102) follows at this point. It is found on folio 29b of MS. 5,650 and is preceded by the following: “Here is shown the island of Good Signs, and the four islands, Cenalo, Humanghar, Ibusson, and Abarien, and several others.”196“The tenth of March” in Eden, and the distance of Zamal from the Ladrones is given as “xxx. leagues.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says that the first land seen was called Yunagan, “which extended north and had many bays;” and that going south from there they anchored at a small island called Suluan. At the former “we saw some canoes, and went thither, but they fled. That island lies in 9° 40´ north latitude.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 10) says that the first land seen was in “barely eleven degrees,” and that the fleet “went to touch at another further on, which appeared first.” Two praus approached a boat sent ashore, whereupon the latter was ordered back, and the praus fled. Thereupon the fleet went to another nearby island “which lies in ten degrees, to which they gave the name of the ‘Island of Good Signs,’ because they found some gold in it.”197This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.198MS. 5,650 reads: “more than one foot long.”199Since rice is an important staple among all the eastern islands, it is natural that there are different and distinctive names for that grain in the various languages and dialects for all stages of its growth and all its modes of preparation. Thus the Tagálog has words for “green rice,” “rice with small heads,” “dirty and partly rotten rice,” “early rice,” “late rice,” “cooked rice,” and many others. See alsoU. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 70, 71.200MS. 5,650 reads: “In order to explain what manner of fruit is that above named, one must know that what is called ‘cochi’ is the fruit borne by the palm-tree. Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and vinegar, which are obtained from different things, so those people get the above named substances from those palm-trees alone.” See Delgado’sHistoria, pp. 634–659, for description of the useful cocoa palm; also,U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 72, 73, 75.201MS. 5,650 reads: “along the tree.” Practically the method used today to gather the cocoanut wine. SeeU. S. Philippine Gazetteer, p. 75.202In describing the cocoanut palm and fruit, Eden (p. 254) reads: “Vnder this rynde, there is a thicke ſhell whiche they burne and make pouder thereof and vſe it as a remedie for certeyne diſeaſes.” He says lower, that the cocoanut milk on congealing “lyeth within the ſhell lyke an egge.”203MS. 5,650 reads: “By so doing they last a century.”204Called “Suluan” by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220). It is a small island southeast of Samar. Seeante, note 196. Dr. David P. Barrows (Census of the Philippines, Washington, 1905, i, p. 413), says that the men from Suluan “were perhaps not typical of the rest of the population which Magellan found sparsely scattered about the coasts of the central islands, but ... were almost certainly of the same stock from which the present Visayan people are in the main descended.” These natives had probably come, he says, “in successively extending settlements, up the west coast of Mindanao from the Sulu archipelago. ‘Sulúan’ itself means ‘Where there are Suluges,’ that is, men of Sulu or Joló.”205MS. adds: “seeing that they were thus well dispositioned.”206MS. 5,650 adds: “into the sea.”207Albo calls it (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) the island of Gada (i.e.,Aguada, “watering-place”) “where we took on water and wood, that island being very free of shoals” (seeante, note 196). This island is now called Homonhón, Jomonjol, or Malhón. Its greatest dimensions are ten miles from northwest to southeast, and five miles from northeast to southwest. It is eleven miles southwest from the nearest point in Samar. It is called “Buenas Señas” on Murillo Velarde’s map.208The “Roteiro” (Stanley p. 11) says that the archipelago was also called “Vall Sem Periguo,” or “Valley without Peril.” The name “Filipinas” was not applied to them until 1542 by Villalobos (seeVol. II, p. 48).209Probably the jungle-fowl (Gallus bankiva) which is caught and tamed in large numbers by the natives of the Philippines and still used for crossing with the domestic fowl. See Guillemard (ut supra, p. 228, note 1).210This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.211MS. 5,650 reads: “In his ears he wore pendants of gold jewels, which they call ‘schione.’”212MS. adds: “whom he had put ashore on that island that they might recruit their strength.”213MS. 5,650 reads: “There is another island near the above island, inhabited by people.” Mosto says (p. 70, note 6) thatpichetiis from the Spanishpiquete, “a small hole made with a sharp pointed instrument.” This custom of piercing the ears is quite general among savage, barbarous, and semi-barbarous peoples.214Eden (p. 254) reads: “caphranitathat is gentyles.” SeeVol. III, p. 93, note 29.215This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.216Our transcript readsfacine, and MS. 5,650fascine, both of which translate “fascines.” Mosto readsfocine, which is amended by Amoretti tofoscine. This latter is probably the same word asfiocina, a “harpoon” or “eel-spear,” and hence here a “dart.”217Stanley failed to decipher this word in MS. 5,650, which is the same as the word in the Italian MS. Mosto, citing Boerio (Dizion. veneziano), says ofrizali: “Rizzagioorrizzagno, ‘sweepnet’ a fine thickly woven net, which when thrown into rivers by the fisherman, opens, and when near the bottom, closes, and covers and encloses the fish.Rizzagiois also called that contrivance or net, made in the manner of an inverted cone, with a barrel hoop attached to the circumference as a selvage. It has a hole underneath, through which if the eels in the ponds slyly enter the net, there is no danger of their escape.”Fish are caught in the Philippines by various devices—in favorable situations by traps, weirs, corrals of bamboo set along the shore in shallow waters. Various kinds of nets and seines, the hook and line, and also the spear, are also used. SeeCensus of the Philippine Islands(Washington, 1905), iv, p. 533.218MS. 5,650 reads: “Hiunanghar.” Stanley has mistranscribed “Huinanghar.” It is difficult to identify the four islands of Cenalo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson, and Abarien with certainty. Mosto (p. 71, notes) suggests that they may be Dinagat, Cabugan, Gibuson, and Cabalarián. The first three are evidently correct, as those islands would naturally be sighted in the course followed. The last island is shown in Pigafetta’s chart to be north of Malhón, and the probability is that he names and locates it merely from hearsay, and that they did not see it. Its position seems to indicate Manicani rather than Cabalarián.After this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 21a) follows the chart of the islands of Pozzon, Ticobon, Polon, Baibai and Ceilon (together forming the island of Leyte), Gatighan, Bohol, and Mazzana (sic) (q.v., p. 112). This chart in MS. 5,650 (on folio 36a) is preceded by: “Below is shown the cape of Gatighan and many other islands surrounding it.”219Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says: “We departed thence [i.e., from Malhón] and went toward the west in order to strike a large island called Seilani [i.e., Leyte] which is inhabited and has gold in it. We coasted along it and took our course to the west southwest in order to strike a small island, which is inhabited and called Mazava. The people there are very friendly.We erected a cross on a mountain in that island. Three islands lying to the west southwest were pointed out to us from that island, which are said to possess gold in abundance. They showed us how it was obtained. They found pieces as large as chickpeas and beans. Masava lies in latitude 9 and two-thirds degrees north.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 11) says: “They ran on to another island twenty leagues from that from which they sailed [i.e., Malhón], and came to anchor at another island, which is named Macangor [i.e., Masaua], which is nine degrees; and in this island they were very well received, and they placed a cross in it.” See alsoVol. I, pp. 322, 323.220MS. 5,650 reads: “But they moved off immediately and would not enter the ship through distrust of us.” The slave who acted as interpreter is the Henrique de Malaca of Navarrete’s list.221Bara: the Spanish wordbarra.222MS. 5,650 reads: “to ask him to give him some food for his ships in exchange for his money.”223MS. 5,650 reads: “The king hearing that came with seven or eight men.”224Fordorade,i.e., the dorado. MS. 5,650 adds: “which are very large fish of the kind abovesaid.”225The ceremony of blood brotherhood.Casicasimeans “intimate friends.” See Trumbull’sBlood Covenant(Philadelphia, 1898), which shows how widespread was the covenant or friendship typified by blood.226MS. 5,650 reads: “After that the said captain had one of his men-at-arms armed in offensive armor.” Stanley has translatedharnois blancliterally as “white armor.”227This passage may be translated: “Thereby was the king rendered almost speechless, and told the captain, through the slave, that one of those armed men was worth a hundred of his own men. The captain answered that that was a fact, and that he had brought two hundred men in each ship, who were armed in that manner.” Eden so understood it, and reads: “whereat the Kynge marualed greatly, and ſayde to th[e] interpretoure (who was a ſlaue borne in Malacha) that one of thoſe armed men was able to encounter with a hundreth of his men.” MS. 5,650 agrees with the translation of the text.228Instead of this last phrase MS. 5,650 has: “and he made two of his men engage in sword-play before the king.”229MS. 5,650 says only: “Then he showed the king the sea-chart, and the navigation compass.” Eden says (p. 348) that the first to use the compass was one “Flauius of Malpha, a citie inthe kingdom of Naples.... Next vnto Flauius, the chiefe commendation is dew to the Spanyardes and Portugales by whoſe daylye experience, the ſame is brought to further perfection, and the vſe thereof better knowen; althowghe hytherto no man knoweth the cauſe why the iren touched with the lode ſtone, turneth euer towarde the north ſtarre, as playnely appeareth in euery common dyall.” He also says: “As touchynge the needle of the compaſſe, I haue redde in the Portugales nauigations that ſaylynge as farre ſouth as Cap. de Bona Speranza, the poynt of the needle ſtyll reſpected the northe as it dyd on this ſyde the Equinoctiall, ſauynge that it ſumwhat trembeled and declyned a lyttle, whereby the force ſeemed ſumwhat to be diminiſſhed, ſo that they were fayne to helpe it with the lode ſtone.” (Seeante, p. 93). The compass was known in a rough form to the Chinese at early as 2634B.C., and first applied to navigation in the third or fourth centuryA.D., or perhaps earlier. It was probably introduced into Europe through the Arabs who learned of it from the Chinese. It is first referred to in European literature by Alexander Neckam in the twelfth century inDe Utensilibus. The variations from the true north were observed as early as 1269.230Stanley says that the Amoretti edition represents the king as making this request and Magalhães as assenting thereto; but the Italian MS. reads as distinctly as MS. 5,650, that Magalhães made the request.231MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.232MS. 5,650 adds: “that is, a boat.”233The following passage relating to the meal reads thus in MS. 5,650: “Then the king had a plate of pork and some wine brought in. Their fashion of drinking is as follows. First they lift their hands toward the sky, and then take with the right hand the vessel from which they drink, while extending the fist of the left hand toward the people. The king did that to me, and extended his fist toward me, so that I thought that he was going to strike me. But I did the same to him, and in such wise did we banquet and afterwards sup with him using that ceremony and others.” See Spencer’sCeremonial Institutions, especially chapter I.234Eden reads (p. 255): “When the kynge ſawe Antonie Pigafetta write the names of many thinges, and afterwarde rehearſe them ageyne, he marualed yet more, makynge ſygnes that ſuche men deſcended from heauen.” Continuing he confuses the eldest son of the first king with the latter’s brother, the second king.235A tolerably good description of the native houses of thepresent day in the Philippines. Cf. Morga’s description,Vol. XVI, pp. 117–119.236MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter at this point.237This sentence to this point in MS. 5,650, is wrongly made to refer to the house of the king. The passage there reads: “All the dishes with which he is served, and also a part of his house, which was well furnished according to the custom of the country, were of gold.”

120MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty-five leagues.”

121Instead of this last phrase, MS. 5,650 reads: “and very little of that.” The account of the shipwreck and rescue as given here is very confusing and inadequate. Cf. Guillemard,ut supra, pp. 175–179, and Navarrete, iv, pp. 38, 39. One man was lost, namely, the negro slave of João Serrão. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) gives the briefest mention of it. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) says: “After this [i.e., the mutiny], they wintered for three months; and Magallanes again ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to go ahead in order to explore. The ship was wrecked but all of its crew were saved.” Correa’s account (Stanley, p. 250) is very short, and mentions that only the hull of the vessel was lost.

122Mosto (p. 60, note 3) derives this word from the Spanishmejillon, a variety of cockle, which he thinks may be theMytilusor common mussel.

123SeeVol. II, p. 34, note 5*.

124Eden (p. 252) says: “52. degree ... lackynge a thyrde parte.”

125MS. 5,650 omits: “and the holy bodies,” and has in its place: “by His grace.”

126MS. 5,650 omits these last two words. The Italian formbracciois retained in view of these words; for the Spanishbrazais a measure about equivalent to the English fathom, while thebraccio, although varying in different cities, is near three palmos (spans) in length. The term is, however, translatedbrasse(“fathom”) in MS. 5,650. Mosto (p. 60, note 8), conjectures this fish to be theEliginus maclovinus. Of this fish, TheodoreGill, the well-known ichthyologist, says in a letter of May 22, 1905: “The Italian editor gave a shrewd guess in the suggestion that the fish in question was what was formerly calledEliginus maclovinus. The only vulgar name that I have been able to find for it is ‘robalo,’ and this name is applied to it by the Spanish-speaking people of both sides of South America. Like most popular names, however, it is very misleading. ‘Robalo’ is the Spanish name for the European bass, which is nearly related to our striped bass or rock bass. To that fish the robalo of South America has no affinity or real resemblance, and belongs to a very different family peculiar to the southern hemisphere—theNototheniids. The so-calledEliginus maclovinus(properly,Eliginops maclovinus) is the most common and widely distributed species and probably the one obtained by the fleet of Magalhães.”

127Of the river Santa Cruz and the stay there, Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says: “We left that place [i.e., Port San Julian] on the 24th of the said month [of August] and coasted along to the southwest by west. About 30 leguas farther on, we found a river named Santa Cruz, which we entered on the 26th of the same month. We stayed there until the day of San Lucas, the 18th of the month of October. We caught many fish there and got wood and water. That coast extends northeast by east and southwest by west, and is an excellent coast with good indentations.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) places the river Santa Cruz twenty leagues from San Julian and in about 50°. That narrative says that the four remaining boats continued to pick up the wreckage of the “Santiago” until September 18. The name Santa Cruz was said to have been given to the river because they entered it on September 14, the day of the exaltation of the holy cross (see Stanley, p. 4, note 4, and Mosto, p. 60, note 7), but Kohl (Mosto,ut supra) attributes the name to João Serrão who was near that river on May 3, 1520, the day on which the church celebrates the feast of the finding of the holy cross. Navarrete (iv, p. 41) cites Herrera as authority for an eclipse of the sun that happened while at this river on October 11, 1520. Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 187, 188) is disinclined to believe the report, although he mentions an annular eclipse of the sun on October 20, 1520, which was however not visible in Patagonia. Navarrete (ut supra) says that Magalhães gave instructions to his captains here “saying that he would follow those coasts until finding a strait or the end of that continent, even if he had to go to a latitude of 75°; that before abandoning that enterprise, the ships might be twice unrigged; and that after that he would go in search of Maluco toward the east and east northeast, by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza and the island of San Lorenzo.”

A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply headed “chapter.”

128The anonymous Portuguese who accompanied Duarte Barbosa says 53° 30´; Barros, 52° 56´; Elcano, 54°; and Albo, 52° 30´. Mosto, p. 60, note 9.

129MS. 5.650 has the words in brackets.

130Eden (p. 252) says of the strait: “they founde the ſtraight nowe cauled the ſtraight of Magellanus, beinge in ſum place C.x. leagues in length: and in breadth ſumwhere very large and in other places lyttle more than halfe a league in bredth.” Stanley (p. 57) is uncertain of the Frenchet quasi autant de largeur moins de demye lieue, which is (translated freely) simply “something like almost a half-league wide.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 7) says that the channel “at some places has a width of three leagues, and two, and one, and in some places half a league.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320) gives the width as two, three, five, or ten Italian miles; Gomara, two leagues or so; Barros, one league at the mouth, and the strait, from a musket or cannon shot to one and one and one-half leagues; Castanheda, at the mouth as wide as two ships close together, then opening up to one league; Peter Martyr, a sling-shot’s distance in places. (Mosto, p. 61, note 2.)

131ProiseorProi(proy,proic) is an ancient Catalonian word meaning the “bow moorings;” Cf. Jal,Glossaire nautìque(Mosto, p. 61, note 3). The old Spanish word is “proís,” which signifies both the thing to which the ship is moored ashore, and the rope by which it is moored to the shore.

132This passage is as follows in MS. 5,650: “The said strait was a circular place surrounded with mountains (as I have said), and the majority of the sailors thought that there was no exit from it into the said Pacific Sea. But the captain-general declared that there was another strait which led out, and that he knew that well, for he had seen it on a marine chart of the king of Portugal. That map had been made by a renowned sailor and pilot, named Martin de Boesme. The said captain sent two of his ships forward—one named the ‘Sainct Anthoine,’ and the other the ‘Conception’—in order that they might look for and discover the exit from the said strait, which was called the cape de la Baya.”

Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Bœhem), Bœhm) was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436) of a family originally from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany, and died at Lisbon, July 29, 1506. He was a draper in Flanders, 1477–1479, after which he went to Lisbon (1480) where he becameacquainted with Columbus. In 1484 he was chosen geographer of Diego Cam’s expedition to Western Africa. On his return, he received the order of knighthood in the military order of Christ of Portugal; after which he went to the island of Fayal in the Azores where he became interested in colonization and agriculture, and married the daughter of the governor. In 1491 he returned to Germany, where he lived at Nuremberg until 1493, and where, at the request of his townsmen, he constructed an immense globe on the information of Ptolemy, Strabo, and others, which contains many errors (see facsimile in Guillemard), In 1493 he returned to Lisbon, and in 1494 to Fayal, where he remained until 1506, when he went to Lisbon. Many myths sprung up about him, such that he had visited America before Columbus and the straits of Magellan before Magalhães, the latter of whom he may have known at Lisbon. See Rose,New Biographical Dictionary(London, 1848);Grande Encyclopédie(Paris, Lamirault et Cie.); and Guillemard, pp. 73, 74.

See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189–198) for a discussion of knowledge regarding the existence of a strait to the south of the American continent, prior to Magalhães’s discovery and passage of it. Guillemard, after weighing the evidence for and against, decides that there may have been a “more or less inexact knowledge of the existence of some antarctic break “that would allow access to the eastern world.

133Possession Bay, according to Mosto, p. 61, note 5, but Guillemard (pp. 199, 200) thinks it may have been Lomas Bay.

134Probably Anegada Point to the northwest of Cape Orange.

135The “First Narrows” or Primera Garganta, just beyond Anegada Point.

136Lago de los Estrechos, St. Philip’s Bay, or Boucant Bay.

137The “Second Narrows” and Broad Reach.

138MS. 5,650 does not mention the smoke signals.

139MS. 5,650 reads: “When near us they suddenly discharged a number of guns, whereat we very joyously saluted them with artillery and cries.”

140The first is the passage east of Dawson Island, which extends to the northeast into Useless Bay and to the southeast into Admiralty Sound. The second opening was the passage between the western side of Dawson Island and Brunswick Peninsula.

141Esteban Gomez was an experienced Portuguese navigator and pilot with ambitions only less than those of Magalhães, his kinsman (Guillemard, p. 203). His desertion occurred probablyin the first part of November, and was perhaps directly due to pique at what he considered lack of appreciation from Magalhães. Conspiring with Gerónimo Guerra, the notary, who was elected captain of the “San Antonio” they made off with that ship, and after imprisoning Alvaro de Mezquita, returned to Spain, anchoring at Sevilla May 6, 1521. There Gomez was imprisoned after the return of the “Victoria,” but was liberated, and in 1524 proposed an expedition to discover a northwest passage. An expedition having been fitted out by Cárlos I, he coasted Florida and the eastern coast, as far as Cape Cod, and returned to Spain in 1525. SeeGrande Encyclopédie; Navarrete, iv, pp. 42–45, and 201–208; and Guillemard,ut supra, pp. 203–205.

Brito’s story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of the “San Antonio” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as follows: “They left that place [i.e., the river of Santa Cruz] on October 20, and went to enter a strait of which they had no knowledge. The entrance of the strait extends for about 15 leguas; and after they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-locked, and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portuguese pilot named Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend a mountain in order to ascertain whether there was any outlet. Carballo returned saying that it appeared land-locked to him. Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ to go in advance in order to explore the strait. After having gone ahead for about 30 leguas, they returned to tell Magallanes that the river went farther but that they could not tell where it would take them. Upon receiving that information Magallanes weighed anchor with all three ships, and advanced along the strait until reaching the point to which the others had explored. Then he ordered the ‘San Antonio’ of which Alvaro de Mezquito, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban Gomez, a Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel that opened in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was wrecked. Magallanes proceeded with his remaining ships until he found an exit.” Correa’s account of the desertion of the “San Antonio” is as usual with him, inadequate, and evidently based on hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250).

142Literally “brother;” but to be understood probably as the expressioncugino germano, “cousin german.”

143MS. 5,650 begins this sentence as follows: “But that ship lost its time, for the other.”

144Guillemard (p. 206) conjectures from the records of Albo, Pigafetta, and Herrera that the river of Sardines is Port Gallant which is located on the Brunswick Peninsula, opposite the Charles Islands. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says that after taking thecourse to the northwest they sailed about 15 leagues before anchoring.

145Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 216) says that the two capes at the exit of the strait were called Fermosa and Deseado, this latter being Cape Pillar (see Guillemard, map facing p. 198).

146MS. 5,650 adds: “which were on the other side.”

147João Serrão, the brother of Magalhães’s staunchest friend Francisco Serrão, and a firm supporter of the great navigator. Pigafetta errs in calling him a Spaniard (see p. 183), though he may have become a naturalized Spaniard, since the register speaks of him as a citizen of Sevilla. One document (Navarrete, iv, p. 155) calls him a Portuguese pilot, and Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) a Castilian. He was an experienced navigator and captain, and had served under Vasco da Gama, Almeida, and Albuquerque. Vasco da Gama (on his second voyage, 1502–1503) made him captain of the ship “Pomposa” which was built in Mozambique where he was left to attend to Portuguese affairs. On this expedition he saw the coast of Brazil for the first time, for Vasco da Gama’s fleet, ere doubling the Cape of Good Hope, crossed to the Brazilian coast, which they followed as far as Cape Santo Agostinho. He fought bravely in the battle of Cananor under Almeida (March 16, 1506, in which Magalhães also participated). He was chief captain of three caravels in August, 1510, in Eastern water, and was in the Java seas in 1512, but must have returned to Portugal soon after that, for he was there in 1513; although he seems to have been appointed clerk at the fortress of Calicut in the latter year. He embarked with Magalhães as captain and pilot of the “Santiago,” but after the wreck of that vessel near port San Julian was given command of the “Concepcion,” in which he later explored the strait. Failing to dissuade Magalhães from attacking the natives of Matan, he became commander, with Duarte Barbosa, of the fleet at Magalhães’s death, and was murdered by the Cebuans after the treacherous banquet given by them to the fleet. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Stanley’sThree voyages of Vasco da Gama(Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869).

148MS. 5,650 reads as follows: “Such was the method ordered by the captain from the beginning, in order that the ship that happened to become separated from the others might rejoin the fleet.” Then it adds: “Thereupon the crew of the said ship did what the captain had ordered them and more, for they set two banners with their letters,” etc.

149“The island of Santa Magdalena (Mosto, p. 62, note 11).

150According to Guillemard the river of Isleo (or “of Islands”)is located on Brunswick Peninsula, and is identified with the port of San Miguel, just east of the “River of Sardines;” the island where the cross was planted would be one of the Charles Islands.

151The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 3) mentions that the day at the port of San Julian was about seven hours long; while the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 30) says that the sun only appeared for some “four hours each day” in June and July. Transylvanus says the nights in the strait were not longer than five hours.

152MS. 5,650 adds: “which is the collateral wind between the east and south.”

153MS. 5,650 adds: “and anchorages.”

154Various kinds of these umbelliferous parsley plants are still to be found in Patagonia, where they are highly esteemed (Mosto, p. 63, note 3).

155MS. 5,650 reads: “I do not believe that there is a more beautiful country or a better strait than that.” See Albo’s description of the strait, inVol. I,pp. 264–265; that of Transylvanus,Vol. I,pp. 319–321; and that inWorld encompassed(Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 236, 237 (this last account also mentioning the difficulty of finding water sufficiently shallow for anchoring). The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait was called the “Strait of Victoria, because the ship ‘Victoria’ was the first that had seen it: some called it the Strait of Magalhaens because our captain was named Fernando de Magalhaens.” Castanheda says that Magalhães gave it the name of “bay of All Saints” because it was discovered on November 1; and San Martin in his reply to Magalhães’s request for opinions regarding the continuance of the expedition calls it “channel of All Saints:” but this name was first applied to only one gulf or one branch and later extended to the entire channel. This name is found in the instructions given for the expedition of Sebastian Cabot in 1527, and in the map made that same year at Sevilla by the Englishman Robert Thorne. Sarmiento de Gamboa petitioned Felipe II that it be called “strait of the Mother of God.” It was also called “strait of Martin Behaim.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait is 400 miles long. The “Roterio” (Stanley, pp. 7, 8) says that it is 100 leagues in length, and that in traversing it, they “sailed as long as it was daylight, and anchored when it was night.” Transylvanus (Vol. I,p. 320) gives the length as 100 Spanish miles; Oviedo, 100 or 110 leagues; Herrera, 100 leagues, and twenty days to navigate; Gomara, 110 to 120 leagues; Peter Martyr, 110 leagues. See Mosto, p. 60, note 10, and p. 62, note 2; andante, note 130.

156These fish are: a species ofCoryphæna; theThymnus albacora, and theThymnus plamys.

157From the Spanishgolondrina, the sapphirine gurnard or tubfish (Trigla hirundo).

158MS. 5,650 reads: “one foot or more.”

159At this point in the original Italian MS., which ends a page, occurs the heading of the following pageSequitur Vocabuli pataghoni, that is, “Continuation of Patagonian words.”

160Literally: “for the nature of women.”

161MS. 5,650 presents the following differences in the list of Patagonian words from the Italian MS.

EyesatherEyelashesocchechlLipsschianeHairajchirThroatohumerShoulderspelesPenisscachetTesticlesscaneosRumpschiachenArmmarPulseohonLegschossFeettecheHeelthereSole of the footcartscheniFingernailscoliniTo scratchghecareYoung mancalemiWateroliSmokejaicheWechenYeszeiPetre lazuresecheghiSuncalexcheniTo eatmecchiereTo lookconneTo walkrheiShiptheuTo runhaimOstrich eggsjanThe powder of the herb which they eatcapaeRed clothterechaiBlackamelRedtheicheTo cookjrecolesA goosechacheTheir little devilsCheleult

In the above list,chencorresponds in the Italian MS. toehen, the equivalent of “no;”theuis “ship” in the above, and “snow” in the Italian;courire(the equivalent ofcovrireorcoprire, “to cover”) in the Italian, becomescourir(“to run”) in MS. 5,650. All are to be regarded as errors of the French. Certain words are left in Italian in MS. 5,650, which are as follows:la copa;alcalcagno; (Italian MS.al calcagno);homo squerzo(Italian MS.sguerco);a la pignate(Italian MS.pigniata);alstruzzo vcelo(Italian MS.al seruzo ucelo); andalcocinare(Italian MS.al coçinare). Stanley offers this as proof that MS. 5,650 was written by Pigafetta, and not translated from his Italian, but it furnishes no evidence that Pigafetta even saw the French version of his relation. It must be remembered that Stanley did not himself see the Italian MS. but only the Amoretti mutilation of it (from which, and from MS. 5,650, he reproduces the vocabulary, without English translation); and hence bases his observations on that and the conjectures of its editor. Stanley points out the fact that Amoretti has omitted several words of this list, but they are all in the Italian MS. A sad blunder has been made by Stanley in his transcription ofLa pouldre dherbe qui mangentwhose Patagonian equivalent iscapac. He transcribes as follows:la pouldre d’herbewith Patagonian equivalentqui(which it is to be noted is only the wrong form of the French relative), andmangentwith Patagonian equivalentcapac, explainingmangentin a footnote as “Food, the root used as bread.” Stanley also makes the following mistranscriptions:oreschofororesche(“nostrils”);canneghinforcaimeghin(“palm of the hand”);ochyforochii(“bosom”);scancosforscaneos(“testicles”);houforhoii(“buttocks”);ohoyforohon(“pulse”);cartschemforcartscheni(“sole of the foot”);cholforthol(“heart”);omforoni(“wind”);aschameforaschanie(“earthen pot”);oamagheiforoamaghce(“to fight”);ametforamel(“black”); andixecolesforjrocoles(“to cook”). Amoretti has also made many errors (see Stanley’sFirst Voyage, pp. 62, 63). Mosto, who is on the whole a faithful transcriber, hassacancosas the Patagonian equivalent ofa li testiculi;om janifora li sui, the correct forms of the latter beingjanianda li sui oui; andtcrechaifor the equivalent of “red cloth.” Eden (p. 252) gives only the following words: “breade, Capar: water, Oli: redde clothe, Cherecai: red colour, Cheiche: blacke colour, Amel.”

Mosto (p. 63, note 8) gives the following words from thevocabulary of the Tehuel-ches compiled by the second lieutenant of the ship “Roncagli,” which correspond almost exactly with those given by Pigafetta.

EnglishRoncagliPigafettaNoseororeyeóthelotherhandtzéncheneearshasaneostrichóyuehoi hoi

Brinton (American Race, p. 328) cites Ramon Lista (Mis exploraciones y descubrìmientos en Patagonia, Buenos Ayres, 1880) in proof that the language of the Patagonians has undergone but slight change since the time of Pigafetta. See also lists of words in Brinton (ut supra), p. 364, from the Patagonian and Fuegian languages. The vocabularies given by Horatio Hale (Wilkes’sU. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842, Philadelphia, 1846, viii, pp. 651–656) bear no resemblance to Pigafetta’s vocabulary. Hale says that guttural sounds are frequent among the Indians of the Patagonian district.

162MS. 5,650 reads: “capae.”

163Cf. with the methods of fire-making used by the North American Indians inJesuit Relations and Allied Documents(Cleveland reissue); seealso Captivity of Hans Stade(Hakluyt Society edition), p. 126.

At this point (folio 14a) in the original Italian MS. occurs the first chart, representing the straits of Magellan (see p. 86). The cardinal points in all of Pigafetta’s charts are the reverse of the ordinary, the north being below and the south above. MS. 5,650 precedes this chart (which there occupies folio 21a) by the words: “Below is depicted the strait of Patagonie.” Immediately following this chart in the Italian MS. (folio 15a) is the chart of theYsole Infortunate(“Unfortunate Isles;” see p. 92). These islands are shown in MS. 5,650 on folio 23a, with the following notice: “Here are shown the two islands called ‘Unfortunate Islands.’” The charts in the Italian MS. are brown or dull black on a blue ground.

164The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that Magalhães left the strait November 26 (having entered it October 21); the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) and Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 65, note 1), November 27.

165MS. 5,650 reads: “And we ate only biscuits that had fallen to powder, which was quite full of worms, and stank from the filth of the urine of rats that covered it, and of which the good had been eaten.” Eden (p. 252) reads: “And hauynge inthis tyme conſumed all theyr byſket and other vyttales, they fell into ſuche neceſſitie that they were inforced to eate the pouder that remayned therof beinge nowe full of woormes and ſtynkynge lyke pyſſe by reaſon of the ſalte water,” Herrera (Navarrete, iv, p. 51) says that the rice was cooked with salt water.

166A curious coincidence in view of Magalhães’s answer to Esteban Gomez at a council called in the strait to discuss the continuance of the voyage that “although he had to eat the cowhide wrappings of the yardarms, he would still persevere and discover what he had promised the emperor” (Navarrete, iv, p. 43; cited from Herrera). At that council André de San Martin, pilot in the “San Antonio,” advised that they continue explorations until the middle of January, 1521, and then return to Spain; and urged that no farther southward descent be made, and that navigation along so dangerous coasts be only by day, in order that the crew might have some rest (Navarrete, iv, pp. 45–49).

167MS. 5,650 reads: “enough of them.”

168This was the scurvy. Navarrete (iv, p. 54) following a document conserved in Archivo general de Indias, says that only eleven men died of scurvy during the voyage from the strait to the Ladrones.

169The anonymous Portuguese says (Stanley, p. 31) that after sailing west and northwest for 9,858 miles, the equator was reached. At the line (“Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 9), Magalhães changed the course in order to strike land north of the Moluccas, as “he had information that there were no provisions” there.

170MS. 5,650 reads: “It is well named Pacific.”

171MS. 5,650 adds: “which is a large fish called tiburoni.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31), says that the Unfortunate Islands were met before the line was reached and were eight hundred miles distant from one another. One was called St. Peter (in 18°) and the other the island of Tiburones (in 14°). Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 321), Herrera, and Oviedo, say that the three vessels stopped two days at those islands for supplies, but Albo’s journal (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) indicates that no stop was made there. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9), gives the latitude of these islands as 18° or 19° and 13° or 14°. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) says that the first was discovered January 24 in 16° 15´, and was called San Pablo, because that was the date of St. Paul’s conversion; and the island of Tiburones was discovered February 4, in 10° 40´, at a distance of 9° (sic) from the former. Eden (p. 253) says that the second island lay in 5°. These two islands were probably Puka-puka (theHonden Eylandof the Dutch atlases) of the Tuamotu group, located in latitude14° 45´ south, and longitude 138° 48´ west; and Flint Island of the Manihiki group, located in latitude 11° 20´ south and longitude 151° 48´ west. The latter is still uninhabited, but the former contains a population of over four hundred. Seeante, note 163. See Guillemard, p. 220, and Mosto, p. 65, note 6.

172MS. 5,650 reads: “now at the stern, now at the windward side, or otherwise.” Amoretti changes this passage completely, reading: “According to our measurement of the distance that we made with the chain astern, we ran from sixty to seventy leagues daily.” Many basing themselves on this passage of Amoretti, have believed that the log was in use at the time of the first circumnavigation. Dr. Breusing (Die Catena a poppa bei Pigafetta und die Logge, in “Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin,” 1869, iv, pp. 107–115) believes that the “stern chain (catena poppa) is not the log properly so-called, but an instrument for determining the angle of the ship’s leeway, an opinion accepted also by Gelcich in hisLa scoperta d’America e Cristoforo Colombo nella letteratura moderna(Gorizia, 1890). L’Vzielle (Studi bibliogr. e biogr. sulla storia della geogr. in Italia, Roma, 1875, part ii, introduction, pp. 294–296), combats that opinion, as well as the idea that the log is meant. The difficulty of the passage, he says, hinges on the wordhoand whether it is interpreted as a verb or a conjunction. If it be a conjunction then the passage, means “estimating by sight, the rate of the ship from the ‘bow catena,’ or at the stern”(‘catena’ being a beam perpendicular to the ship’s axis at the point near the bow where it begins to curve inward; that is, at such a point that from that place to the stern, the direction of the apparent way is parallel to the longitudinal axis of the ship) his ship made fifty, sixty, or seventy leagues.” One might suppose, ifhobe regarded as a verb, that Pigafetta calledcatenaa cross beam of the stern (the passage reading “the catena that was at the stern”); or that the disjunctiveho, “or” is used in place ofe, “and,” and that Pigafetta, dividing the distance between the stern and the bow catena by the time necessary for a fixed point of the sea to pass from the elevation of the bow to that of the stern, thus deduced the ship’s rate. See Mosto, p. 66, note1. L’Vzielli’s opinion is the most probable, for although the log is mentioned by Purchas as early as 1607, its use did not become general until 1620. An instrument used to measure the rates of vessels is mentioned as early as 1577, but it was very deficient.

173The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 6) says that this cape, which he calls “cape of the virgins” was discovered on October 21, 1520, and lay in latitude about 52° south. Barros says that it was discovered on October 20; and Transylvanus and Oviedo, on November 27. See Mosto, p. 61, note 1.

174Regarding the reckonings Eden says: “In ſo much that it was neceſſarie to helpe the needle with the lode ſtone (commonly cauled the adamant) before they could ſaile therwith, bycauſe it moued not as it doothe when it is in theſe owre partes.” Eden also gives a cut of the “ſtarres abowt the pole Antartike.” The same author also (pp. 277–280) compiles from Amerigo Vespucci and Andreas de Corsali a treatise entitled “Of the Pole Antartike and the stars abowt the same and of the qualitie of the regions and disposition of the Elementes abowt the Equinoctiall line. Alſo certeyne ſecreates touching the arte of ſaylynge.” The former says: “The pole Antartike hath nother the great beare nor the lyttle as is ſeene abowte owre pole. But hath foure ſtarres whiche compaſſe it abowt in forme of a quadrangle. When these are hydden, there is ſeene on the lefte ſyde a bryght Canopus of three ſtarres of notable greatneſſe, whiche beinge in the myddeſt of heauen, repreſenteth this figure.” The latter says: “Here we ſawe a marueylous order of ſtarres, ſo that in the parte of heauen contrary to owre northe pole, to knowe in what place and degree the ſouth pole was, we tooke the day with the ſoonne, and obſerued the nyght with the aſtrolabie, and ſaw manifeſtly twoo clowdes of reaſonable bygneſſe mouynge abowt the place of the pole continually nowe ryſynge and nowe faulynge, ſo keepynge theyr continuall courſe in circular mouynge, with a ſtarre euer in the myddeſt which is turned abowt with them abowte. xi. degrees frome the pole. Aboue theſe appeareth a marueylous croſſe in the myddeſt of fyue notable ſtarres which compaſſe it abowt.... This croſſe is so fayre and bewtiful, that none other heuenly gne may be compared to it....” These are the Magallanic clouds (Nuebecula major and Nubecula minor) and the constellation of the Southern Cross or Crux. The Magellanic clouds resemble portions of the milky way, Nubecula major being visible to the naked eye in strong moonlight and covering about two hundred times the moon’s surface, while the Nubecula minor, although visible to the naked eye, disappears in full moonlight, and covers an area only one-fourth that of the former. They were first observed by the Arabians. The Portuguese pilots probably called them at first “clouds of the cape.” (Mosto, p. 66, note 2). The Southern Cross, which resembles a lute rather than a cross, was first erected into a constellation by Royer in 1679, although often spoken of before as a cross. Only one of its five principal stars belongs to the first magnitude. The cross is only 6° in extent north and south and less than that east and west.

The second chart of the plate at p. 92 represents the Ladrones Islands and occurs in the Italian MS. at this point (folio 16b). This chart is found on folio 25b in MS. 5,650, and is preceded by the inscription: “The island of the robbers and the style of their boats.”

175MS. 5,650 reads: “During that time of two months and twelve days.”

176Amoretti reads: “three degrees east of Capo Verde.” If the cape is meant, the correction is proper, but if the islands, the MS. is correct. See Mosto, p. 67, note 4.

177Cipangu is Japan, while Sumbdit Pradit may be the island of Antilia, called “Septe citade” on Martin Behaim’s globe (Mosto, p. 67, note 5). The locations given by Pigafetta prove that they did not see them, but that he writes only from vague reports. Europe first learned of Japan, near the end of the thirteenth century, through Marco Polo, who had been told in China fabulous tales of the wealth of Zipangu. This word is derived by Marco Polo from the Chinese Dschi-pen-Kuë or Dschi-pon, which the Japanese have transformed into Nippon or Nihon. SeeTravels of Marco Polo, book iii, ch. ii; and Rein’sJapan, p. 4.

178SeeVol. I, pp. 208, 209, 210, 312, 336.

179MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 322) names two islands of the Ladrones Inuagana and Acacan, but says that both were uninhabited. Guillemard (ut supra, p. 223) conjectures these names to be identical with Agana in Guam and Sosan in Rota. Hugues (Mosto, p. 67, note 7) believes the first island visited to have been Guam, and his conjecture is undoubtedly correct.

180MS. 5,650 adds: “called skiff.”

181MS. 5,650 adds: “of the said island.”

182MS. 5,650 has a new unnumbered chapter heading before the following paragraph.

183This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650, as is also all the following sentence; but that MS. adds: “We left the said island immediately afterward, and continued our course.” This was on March 9, on which day the only Englishman in the fleet, “Master Andrew” of Bristol, died (Guillemard,ut supra, p. 226).

184Eden (p. 254) says: “two hundreth of theyr boates.”

185MS. 5,650 has a new chapter at this point, although the chapter is unnumbered.

When Loaisa’s expedition reached the Ladrones, they found still alive a Galician, one of three deserters from Espinosa’s ship (seeVol. II, pp. 30, 34, 35, 110). See the reception accorded Legazpi, and a description of one of those islands in 1565,Vol. II, pp. 109–113. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that the expedition reached the Ladrones, March 6, 1521 (with which Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 219 agrees); and that after the theft of theskiff, Magellan landed with fifty or sixty men, burned the whole village, killed seven or eight persons, both men and women; and that supplies were taken aboard. The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the Ladrones (which lay in 10°–12° north latitude, were 2,046 miles by the course traveled from the equator. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says: “Thence [i.e., the Unfortunate Islands] they laid their course westward, and after sailing 500 leguas came to certain islands where they found a considerable number of savages. So many of the latter boarded the vessels that when the men tried to restore order in them, they were unable to get rid of the savages except by lance-thrusts. They killed many savages, who laughed as if it were a cause for rejoicing.”

186MS. 5,650 adds: “or superior.”

187MS. 5,650 reads: “cloth.”

188At this point, MS. 5,650 begins a new sentence, thus: “There are found in that place.”

189MS. 5,650 reads: “Those women.”

190MS. 5,650 makes use of the Italian wordstoreforstuojeorstojemeaning “mats,” and explains by adding: “which we call mats.”

191They also (according to Herrera) received the nameLas Velas, “the sails” from the lateen-rigged vessels that the natives used (Mosto, p. 67, note 7). See alsoVol. XVI, pp. 200–202.

192In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “The pastime of the men and women of the said place and their sport, is to go in their boats to catch those flying fish with fishhooks made of fishbone.”

193Mosto (p. 68, note 5) says that these boats were thefisolere, which were small and very swift oared-vessels, used in winter on the Venetian lakes by the Venetian nobles for hunting with bows and arrows and guns. Amoretti conjectures that Pigafetta means thefusiniere, boats named after Fusine whence people are ferried to Venice.

194MS. 5,650 reads: “The said boats have no difference between stern and bow.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 219), in speaking of the boats of the Chamorros, uses almost identically the same expression: “They went both ways, for they could make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern, whenever they wished.” The apparatus described by Pigafetta as belonging to these boats is the outrigger, common to many of the boats of the eastern islands.

195In the Italian MS., the chart ofAguada ly boni segnaly(“Watering-place of good signs”), Zzamal (Samar), Abarien,Humunu, Hyunagan, Zuluam, Cenalo, and Ybusson (q.v., p. 102) follows at this point. It is found on folio 29b of MS. 5,650 and is preceded by the following: “Here is shown the island of Good Signs, and the four islands, Cenalo, Humanghar, Ibusson, and Abarien, and several others.”

196“The tenth of March” in Eden, and the distance of Zamal from the Ladrones is given as “xxx. leagues.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says that the first land seen was called Yunagan, “which extended north and had many bays;” and that going south from there they anchored at a small island called Suluan. At the former “we saw some canoes, and went thither, but they fled. That island lies in 9° 40´ north latitude.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 10) says that the first land seen was in “barely eleven degrees,” and that the fleet “went to touch at another further on, which appeared first.” Two praus approached a boat sent ashore, whereupon the latter was ordered back, and the praus fled. Thereupon the fleet went to another nearby island “which lies in ten degrees, to which they gave the name of the ‘Island of Good Signs,’ because they found some gold in it.”

197This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.

198MS. 5,650 reads: “more than one foot long.”

199Since rice is an important staple among all the eastern islands, it is natural that there are different and distinctive names for that grain in the various languages and dialects for all stages of its growth and all its modes of preparation. Thus the Tagálog has words for “green rice,” “rice with small heads,” “dirty and partly rotten rice,” “early rice,” “late rice,” “cooked rice,” and many others. See alsoU. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 70, 71.

200MS. 5,650 reads: “In order to explain what manner of fruit is that above named, one must know that what is called ‘cochi’ is the fruit borne by the palm-tree. Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and vinegar, which are obtained from different things, so those people get the above named substances from those palm-trees alone.” See Delgado’sHistoria, pp. 634–659, for description of the useful cocoa palm; also,U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 72, 73, 75.

201MS. 5,650 reads: “along the tree.” Practically the method used today to gather the cocoanut wine. SeeU. S. Philippine Gazetteer, p. 75.

202In describing the cocoanut palm and fruit, Eden (p. 254) reads: “Vnder this rynde, there is a thicke ſhell whiche they burne and make pouder thereof and vſe it as a remedie for certeyne diſeaſes.” He says lower, that the cocoanut milk on congealing “lyeth within the ſhell lyke an egge.”

203MS. 5,650 reads: “By so doing they last a century.”

204Called “Suluan” by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220). It is a small island southeast of Samar. Seeante, note 196. Dr. David P. Barrows (Census of the Philippines, Washington, 1905, i, p. 413), says that the men from Suluan “were perhaps not typical of the rest of the population which Magellan found sparsely scattered about the coasts of the central islands, but ... were almost certainly of the same stock from which the present Visayan people are in the main descended.” These natives had probably come, he says, “in successively extending settlements, up the west coast of Mindanao from the Sulu archipelago. ‘Sulúan’ itself means ‘Where there are Suluges,’ that is, men of Sulu or Joló.”

205MS. adds: “seeing that they were thus well dispositioned.”

206MS. 5,650 adds: “into the sea.”

207Albo calls it (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) the island of Gada (i.e.,Aguada, “watering-place”) “where we took on water and wood, that island being very free of shoals” (seeante, note 196). This island is now called Homonhón, Jomonjol, or Malhón. Its greatest dimensions are ten miles from northwest to southeast, and five miles from northeast to southwest. It is eleven miles southwest from the nearest point in Samar. It is called “Buenas Señas” on Murillo Velarde’s map.

208The “Roteiro” (Stanley p. 11) says that the archipelago was also called “Vall Sem Periguo,” or “Valley without Peril.” The name “Filipinas” was not applied to them until 1542 by Villalobos (seeVol. II, p. 48).

209Probably the jungle-fowl (Gallus bankiva) which is caught and tamed in large numbers by the natives of the Philippines and still used for crossing with the domestic fowl. See Guillemard (ut supra, p. 228, note 1).

210This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

211MS. 5,650 reads: “In his ears he wore pendants of gold jewels, which they call ‘schione.’”

212MS. adds: “whom he had put ashore on that island that they might recruit their strength.”

213MS. 5,650 reads: “There is another island near the above island, inhabited by people.” Mosto says (p. 70, note 6) thatpichetiis from the Spanishpiquete, “a small hole made with a sharp pointed instrument.” This custom of piercing the ears is quite general among savage, barbarous, and semi-barbarous peoples.

214Eden (p. 254) reads: “caphranitathat is gentyles.” SeeVol. III, p. 93, note 29.

215This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.

216Our transcript readsfacine, and MS. 5,650fascine, both of which translate “fascines.” Mosto readsfocine, which is amended by Amoretti tofoscine. This latter is probably the same word asfiocina, a “harpoon” or “eel-spear,” and hence here a “dart.”

217Stanley failed to decipher this word in MS. 5,650, which is the same as the word in the Italian MS. Mosto, citing Boerio (Dizion. veneziano), says ofrizali: “Rizzagioorrizzagno, ‘sweepnet’ a fine thickly woven net, which when thrown into rivers by the fisherman, opens, and when near the bottom, closes, and covers and encloses the fish.Rizzagiois also called that contrivance or net, made in the manner of an inverted cone, with a barrel hoop attached to the circumference as a selvage. It has a hole underneath, through which if the eels in the ponds slyly enter the net, there is no danger of their escape.”

Fish are caught in the Philippines by various devices—in favorable situations by traps, weirs, corrals of bamboo set along the shore in shallow waters. Various kinds of nets and seines, the hook and line, and also the spear, are also used. SeeCensus of the Philippine Islands(Washington, 1905), iv, p. 533.

218MS. 5,650 reads: “Hiunanghar.” Stanley has mistranscribed “Huinanghar.” It is difficult to identify the four islands of Cenalo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson, and Abarien with certainty. Mosto (p. 71, notes) suggests that they may be Dinagat, Cabugan, Gibuson, and Cabalarián. The first three are evidently correct, as those islands would naturally be sighted in the course followed. The last island is shown in Pigafetta’s chart to be north of Malhón, and the probability is that he names and locates it merely from hearsay, and that they did not see it. Its position seems to indicate Manicani rather than Cabalarián.

After this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 21a) follows the chart of the islands of Pozzon, Ticobon, Polon, Baibai and Ceilon (together forming the island of Leyte), Gatighan, Bohol, and Mazzana (sic) (q.v., p. 112). This chart in MS. 5,650 (on folio 36a) is preceded by: “Below is shown the cape of Gatighan and many other islands surrounding it.”

219Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says: “We departed thence [i.e., from Malhón] and went toward the west in order to strike a large island called Seilani [i.e., Leyte] which is inhabited and has gold in it. We coasted along it and took our course to the west southwest in order to strike a small island, which is inhabited and called Mazava. The people there are very friendly.We erected a cross on a mountain in that island. Three islands lying to the west southwest were pointed out to us from that island, which are said to possess gold in abundance. They showed us how it was obtained. They found pieces as large as chickpeas and beans. Masava lies in latitude 9 and two-thirds degrees north.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 11) says: “They ran on to another island twenty leagues from that from which they sailed [i.e., Malhón], and came to anchor at another island, which is named Macangor [i.e., Masaua], which is nine degrees; and in this island they were very well received, and they placed a cross in it.” See alsoVol. I, pp. 322, 323.

220MS. 5,650 reads: “But they moved off immediately and would not enter the ship through distrust of us.” The slave who acted as interpreter is the Henrique de Malaca of Navarrete’s list.

221Bara: the Spanish wordbarra.

222MS. 5,650 reads: “to ask him to give him some food for his ships in exchange for his money.”

223MS. 5,650 reads: “The king hearing that came with seven or eight men.”

224Fordorade,i.e., the dorado. MS. 5,650 adds: “which are very large fish of the kind abovesaid.”

225The ceremony of blood brotherhood.Casicasimeans “intimate friends.” See Trumbull’sBlood Covenant(Philadelphia, 1898), which shows how widespread was the covenant or friendship typified by blood.

226MS. 5,650 reads: “After that the said captain had one of his men-at-arms armed in offensive armor.” Stanley has translatedharnois blancliterally as “white armor.”

227This passage may be translated: “Thereby was the king rendered almost speechless, and told the captain, through the slave, that one of those armed men was worth a hundred of his own men. The captain answered that that was a fact, and that he had brought two hundred men in each ship, who were armed in that manner.” Eden so understood it, and reads: “whereat the Kynge marualed greatly, and ſayde to th[e] interpretoure (who was a ſlaue borne in Malacha) that one of thoſe armed men was able to encounter with a hundreth of his men.” MS. 5,650 agrees with the translation of the text.

228Instead of this last phrase MS. 5,650 has: “and he made two of his men engage in sword-play before the king.”

229MS. 5,650 says only: “Then he showed the king the sea-chart, and the navigation compass.” Eden says (p. 348) that the first to use the compass was one “Flauius of Malpha, a citie inthe kingdom of Naples.... Next vnto Flauius, the chiefe commendation is dew to the Spanyardes and Portugales by whoſe daylye experience, the ſame is brought to further perfection, and the vſe thereof better knowen; althowghe hytherto no man knoweth the cauſe why the iren touched with the lode ſtone, turneth euer towarde the north ſtarre, as playnely appeareth in euery common dyall.” He also says: “As touchynge the needle of the compaſſe, I haue redde in the Portugales nauigations that ſaylynge as farre ſouth as Cap. de Bona Speranza, the poynt of the needle ſtyll reſpected the northe as it dyd on this ſyde the Equinoctiall, ſauynge that it ſumwhat trembeled and declyned a lyttle, whereby the force ſeemed ſumwhat to be diminiſſhed, ſo that they were fayne to helpe it with the lode ſtone.” (Seeante, p. 93). The compass was known in a rough form to the Chinese at early as 2634B.C., and first applied to navigation in the third or fourth centuryA.D., or perhaps earlier. It was probably introduced into Europe through the Arabs who learned of it from the Chinese. It is first referred to in European literature by Alexander Neckam in the twelfth century inDe Utensilibus. The variations from the true north were observed as early as 1269.

230Stanley says that the Amoretti edition represents the king as making this request and Magalhães as assenting thereto; but the Italian MS. reads as distinctly as MS. 5,650, that Magalhães made the request.

231MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.

232MS. 5,650 adds: “that is, a boat.”

233The following passage relating to the meal reads thus in MS. 5,650: “Then the king had a plate of pork and some wine brought in. Their fashion of drinking is as follows. First they lift their hands toward the sky, and then take with the right hand the vessel from which they drink, while extending the fist of the left hand toward the people. The king did that to me, and extended his fist toward me, so that I thought that he was going to strike me. But I did the same to him, and in such wise did we banquet and afterwards sup with him using that ceremony and others.” See Spencer’sCeremonial Institutions, especially chapter I.

234Eden reads (p. 255): “When the kynge ſawe Antonie Pigafetta write the names of many thinges, and afterwarde rehearſe them ageyne, he marualed yet more, makynge ſygnes that ſuche men deſcended from heauen.” Continuing he confuses the eldest son of the first king with the latter’s brother, the second king.

235A tolerably good description of the native houses of thepresent day in the Philippines. Cf. Morga’s description,Vol. XVI, pp. 117–119.

236MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter at this point.

237This sentence to this point in MS. 5,650, is wrongly made to refer to the house of the king. The passage there reads: “All the dishes with which he is served, and also a part of his house, which was well furnished according to the custom of the country, were of gold.”

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