The Project Gutenberg eBook ofThe Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 46, 1721-1739

The Project Gutenberg eBook ofThe Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 46, 1721-1739This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online atwww.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 46, 1721-1739Editor: Emma Helen BlairCommentator: Edward Gaylord BourneEditor: James Alexander RobertsonRelease date: July 30, 2016 [eBook #52681]Most recently updated: October 23, 2024Language: EnglishCredits: Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online DistributedProofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for ProjectGutenberg*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1898; VOLUME 46, 1721-1739 ***

This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online atwww.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 46, 1721-1739Editor: Emma Helen BlairCommentator: Edward Gaylord BourneEditor: James Alexander RobertsonRelease date: July 30, 2016 [eBook #52681]Most recently updated: October 23, 2024Language: EnglishCredits: Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online DistributedProofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for ProjectGutenberg

Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 46, 1721-1739

Editor: Emma Helen BlairCommentator: Edward Gaylord BourneEditor: James Alexander Robertson

Editor: Emma Helen Blair

Commentator: Edward Gaylord Bourne

Editor: James Alexander Robertson

Release date: July 30, 2016 [eBook #52681]Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online DistributedProofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for ProjectGutenberg

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1898; VOLUME 46, 1721-1739 ***

Plan of Cebú Cathedral; drawn by Juan de Siscarra, engineer, 1719Plan of Cebú Cathedral; drawn by Juan de Siscarra, engineer, 1719[Photographic facsimile of original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]Original Title Page.The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,Volume XLVI, 1721–1739Edited and annotated byEmma Helen BlairandJames Alexander Robertsonwith historical introduction and additional notes byEdward Gaylord Bourne.The Arthur H. Clark CompanyCleveland, OhioMCMVIICONTENTS OF VOLUME XLVIPreface13Document of 1721–1739Events in Filipinas, 1721–1739.Compiled from various authors, fully credited in text31Bibliographical Data63Appendix: Education in the PhilippinesPrimary instruction.In various parts, as follows: I.First governmental attempts.Vicente Barrantes; Madrid, 1869. [Condensed from hisLa instrucción primaria en Filipinas.] II.Organized effort of legislation.Daniel Grifol y Aliaga; Manila, 1894. [From preface to hisLa instrucción primaria en Filipinas.] III.Royal decree establishing plan of primary instruction in Filipinas.José de la Concha; December 20, 1863. [From Grifol y Aliaga’sLa instrucción primaria en Filipinas; as are all the following parts.] IV.Regulations for the normal school.José de la Concha; December 20, 1863. V.Regulations for schools and teachers of primary instruction.José de la Concha; December 20, 1863. VI.Interior regulations of schools of primary instruction.José de la Concha; December 20, 1863. VII.Decree approving regulations of municipal girls’ school.——Echague; February 15, 1864. VIII.Regulations for the municipal girls’ school.Manila Ayuntamiento; February 15, 1864. IX.Circular giving rules for the good discharge of school supervision.——Gándara; August 30, 1867. X.Decree approving regulations for women’s normal school.——Malcampo; June 19, 1875. XI.Regulations for women’s normal school.——Malcampo; June 19, 1875. XII.Royal decree creating women’s normal school.María Cristina and Francisco Romero Robledo; March 11, 1892. XIII.Royal order approving regulations for women’s normal school.Francisco Romero Robledo; March 31, 1892. XIV.Regulations for women’s normal school.Francisco Romero Robledo; March 31, 1892. XV.Decree elevating men’s normal school to the grade of superior.Hermenegildo Jacas; November 1, 1893; and A. Avilés and Manuel Blanco Valderrama, November 10, 1893. XVI.Regulations of superior normal school for men teachers.Manuel Blanco Valderrama, November 10, 1893. XVII.School legislation, 1863–189467Dominican educational institutions, 1896–1897.[Unsigned and undated.]261Report of religious schools, 1897.[Unsigned and undated.]265Educational institutions of the Recollects.[Unsigned and undated; 1897?]268The friar viewpoint.In two parts. I. Education. Eduardo Navarro, O.S.A.; Madrid, 1897. [From hisEstudio de algunos asuntos de actualidad.] II. Eladio Zamora, O.S.A.; Valladolid, 1901. [From hisLas corporaciones religiosas en Filipinas.]272Education since American occupation.Editorial, and compiled from various sources364ILLUSTRATIONSPlan of Cebú Cathedral; drawn by Juan de Siscarra, engineer, 1719; photographic facsimile of original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias, SevillaFrontispieceAutograph signature of Joseph Torrubia, O.S.F.; from original manuscript in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla35Title-page ofDissertacion historico-politita, by Joseph Torrubia (Madrid, 1753); photographic facsimile from copy in library of Harvard University41Map showing new route from Manila to Acapulco, presented to Governor Fernando Valdés Tamón by the pilot, Enrique Hermán, 1730; photographic facsimile of original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla49Plan of infantry barracks in Manila; drawn by the military engineer, Thomas de Castro y Andrade, 1733; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla53PREFACEMost of this volume consists of the educational appendix which is continued from the preceding volume. The only regular document presented shows the general history of the islands for the years 1721–1739 both politically and religiously. The greater interest in the volume centers about the appendix. For here we see the first systematic attempts at a universal education in the Philippines, the first real though rude awakening of the inert mass of a people to the facts of broader life by the government establishment of primary and normal schools. As might be expected the paternal element is chiefly discernible in the laws and regulations made by the government. The complexities of the educational question, a problem that Spain would have been many years in solving, are well shown by the two documents which give the friar side of the matter.A brief summary of the principal events from 1721 to 1739 contains several matters of interest. The murder of Bustamante by a mob arouses much indignation at Madrid, but the attempts to ascertain and punish the guilty ones prove ineffectual, and the affair drops into oblivion. The islands are regularly harassed by the Moro pirates; punitive expeditions are sent against them, but these are often too late ortoo slow to accomplish any results. The coast villages are fortified, much of this being done by the priests in charge of the Indians. In 1733 the royal storehouses at Manila are destroyed by fire, causing great loss to the treasury. Two years later, a Dutch fleet demands satisfaction for the previous capture of a Dutch ship by a Spanish coastguard, but retires when the Spaniards pay the value of the prize. A controversy arises (1736) between the Recollects and Jesuits over certain missions in northern Mindanao, in which the Jesuits gain the upper hand. In 1737, one of the auditors makes an official visitation of several provinces in Luzón, and reforms many abuses therein. During 1738–39, a controversy rages in Manila over the complaint made by the mestizos of Santa Cruz regarding unjust exactions imposed on them by the Jesuits; the decision of the Audiencia (sustained by the home government) is against that order.The remainder of this volume is occupied by the educational appendix, which is the continuance and conclusion of the review of education begun inVOL. XLV.The first document, which comprises the greater part of the appendix, treats of primary and normal instruction in the Philippines, after the government really took such education under its protection by special legislation. The subject is prefaced by extracts and synopses from Barrantes which show the earliest legislation, beginning with 1839 and culminating in the decree of December 20, 1863. Although the appointment of a commission is ordered in the former year to draft regulations for schools, such appointment is delayed until 1855, and a report is handed in only in 1861, the work of the commissionbeing stimulated perhaps by the fact that the governor appoints an official in 1860 to draft regulations along the same line. The chief point of debate in the commission is the teaching of Spanish, the vice-rector of the university of Santo Tomás declaring against such teaching but being overruled. The decree of December 20, 1863 is the greatest result of the work of the commission. The normal school created by the decree is formally opened January 23, 1865, although in operation since May 17, 1864. Irregularity of attendance and vacations prove the greatest obstacles. Barrantes, who defends the friars, concludes that the backwardness of primary education is due rather to the laws of the Indies than to any class such as the religious corporations; that before 1865 primary education was only a shadow; and that the Filipinos have not yet sufficiently far advanced to be granted the electoral right that they ask. The remainder of the document is from Grifol y Aliaga’s book on primary instruction. An extract from the preface of that author shows that with the decree of 1863, new life is put into education, and that all the many decrees and orders issued later by the government are harmonious in effect and purpose; although they were in large part inoperative. Next follows the royal decree of December 20, 1863, establishing a plan of primary instruction in the islands. Its first part consists of the exposition addressed to the queen by the minister José de la Concha, stating the need of greater efficiency in the teaching system for the natives, in order that they may develop spiritually and intellectually. The aim is to diffuse the Spanish language. It provides for a normal school under the immediate supervision of the priests. Following the exposition is the decreeproper, which decrees schools for each sex in each village, and gives various details of such schools. The regulations for the normal school of teachers for primary instruction end Aliaga’s book. They consist of twenty-eight articles which state the object of the school; and the rules governing the scholars in their manifold relations. Next come the regulations, dated December 20, 1863, for schools and teachers of primary instruction for native Filipinos, which consist of thirty-five articles. By these regulations, separate schools are established in all the villages for boys and girls; attendance is made compulsory for children between certain ages; instruction is to be in Spanish, and the knowledge of that language especially striven for; tuition is free to the poor, and equipment for all; religious and ethical teaching is in charge of the parish priests. Rules are given in regard to the teachers, and assistants, the textbooks, vacations, the establishment of Sunday schools for adults, and the supervision, which is put into the hands of laymen—that duty having thitherto been performed by the parish priests, in so far as it was performed at all. The interior regulations, consisting of fourteen articles, for native primary schools, follow, as the preceding, dated December 20, 1863. They include rules as to the size of buildings, equipment, duties of teachers, manner of keeping records, sending of monthly reports, pupils and conditions of their admittance, attendance, system of merits and demerits, examinations, etc. Religious exercises are found to fill a considerable portion of the day. A government decree of February 15, 1864, approving the regulations for a municipal girls’ school in Manila, is followed by those regulations of the same date,which consist of twenty-six articles. The school is to be in charge of the sisters of charity. Religious and ethical training is given great prominence. The courses of study, comprising the elementary branches, and needle-work, is outlined. There are both required and optional studies. Girls are admitted at the age of five, and admission is in charge of a member of the city ayuntamiento. Rules are given governing the daily and term routine of the school in its manifold relations. Examinations are both public and private. Supervision is in charge of three women appointed by the governor of the islands. This is followed by a circular of the superior civil government, dated August 30, 1867, discussing, and giving rules concerning, school supervision—an important document, showing well the Spanish love of philosophizing. Commenting on the importance of the supervisory function, the circular states the duties of supervisors, for on them “depends the development and conservation of the improvements which are being introduced.” Since the supervision is partly in the hands of the ecclesiastical government, the outcome can only be the best. A rather lengthy quotation is made from a book on supervision, in which the duties and qualifications of supervisors are outlined. Great stress is laid on temperateness of action. The most delicate power is the correction and suspension of teachers. Suspension must only be for ethical and religious lack, and neglect of duties. The parish priests in their duties as supervisors must see that the heads of families recognize their responsibility in regard to sending their children to school. Special privileges are to be given to those attending school and learning theSpanish language—in which all instruction is to be given. Primary instruction in the islands is in a backward state, because of the few buildings and teachers, and the want of uniformity among the children. Statistics of March 1, 1866 show the number of villages in provinces or districts, the population, school attendance, schools possible, and buildings. The government pledges its support of the efforts put forth by the parish priests and the provincial supervisors. The former are to hold annual examinations, and are to have the children review their work when they confess and take communion. The provincial supervision of the alcaldes is to be exercised with the aid of a board composed of the bishop, parish priest, and the administrator of the public finances. Reforms are needed in teaching and supervision, and the efforts of the parish priest must not be opposed. Boards not yet appointed must be appointed at once, and monthly reports submitted. The government decree of June 19, 1875, approvingad interimthe regulations for the women’s normal school for primary teachers in Nueva Cáceres, is followed by the regulations. These number fifty-two articles in all. The object of the school is to train good moral and religious women teachers and to make this school a model for other schools. The practice school attached to it is an integral part of the public school system, wherein an education is given free to poor girls. Those attending the normal school may or may not be candidates for a teacher’s certificate. The program of studies shows elementary branches, and demands instruction in Spanish and includes needle-work. The course lasts three years, though an additional year may be allowed tograduates; and the schedule of studies is to be sent annually to the governor for his approval. The time spent in the practice school is not to exceed four months in each year. Teachers’ certificates are to be given to those completing the course, and such graduates are to be given schools of the proper grades, the method of marking being given. The school is organized under charge of the sisters of charity, and the school of Santa Isabel is to be used. The staff and their duties are enumerated, among whom it is to be noted is a secular priest to administer to the ethical and religious needs of the pupils. Pupils shall be both day and resident, the requirements for admission being stated. Women teachers may be admitted to the institution, if not over the age of twenty-three. Instruction is free, and provided for from the local funds. In proportion as the public schools are placed in charge of normal graduates, the number of resident pupils supported from the local funds is to be decreased to twenty-five, from whom vacancies are to be filled. Resident pupils supported by local funds are to teach ten years in the schools of Nueva Cáceres, under penalty of making restitution of their expenses if they do not carry out their contract. General public examinations are to be held at the end of the term, when rewards are to be distributed. Various other data regarding the running of the school in its different relations are given. The moral and religious supervision belongs to the bishop of Nueva Cáceres; secular supervision is in charge of the alcalde-mayor, the bishop, and the administrator of public finances, and one member of this board is to have immediate supervision for three months. A royal decree dated March 11, 1892 creates in Manilaa normal school for women teachers under charge of Augustinian nuns. It is needed as is proved by that of Nueva Cáceres. The study of Spanish is compulsory. Expenses are to be met from the regular budget for the islands. Among other data included in this decree, it is to be noted that the certificate for elementary teaching is given for three years’ study and that for superior for four; and that a practice school, whose expenses are to be met by the municipality, is to be annexed to the normal school. This is followed by a royal order of May 19, 1892 approving the regulations for the above normal school, which is followed in turn by the regulations bearing the same date, and consisting of one hundred and fifty-four articles. This is a document of considerable interest, for it goes into much detail concerning the school in its relations to government, teachers, pupils, and public. It is divided into various sections designated as títulos, which are in turn divided into chapters. Título i states in the first chapter the object of the school, and the subjects taught, which are both required and optional. The expense of equipment is to be approved by the general government. Chapter ii relates to the teaching force, and enumerates their duties and names salaries. The total expenses are to be seven thousand nine hundred pesos annually. Chapter iii gives in detail the duties of the directress, which are mainly executive; and those of the instructresses. Chapters iv to vii treat of the duties of the secretary, the librarian, the assistants, and the necessary help. Chapter viii deals with the board of instructresses, which is composed of the regular teachers, and outlines its functions. Chapter ix treats of the disciplinary council, whichmust consist of five members at least, and is convoked by the directress. Título ii deals with the economic management—chapter i treating of the annual budget, and chapter ii of the collection, distribution, and payment of accounts. Título iii has as its main subject the teaching: of which chapter i deals with the opening of the school, and the term in general; chapter ii, of the order of classes and methods of teaching, etc.; and chapter iii, with the material equipment for teaching. Título iv discusses the scholars: chapter i, treating of their necessary qualifications, entrance examinations, payment of entrance fees, and age of entrance; chapter ii, concerning matriculation, in which there is much red tape; chapter iii, of the obligations of the pupils, mainly in deportment; chapter iv, of examinations—an important subject—which are divided into ordinary and extraordinary, according to the time taken, and are oral, written, and practical; chapter v, of rewards; chapter vi, of certificates and decisions, and conditions under which they are given; and chapter vii, of discipline and punishments. Título v, which is, like all this document, laden with red tape, outlines the conditions of the examination for degrees. The practice school annexed to the normal school has its expenses met by the municipality, and is a public school. For the present the normal school shall have only day pupils, but if necessary later, they may enrol resident pupils. The nuns in charge of the school have liberty to follow the institutes of their order. This document is followed by a governmental decree of November 1, 1893, elevating to the grade of superior the normal school for men teachers in Manila, and approving provisionally the newregulations of this school. This exposition by the reverend father director shows that this school, created as an elementary normal school by the decree of December 20, 1863, has been fulfilling its function since its creation, and has made progress in the process of better understanding between the Filipinos and Spanish authorities, has diffused the Spanish language wider than ever, and encouraged the arts and industries. It has had a difficult path, because of the condition of its students who are far from homogeneous in preparation and ability. It has been necessary to lessen the age limit at which men may enter, because, as the average Filipino leaves school at the age of twelve, he readily forgets what he has learned, and consequently when he enters at the age of sixteen into the normal school, he has to take a year in special preparation. The proposal to elevate the school to the rank of superior can be done without any extra expense, as it will be in charge of the same force as at present. The Manila normal school compares with the best in Spain. A petition by one A. Avilés, asking for the extension, and the decree proper, both dated November 10, 1893 follow. Certificates from this school are to have the same value and rights as certificates granted in Spain. The regulations for the extension above-mentioned dated also November 10, 1893, follow. They consist of thirty articles, a number of which are similar or analogous to those of the regulations of December 20, 1863, establishing the elementary school. These regulations discuss the manifold relations of the school in regard to pupils, teachers, supplies, examinations, etc. The selections from Grifol y Aliaga are closed by a list of all the decrees, circulars,orders, etc., in regard to primary and normal education in the Philippines from December 20, 1863 to July 20, 1894—in all one hundred and seventy-one. This is of distinct value, as the course of legislation can be followed easily, and one may note the new ideas that leaders were attempting to work out in this period of Spanish unrest.A series of short documents regarding the religious schools follows. The first is a summary of the Dominican institutions for 1896–1897. The university of Santo Tomás has a total enrolment in all courses of 3,059, and a total of 36 degrees are conferred. The college of San Juan de Letran has a total enrolment of 5,995, which includes professors, collegiates, day pupils, and servants; and has conferred in all 177 degrees. The college of San Alberto Magno in Dagupan, has an enrolment of 947, counting teachers. The school of Santa Catalina de Sená shows an enrolment of 223, including the teachers, who are nuns. A total enrolment of 83 is seen in the school of Nuestra Señora del Rosario of Lingayén; while the school of the same name in Vigan has 79. The school of Santa Ymelda founded in 1892, completes the list, with an enrolment of 110. A report for the religious schools for 1897 gives various statistics of the following institutions: La Concordia, Santa Isabel, Santa Rosa, and Looban, the military hospital, the hospital of St. John of God, the municipal school [of secular foundation], and the hospice of San José, all in charge of the sisters of charity in Manila; and certain of the provincial schools. The third document in this series gives an account of the educational institutions of the Recollects, probably for the year 1897. These are the beaterio of Santa Rita in SanSebastian, in the suburbs of Manila; school of San José of Bacolod, Negros, opened in 1897, and under the auspices of the university of Santo Tomás; the seminary school of Vigan, of which the Recollects had charge during the years 1882–1895; school of Santa Rosa, of which the Recollects were in charge in 1891.The friar side of the educational question of the Philippines is well set forth in two selections. The first is a chapter by Eduardo Navarro, O.S.A., who spent many years in the islands, and who is, perhaps, one of the best representative men of his order, and moreover, of scholarly tastes. He introduces his subject in a somewhat philosophical manner. Education and religion he declares to be synonymous terms when taken in their real signification. It is the duty of the government to choose the best educational method. The earliest laws passed by the Spanish government in regard to the education of the American Indians are extended later to the Philippines, but they prove most unsatisfactory and unsuited to the conditions of those islands. They provide for the teaching of Spanish to the aborigines, but in an inadequate manner. The theme of the present chapter is to prove that the friars are not responsible for the backward state of education in the islands. On the other hand they early pass laws that are more advanced than those passed by the government. Their laws have always been consistent and have had but one aim. They have not endeavored to retard the learning of Spanish, but they rather favored it. They have done their best with the useless laws of the government. They have founded and taught schools, paid the teachers, and have made the textbooks,notwithstanding their immense toil. They have also introduced many of the arts and crafts. The friars have gone farther than the laws for they provided for girls’ schools before the famous decree of 1863. The passage of those regulations has robbed the parish priest unjustly of much of his supervisory power, which has been conferred except in so far as morality and religion are concerned, on the civil authorities. It belongs by right to the friars, who only use that power as it should be used. The parish priest knows the people thoroughly, and as no laymen do. The Filipino cannot be identified with the Spaniards notwithstanding all efforts of the Spanish government. Navarro enforces his arguments by quotations from Escosura, whom he criticises harshly for his expressions. While modern ideas from abroad have made better sea communication, internal communication has become worse. Good roads are especially needed and the small barrios ought to be merged together whenever possible. That the friars do not oppose education is shown by the many schools that they maintain in Manila and the provinces. They should be allowed to establish normal schools under their own direction. The parish priest can best overcome the evil introduced by the free masons. The studies chosen for the Filipinos must be fitted to their capacity. Our author suggests the personnel of the Superior Board of Public Instruction, in which he places a majority of ecclesiastics, and this Board should revise the school laws. The majority of the Filipino students return to their homes with plenty of vices but little learning, although looked up to greatly by their fellow townsmen. This horde brings disaster and ruin upon the people. The rectorof the university should have more power over the life and morals of the students, for only thus can the Filipino students become really useful to Spain.The second selection is a chapter written by Fr. Eladio Zamora, also an Augustinian. Almost the last friar writer on the matter, since he writes after American occupation, his remarks may be assumed to be the present friar attitude. He begins with a quotation from the preface of Grifol y Aliaga to the effect that until 1863 there had been no real legislation concerning education, for the many decrees, etc., were isolated. It is rather the friars, says Zamora, who are the first educators, teaching themselves or paying teachers from their own funds. After 1863, the friars continue to encourage education as supervisors. They build schools, and visit the distant barrios whenever possible. On Sundays it is their custom to inspect the copybooks, etc. The distance of barrios and villages from one another makes teaching difficult. Many of the priests become suspected as having a bad influence, for many criminals resort to the barrios. The government orders the fusion of barrios into villages, but the order is not obeyed. In 1863, the government takes control of the schools founded by the friars. Under the new regime, so long as the parish priest has supervisory action, the schools flourish, but when that action ceases, so does progress in the schools, and attendance becomes only nominal and a record on paper. The intention of the government to have all teaching in Spanish fails of its purpose, for the scholars can not understand it. The famous Maura decree of 1893 gives the local supervision to local municipalities, a law that soon gives rise to serious trouble. Many unjustly blamethe parish priest for the ignorance of Spanish, but he has no time to teach Spanish amid the multiplicity of his duties. Besides, it is easier for the few Spaniards to learn the languages of the natives than for the Filipinos to learn Spanish. The friars have not shunned the teaching of Spanish, as is proved by a citation from Zúñiga. If the Tagálog actors are allowed to use their native language in the theater, because they do not know Spanish, is it consistent to demand that all sermons and teaching be in Spanish? In spite of the early laws requiring Spanish to be taught to the Filipinos, it is impossible for Spanish to supplant all the numerous dialects. Zamora reproduces portions of an open letter by W. E. Retana to Minister Becerra, in which Retana decries the intellect of the Filipino, and declares that it is absurd to think of teaching him in Spanish, but that the best way of teaching it would be to settle 500,000 Spanish families in the islands. Zamora gives a résumé of the history of the university of Santo Tomás and the college of San Juan de Letran. The religious corporations have kept abreast of the times in the manner in which they have fostered education from the earliest period, and many schools are due to them, some being founded by the tertiary order of the Dominicans. Zamora criticises the capacity of the Filipinos, asserting that they are teachable and quick in imitation, although they never attain excellence in anything, but that they are utterly devoid of originality. They have greater capacity than the American Indian, and make fine clerks and the like, but they are lazy, and do not strive to rise beyond a certain point. They learn vices but not virtues. The Augustinians are the last of the religious orders totake up superior education, by establishing an institute at Iloilo, because a secular institution was planned for that place by Minister Becerra in 1887–1888. Zamora emphasizes the importance of arts and crafts for the Filipinos.The appendix to our volume is brought to a close with a very brief statement in regard to American education in the Philippines since 1898. A bibliographical list of works treating of education will enable the student to follow the course of American work. The statement is concluded by the abstract of a philosophical address by Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera before the American and Filipino teachers in Manila in May 1906, in which he points out the beneficent results of Anglo-Saxon teaching.The EditorsNovember, 1906.

Plan of Cebú Cathedral; drawn by Juan de Siscarra, engineer, 1719

[Photographic facsimile of original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

Original Title Page.

The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,Volume XLVI, 1721–1739Edited and annotated byEmma Helen BlairandJames Alexander Robertsonwith historical introduction and additional notes byEdward Gaylord Bourne.The Arthur H. Clark CompanyCleveland, OhioMCMVII

The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XLVI, 1721–1739

Edited and annotated byEmma Helen BlairandJames Alexander Robertsonwith historical introduction and additional notes byEdward Gaylord Bourne.

The Arthur H. Clark CompanyCleveland, OhioMCMVII

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLVIPreface13Document of 1721–1739Events in Filipinas, 1721–1739.Compiled from various authors, fully credited in text31Bibliographical Data63Appendix: Education in the PhilippinesPrimary instruction.In various parts, as follows: I.First governmental attempts.Vicente Barrantes; Madrid, 1869. [Condensed from hisLa instrucción primaria en Filipinas.] II.Organized effort of legislation.Daniel Grifol y Aliaga; Manila, 1894. [From preface to hisLa instrucción primaria en Filipinas.] III.Royal decree establishing plan of primary instruction in Filipinas.José de la Concha; December 20, 1863. [From Grifol y Aliaga’sLa instrucción primaria en Filipinas; as are all the following parts.] IV.Regulations for the normal school.José de la Concha; December 20, 1863. V.Regulations for schools and teachers of primary instruction.José de la Concha; December 20, 1863. VI.Interior regulations of schools of primary instruction.José de la Concha; December 20, 1863. VII.Decree approving regulations of municipal girls’ school.——Echague; February 15, 1864. VIII.Regulations for the municipal girls’ school.Manila Ayuntamiento; February 15, 1864. IX.Circular giving rules for the good discharge of school supervision.——Gándara; August 30, 1867. X.Decree approving regulations for women’s normal school.——Malcampo; June 19, 1875. XI.Regulations for women’s normal school.——Malcampo; June 19, 1875. XII.Royal decree creating women’s normal school.María Cristina and Francisco Romero Robledo; March 11, 1892. XIII.Royal order approving regulations for women’s normal school.Francisco Romero Robledo; March 31, 1892. XIV.Regulations for women’s normal school.Francisco Romero Robledo; March 31, 1892. XV.Decree elevating men’s normal school to the grade of superior.Hermenegildo Jacas; November 1, 1893; and A. Avilés and Manuel Blanco Valderrama, November 10, 1893. XVI.Regulations of superior normal school for men teachers.Manuel Blanco Valderrama, November 10, 1893. XVII.School legislation, 1863–189467Dominican educational institutions, 1896–1897.[Unsigned and undated.]261Report of religious schools, 1897.[Unsigned and undated.]265Educational institutions of the Recollects.[Unsigned and undated; 1897?]268The friar viewpoint.In two parts. I. Education. Eduardo Navarro, O.S.A.; Madrid, 1897. [From hisEstudio de algunos asuntos de actualidad.] II. Eladio Zamora, O.S.A.; Valladolid, 1901. [From hisLas corporaciones religiosas en Filipinas.]272Education since American occupation.Editorial, and compiled from various sources364

ILLUSTRATIONSPlan of Cebú Cathedral; drawn by Juan de Siscarra, engineer, 1719; photographic facsimile of original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias, SevillaFrontispieceAutograph signature of Joseph Torrubia, O.S.F.; from original manuscript in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla35Title-page ofDissertacion historico-politita, by Joseph Torrubia (Madrid, 1753); photographic facsimile from copy in library of Harvard University41Map showing new route from Manila to Acapulco, presented to Governor Fernando Valdés Tamón by the pilot, Enrique Hermán, 1730; photographic facsimile of original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla49Plan of infantry barracks in Manila; drawn by the military engineer, Thomas de Castro y Andrade, 1733; photographic facsimile from original manuscript in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla53

PREFACEMost of this volume consists of the educational appendix which is continued from the preceding volume. The only regular document presented shows the general history of the islands for the years 1721–1739 both politically and religiously. The greater interest in the volume centers about the appendix. For here we see the first systematic attempts at a universal education in the Philippines, the first real though rude awakening of the inert mass of a people to the facts of broader life by the government establishment of primary and normal schools. As might be expected the paternal element is chiefly discernible in the laws and regulations made by the government. The complexities of the educational question, a problem that Spain would have been many years in solving, are well shown by the two documents which give the friar side of the matter.A brief summary of the principal events from 1721 to 1739 contains several matters of interest. The murder of Bustamante by a mob arouses much indignation at Madrid, but the attempts to ascertain and punish the guilty ones prove ineffectual, and the affair drops into oblivion. The islands are regularly harassed by the Moro pirates; punitive expeditions are sent against them, but these are often too late ortoo slow to accomplish any results. The coast villages are fortified, much of this being done by the priests in charge of the Indians. In 1733 the royal storehouses at Manila are destroyed by fire, causing great loss to the treasury. Two years later, a Dutch fleet demands satisfaction for the previous capture of a Dutch ship by a Spanish coastguard, but retires when the Spaniards pay the value of the prize. A controversy arises (1736) between the Recollects and Jesuits over certain missions in northern Mindanao, in which the Jesuits gain the upper hand. In 1737, one of the auditors makes an official visitation of several provinces in Luzón, and reforms many abuses therein. During 1738–39, a controversy rages in Manila over the complaint made by the mestizos of Santa Cruz regarding unjust exactions imposed on them by the Jesuits; the decision of the Audiencia (sustained by the home government) is against that order.The remainder of this volume is occupied by the educational appendix, which is the continuance and conclusion of the review of education begun inVOL. XLV.The first document, which comprises the greater part of the appendix, treats of primary and normal instruction in the Philippines, after the government really took such education under its protection by special legislation. The subject is prefaced by extracts and synopses from Barrantes which show the earliest legislation, beginning with 1839 and culminating in the decree of December 20, 1863. Although the appointment of a commission is ordered in the former year to draft regulations for schools, such appointment is delayed until 1855, and a report is handed in only in 1861, the work of the commissionbeing stimulated perhaps by the fact that the governor appoints an official in 1860 to draft regulations along the same line. The chief point of debate in the commission is the teaching of Spanish, the vice-rector of the university of Santo Tomás declaring against such teaching but being overruled. The decree of December 20, 1863 is the greatest result of the work of the commission. The normal school created by the decree is formally opened January 23, 1865, although in operation since May 17, 1864. Irregularity of attendance and vacations prove the greatest obstacles. Barrantes, who defends the friars, concludes that the backwardness of primary education is due rather to the laws of the Indies than to any class such as the religious corporations; that before 1865 primary education was only a shadow; and that the Filipinos have not yet sufficiently far advanced to be granted the electoral right that they ask. The remainder of the document is from Grifol y Aliaga’s book on primary instruction. An extract from the preface of that author shows that with the decree of 1863, new life is put into education, and that all the many decrees and orders issued later by the government are harmonious in effect and purpose; although they were in large part inoperative. Next follows the royal decree of December 20, 1863, establishing a plan of primary instruction in the islands. Its first part consists of the exposition addressed to the queen by the minister José de la Concha, stating the need of greater efficiency in the teaching system for the natives, in order that they may develop spiritually and intellectually. The aim is to diffuse the Spanish language. It provides for a normal school under the immediate supervision of the priests. Following the exposition is the decreeproper, which decrees schools for each sex in each village, and gives various details of such schools. The regulations for the normal school of teachers for primary instruction end Aliaga’s book. They consist of twenty-eight articles which state the object of the school; and the rules governing the scholars in their manifold relations. Next come the regulations, dated December 20, 1863, for schools and teachers of primary instruction for native Filipinos, which consist of thirty-five articles. By these regulations, separate schools are established in all the villages for boys and girls; attendance is made compulsory for children between certain ages; instruction is to be in Spanish, and the knowledge of that language especially striven for; tuition is free to the poor, and equipment for all; religious and ethical teaching is in charge of the parish priests. Rules are given in regard to the teachers, and assistants, the textbooks, vacations, the establishment of Sunday schools for adults, and the supervision, which is put into the hands of laymen—that duty having thitherto been performed by the parish priests, in so far as it was performed at all. The interior regulations, consisting of fourteen articles, for native primary schools, follow, as the preceding, dated December 20, 1863. They include rules as to the size of buildings, equipment, duties of teachers, manner of keeping records, sending of monthly reports, pupils and conditions of their admittance, attendance, system of merits and demerits, examinations, etc. Religious exercises are found to fill a considerable portion of the day. A government decree of February 15, 1864, approving the regulations for a municipal girls’ school in Manila, is followed by those regulations of the same date,which consist of twenty-six articles. The school is to be in charge of the sisters of charity. Religious and ethical training is given great prominence. The courses of study, comprising the elementary branches, and needle-work, is outlined. There are both required and optional studies. Girls are admitted at the age of five, and admission is in charge of a member of the city ayuntamiento. Rules are given governing the daily and term routine of the school in its manifold relations. Examinations are both public and private. Supervision is in charge of three women appointed by the governor of the islands. This is followed by a circular of the superior civil government, dated August 30, 1867, discussing, and giving rules concerning, school supervision—an important document, showing well the Spanish love of philosophizing. Commenting on the importance of the supervisory function, the circular states the duties of supervisors, for on them “depends the development and conservation of the improvements which are being introduced.” Since the supervision is partly in the hands of the ecclesiastical government, the outcome can only be the best. A rather lengthy quotation is made from a book on supervision, in which the duties and qualifications of supervisors are outlined. Great stress is laid on temperateness of action. The most delicate power is the correction and suspension of teachers. Suspension must only be for ethical and religious lack, and neglect of duties. The parish priests in their duties as supervisors must see that the heads of families recognize their responsibility in regard to sending their children to school. Special privileges are to be given to those attending school and learning theSpanish language—in which all instruction is to be given. Primary instruction in the islands is in a backward state, because of the few buildings and teachers, and the want of uniformity among the children. Statistics of March 1, 1866 show the number of villages in provinces or districts, the population, school attendance, schools possible, and buildings. The government pledges its support of the efforts put forth by the parish priests and the provincial supervisors. The former are to hold annual examinations, and are to have the children review their work when they confess and take communion. The provincial supervision of the alcaldes is to be exercised with the aid of a board composed of the bishop, parish priest, and the administrator of the public finances. Reforms are needed in teaching and supervision, and the efforts of the parish priest must not be opposed. Boards not yet appointed must be appointed at once, and monthly reports submitted. The government decree of June 19, 1875, approvingad interimthe regulations for the women’s normal school for primary teachers in Nueva Cáceres, is followed by the regulations. These number fifty-two articles in all. The object of the school is to train good moral and religious women teachers and to make this school a model for other schools. The practice school attached to it is an integral part of the public school system, wherein an education is given free to poor girls. Those attending the normal school may or may not be candidates for a teacher’s certificate. The program of studies shows elementary branches, and demands instruction in Spanish and includes needle-work. The course lasts three years, though an additional year may be allowed tograduates; and the schedule of studies is to be sent annually to the governor for his approval. The time spent in the practice school is not to exceed four months in each year. Teachers’ certificates are to be given to those completing the course, and such graduates are to be given schools of the proper grades, the method of marking being given. The school is organized under charge of the sisters of charity, and the school of Santa Isabel is to be used. The staff and their duties are enumerated, among whom it is to be noted is a secular priest to administer to the ethical and religious needs of the pupils. Pupils shall be both day and resident, the requirements for admission being stated. Women teachers may be admitted to the institution, if not over the age of twenty-three. Instruction is free, and provided for from the local funds. In proportion as the public schools are placed in charge of normal graduates, the number of resident pupils supported from the local funds is to be decreased to twenty-five, from whom vacancies are to be filled. Resident pupils supported by local funds are to teach ten years in the schools of Nueva Cáceres, under penalty of making restitution of their expenses if they do not carry out their contract. General public examinations are to be held at the end of the term, when rewards are to be distributed. Various other data regarding the running of the school in its different relations are given. The moral and religious supervision belongs to the bishop of Nueva Cáceres; secular supervision is in charge of the alcalde-mayor, the bishop, and the administrator of public finances, and one member of this board is to have immediate supervision for three months. A royal decree dated March 11, 1892 creates in Manilaa normal school for women teachers under charge of Augustinian nuns. It is needed as is proved by that of Nueva Cáceres. The study of Spanish is compulsory. Expenses are to be met from the regular budget for the islands. Among other data included in this decree, it is to be noted that the certificate for elementary teaching is given for three years’ study and that for superior for four; and that a practice school, whose expenses are to be met by the municipality, is to be annexed to the normal school. This is followed by a royal order of May 19, 1892 approving the regulations for the above normal school, which is followed in turn by the regulations bearing the same date, and consisting of one hundred and fifty-four articles. This is a document of considerable interest, for it goes into much detail concerning the school in its relations to government, teachers, pupils, and public. It is divided into various sections designated as títulos, which are in turn divided into chapters. Título i states in the first chapter the object of the school, and the subjects taught, which are both required and optional. The expense of equipment is to be approved by the general government. Chapter ii relates to the teaching force, and enumerates their duties and names salaries. The total expenses are to be seven thousand nine hundred pesos annually. Chapter iii gives in detail the duties of the directress, which are mainly executive; and those of the instructresses. Chapters iv to vii treat of the duties of the secretary, the librarian, the assistants, and the necessary help. Chapter viii deals with the board of instructresses, which is composed of the regular teachers, and outlines its functions. Chapter ix treats of the disciplinary council, whichmust consist of five members at least, and is convoked by the directress. Título ii deals with the economic management—chapter i treating of the annual budget, and chapter ii of the collection, distribution, and payment of accounts. Título iii has as its main subject the teaching: of which chapter i deals with the opening of the school, and the term in general; chapter ii, of the order of classes and methods of teaching, etc.; and chapter iii, with the material equipment for teaching. Título iv discusses the scholars: chapter i, treating of their necessary qualifications, entrance examinations, payment of entrance fees, and age of entrance; chapter ii, concerning matriculation, in which there is much red tape; chapter iii, of the obligations of the pupils, mainly in deportment; chapter iv, of examinations—an important subject—which are divided into ordinary and extraordinary, according to the time taken, and are oral, written, and practical; chapter v, of rewards; chapter vi, of certificates and decisions, and conditions under which they are given; and chapter vii, of discipline and punishments. Título v, which is, like all this document, laden with red tape, outlines the conditions of the examination for degrees. The practice school annexed to the normal school has its expenses met by the municipality, and is a public school. For the present the normal school shall have only day pupils, but if necessary later, they may enrol resident pupils. The nuns in charge of the school have liberty to follow the institutes of their order. This document is followed by a governmental decree of November 1, 1893, elevating to the grade of superior the normal school for men teachers in Manila, and approving provisionally the newregulations of this school. This exposition by the reverend father director shows that this school, created as an elementary normal school by the decree of December 20, 1863, has been fulfilling its function since its creation, and has made progress in the process of better understanding between the Filipinos and Spanish authorities, has diffused the Spanish language wider than ever, and encouraged the arts and industries. It has had a difficult path, because of the condition of its students who are far from homogeneous in preparation and ability. It has been necessary to lessen the age limit at which men may enter, because, as the average Filipino leaves school at the age of twelve, he readily forgets what he has learned, and consequently when he enters at the age of sixteen into the normal school, he has to take a year in special preparation. The proposal to elevate the school to the rank of superior can be done without any extra expense, as it will be in charge of the same force as at present. The Manila normal school compares with the best in Spain. A petition by one A. Avilés, asking for the extension, and the decree proper, both dated November 10, 1893 follow. Certificates from this school are to have the same value and rights as certificates granted in Spain. The regulations for the extension above-mentioned dated also November 10, 1893, follow. They consist of thirty articles, a number of which are similar or analogous to those of the regulations of December 20, 1863, establishing the elementary school. These regulations discuss the manifold relations of the school in regard to pupils, teachers, supplies, examinations, etc. The selections from Grifol y Aliaga are closed by a list of all the decrees, circulars,orders, etc., in regard to primary and normal education in the Philippines from December 20, 1863 to July 20, 1894—in all one hundred and seventy-one. This is of distinct value, as the course of legislation can be followed easily, and one may note the new ideas that leaders were attempting to work out in this period of Spanish unrest.A series of short documents regarding the religious schools follows. The first is a summary of the Dominican institutions for 1896–1897. The university of Santo Tomás has a total enrolment in all courses of 3,059, and a total of 36 degrees are conferred. The college of San Juan de Letran has a total enrolment of 5,995, which includes professors, collegiates, day pupils, and servants; and has conferred in all 177 degrees. The college of San Alberto Magno in Dagupan, has an enrolment of 947, counting teachers. The school of Santa Catalina de Sená shows an enrolment of 223, including the teachers, who are nuns. A total enrolment of 83 is seen in the school of Nuestra Señora del Rosario of Lingayén; while the school of the same name in Vigan has 79. The school of Santa Ymelda founded in 1892, completes the list, with an enrolment of 110. A report for the religious schools for 1897 gives various statistics of the following institutions: La Concordia, Santa Isabel, Santa Rosa, and Looban, the military hospital, the hospital of St. John of God, the municipal school [of secular foundation], and the hospice of San José, all in charge of the sisters of charity in Manila; and certain of the provincial schools. The third document in this series gives an account of the educational institutions of the Recollects, probably for the year 1897. These are the beaterio of Santa Rita in SanSebastian, in the suburbs of Manila; school of San José of Bacolod, Negros, opened in 1897, and under the auspices of the university of Santo Tomás; the seminary school of Vigan, of which the Recollects had charge during the years 1882–1895; school of Santa Rosa, of which the Recollects were in charge in 1891.The friar side of the educational question of the Philippines is well set forth in two selections. The first is a chapter by Eduardo Navarro, O.S.A., who spent many years in the islands, and who is, perhaps, one of the best representative men of his order, and moreover, of scholarly tastes. He introduces his subject in a somewhat philosophical manner. Education and religion he declares to be synonymous terms when taken in their real signification. It is the duty of the government to choose the best educational method. The earliest laws passed by the Spanish government in regard to the education of the American Indians are extended later to the Philippines, but they prove most unsatisfactory and unsuited to the conditions of those islands. They provide for the teaching of Spanish to the aborigines, but in an inadequate manner. The theme of the present chapter is to prove that the friars are not responsible for the backward state of education in the islands. On the other hand they early pass laws that are more advanced than those passed by the government. Their laws have always been consistent and have had but one aim. They have not endeavored to retard the learning of Spanish, but they rather favored it. They have done their best with the useless laws of the government. They have founded and taught schools, paid the teachers, and have made the textbooks,notwithstanding their immense toil. They have also introduced many of the arts and crafts. The friars have gone farther than the laws for they provided for girls’ schools before the famous decree of 1863. The passage of those regulations has robbed the parish priest unjustly of much of his supervisory power, which has been conferred except in so far as morality and religion are concerned, on the civil authorities. It belongs by right to the friars, who only use that power as it should be used. The parish priest knows the people thoroughly, and as no laymen do. The Filipino cannot be identified with the Spaniards notwithstanding all efforts of the Spanish government. Navarro enforces his arguments by quotations from Escosura, whom he criticises harshly for his expressions. While modern ideas from abroad have made better sea communication, internal communication has become worse. Good roads are especially needed and the small barrios ought to be merged together whenever possible. That the friars do not oppose education is shown by the many schools that they maintain in Manila and the provinces. They should be allowed to establish normal schools under their own direction. The parish priest can best overcome the evil introduced by the free masons. The studies chosen for the Filipinos must be fitted to their capacity. Our author suggests the personnel of the Superior Board of Public Instruction, in which he places a majority of ecclesiastics, and this Board should revise the school laws. The majority of the Filipino students return to their homes with plenty of vices but little learning, although looked up to greatly by their fellow townsmen. This horde brings disaster and ruin upon the people. The rectorof the university should have more power over the life and morals of the students, for only thus can the Filipino students become really useful to Spain.The second selection is a chapter written by Fr. Eladio Zamora, also an Augustinian. Almost the last friar writer on the matter, since he writes after American occupation, his remarks may be assumed to be the present friar attitude. He begins with a quotation from the preface of Grifol y Aliaga to the effect that until 1863 there had been no real legislation concerning education, for the many decrees, etc., were isolated. It is rather the friars, says Zamora, who are the first educators, teaching themselves or paying teachers from their own funds. After 1863, the friars continue to encourage education as supervisors. They build schools, and visit the distant barrios whenever possible. On Sundays it is their custom to inspect the copybooks, etc. The distance of barrios and villages from one another makes teaching difficult. Many of the priests become suspected as having a bad influence, for many criminals resort to the barrios. The government orders the fusion of barrios into villages, but the order is not obeyed. In 1863, the government takes control of the schools founded by the friars. Under the new regime, so long as the parish priest has supervisory action, the schools flourish, but when that action ceases, so does progress in the schools, and attendance becomes only nominal and a record on paper. The intention of the government to have all teaching in Spanish fails of its purpose, for the scholars can not understand it. The famous Maura decree of 1893 gives the local supervision to local municipalities, a law that soon gives rise to serious trouble. Many unjustly blamethe parish priest for the ignorance of Spanish, but he has no time to teach Spanish amid the multiplicity of his duties. Besides, it is easier for the few Spaniards to learn the languages of the natives than for the Filipinos to learn Spanish. The friars have not shunned the teaching of Spanish, as is proved by a citation from Zúñiga. If the Tagálog actors are allowed to use their native language in the theater, because they do not know Spanish, is it consistent to demand that all sermons and teaching be in Spanish? In spite of the early laws requiring Spanish to be taught to the Filipinos, it is impossible for Spanish to supplant all the numerous dialects. Zamora reproduces portions of an open letter by W. E. Retana to Minister Becerra, in which Retana decries the intellect of the Filipino, and declares that it is absurd to think of teaching him in Spanish, but that the best way of teaching it would be to settle 500,000 Spanish families in the islands. Zamora gives a résumé of the history of the university of Santo Tomás and the college of San Juan de Letran. The religious corporations have kept abreast of the times in the manner in which they have fostered education from the earliest period, and many schools are due to them, some being founded by the tertiary order of the Dominicans. Zamora criticises the capacity of the Filipinos, asserting that they are teachable and quick in imitation, although they never attain excellence in anything, but that they are utterly devoid of originality. They have greater capacity than the American Indian, and make fine clerks and the like, but they are lazy, and do not strive to rise beyond a certain point. They learn vices but not virtues. The Augustinians are the last of the religious orders totake up superior education, by establishing an institute at Iloilo, because a secular institution was planned for that place by Minister Becerra in 1887–1888. Zamora emphasizes the importance of arts and crafts for the Filipinos.The appendix to our volume is brought to a close with a very brief statement in regard to American education in the Philippines since 1898. A bibliographical list of works treating of education will enable the student to follow the course of American work. The statement is concluded by the abstract of a philosophical address by Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera before the American and Filipino teachers in Manila in May 1906, in which he points out the beneficent results of Anglo-Saxon teaching.The EditorsNovember, 1906.

PREFACE

Most of this volume consists of the educational appendix which is continued from the preceding volume. The only regular document presented shows the general history of the islands for the years 1721–1739 both politically and religiously. The greater interest in the volume centers about the appendix. For here we see the first systematic attempts at a universal education in the Philippines, the first real though rude awakening of the inert mass of a people to the facts of broader life by the government establishment of primary and normal schools. As might be expected the paternal element is chiefly discernible in the laws and regulations made by the government. The complexities of the educational question, a problem that Spain would have been many years in solving, are well shown by the two documents which give the friar side of the matter.A brief summary of the principal events from 1721 to 1739 contains several matters of interest. The murder of Bustamante by a mob arouses much indignation at Madrid, but the attempts to ascertain and punish the guilty ones prove ineffectual, and the affair drops into oblivion. The islands are regularly harassed by the Moro pirates; punitive expeditions are sent against them, but these are often too late ortoo slow to accomplish any results. The coast villages are fortified, much of this being done by the priests in charge of the Indians. In 1733 the royal storehouses at Manila are destroyed by fire, causing great loss to the treasury. Two years later, a Dutch fleet demands satisfaction for the previous capture of a Dutch ship by a Spanish coastguard, but retires when the Spaniards pay the value of the prize. A controversy arises (1736) between the Recollects and Jesuits over certain missions in northern Mindanao, in which the Jesuits gain the upper hand. In 1737, one of the auditors makes an official visitation of several provinces in Luzón, and reforms many abuses therein. During 1738–39, a controversy rages in Manila over the complaint made by the mestizos of Santa Cruz regarding unjust exactions imposed on them by the Jesuits; the decision of the Audiencia (sustained by the home government) is against that order.The remainder of this volume is occupied by the educational appendix, which is the continuance and conclusion of the review of education begun inVOL. XLV.The first document, which comprises the greater part of the appendix, treats of primary and normal instruction in the Philippines, after the government really took such education under its protection by special legislation. The subject is prefaced by extracts and synopses from Barrantes which show the earliest legislation, beginning with 1839 and culminating in the decree of December 20, 1863. Although the appointment of a commission is ordered in the former year to draft regulations for schools, such appointment is delayed until 1855, and a report is handed in only in 1861, the work of the commissionbeing stimulated perhaps by the fact that the governor appoints an official in 1860 to draft regulations along the same line. The chief point of debate in the commission is the teaching of Spanish, the vice-rector of the university of Santo Tomás declaring against such teaching but being overruled. The decree of December 20, 1863 is the greatest result of the work of the commission. The normal school created by the decree is formally opened January 23, 1865, although in operation since May 17, 1864. Irregularity of attendance and vacations prove the greatest obstacles. Barrantes, who defends the friars, concludes that the backwardness of primary education is due rather to the laws of the Indies than to any class such as the religious corporations; that before 1865 primary education was only a shadow; and that the Filipinos have not yet sufficiently far advanced to be granted the electoral right that they ask. The remainder of the document is from Grifol y Aliaga’s book on primary instruction. An extract from the preface of that author shows that with the decree of 1863, new life is put into education, and that all the many decrees and orders issued later by the government are harmonious in effect and purpose; although they were in large part inoperative. Next follows the royal decree of December 20, 1863, establishing a plan of primary instruction in the islands. Its first part consists of the exposition addressed to the queen by the minister José de la Concha, stating the need of greater efficiency in the teaching system for the natives, in order that they may develop spiritually and intellectually. The aim is to diffuse the Spanish language. It provides for a normal school under the immediate supervision of the priests. Following the exposition is the decreeproper, which decrees schools for each sex in each village, and gives various details of such schools. The regulations for the normal school of teachers for primary instruction end Aliaga’s book. They consist of twenty-eight articles which state the object of the school; and the rules governing the scholars in their manifold relations. Next come the regulations, dated December 20, 1863, for schools and teachers of primary instruction for native Filipinos, which consist of thirty-five articles. By these regulations, separate schools are established in all the villages for boys and girls; attendance is made compulsory for children between certain ages; instruction is to be in Spanish, and the knowledge of that language especially striven for; tuition is free to the poor, and equipment for all; religious and ethical teaching is in charge of the parish priests. Rules are given in regard to the teachers, and assistants, the textbooks, vacations, the establishment of Sunday schools for adults, and the supervision, which is put into the hands of laymen—that duty having thitherto been performed by the parish priests, in so far as it was performed at all. The interior regulations, consisting of fourteen articles, for native primary schools, follow, as the preceding, dated December 20, 1863. They include rules as to the size of buildings, equipment, duties of teachers, manner of keeping records, sending of monthly reports, pupils and conditions of their admittance, attendance, system of merits and demerits, examinations, etc. Religious exercises are found to fill a considerable portion of the day. A government decree of February 15, 1864, approving the regulations for a municipal girls’ school in Manila, is followed by those regulations of the same date,which consist of twenty-six articles. The school is to be in charge of the sisters of charity. Religious and ethical training is given great prominence. The courses of study, comprising the elementary branches, and needle-work, is outlined. There are both required and optional studies. Girls are admitted at the age of five, and admission is in charge of a member of the city ayuntamiento. Rules are given governing the daily and term routine of the school in its manifold relations. Examinations are both public and private. Supervision is in charge of three women appointed by the governor of the islands. This is followed by a circular of the superior civil government, dated August 30, 1867, discussing, and giving rules concerning, school supervision—an important document, showing well the Spanish love of philosophizing. Commenting on the importance of the supervisory function, the circular states the duties of supervisors, for on them “depends the development and conservation of the improvements which are being introduced.” Since the supervision is partly in the hands of the ecclesiastical government, the outcome can only be the best. A rather lengthy quotation is made from a book on supervision, in which the duties and qualifications of supervisors are outlined. Great stress is laid on temperateness of action. The most delicate power is the correction and suspension of teachers. Suspension must only be for ethical and religious lack, and neglect of duties. The parish priests in their duties as supervisors must see that the heads of families recognize their responsibility in regard to sending their children to school. Special privileges are to be given to those attending school and learning theSpanish language—in which all instruction is to be given. Primary instruction in the islands is in a backward state, because of the few buildings and teachers, and the want of uniformity among the children. Statistics of March 1, 1866 show the number of villages in provinces or districts, the population, school attendance, schools possible, and buildings. The government pledges its support of the efforts put forth by the parish priests and the provincial supervisors. The former are to hold annual examinations, and are to have the children review their work when they confess and take communion. The provincial supervision of the alcaldes is to be exercised with the aid of a board composed of the bishop, parish priest, and the administrator of the public finances. Reforms are needed in teaching and supervision, and the efforts of the parish priest must not be opposed. Boards not yet appointed must be appointed at once, and monthly reports submitted. The government decree of June 19, 1875, approvingad interimthe regulations for the women’s normal school for primary teachers in Nueva Cáceres, is followed by the regulations. These number fifty-two articles in all. The object of the school is to train good moral and religious women teachers and to make this school a model for other schools. The practice school attached to it is an integral part of the public school system, wherein an education is given free to poor girls. Those attending the normal school may or may not be candidates for a teacher’s certificate. The program of studies shows elementary branches, and demands instruction in Spanish and includes needle-work. The course lasts three years, though an additional year may be allowed tograduates; and the schedule of studies is to be sent annually to the governor for his approval. The time spent in the practice school is not to exceed four months in each year. Teachers’ certificates are to be given to those completing the course, and such graduates are to be given schools of the proper grades, the method of marking being given. The school is organized under charge of the sisters of charity, and the school of Santa Isabel is to be used. The staff and their duties are enumerated, among whom it is to be noted is a secular priest to administer to the ethical and religious needs of the pupils. Pupils shall be both day and resident, the requirements for admission being stated. Women teachers may be admitted to the institution, if not over the age of twenty-three. Instruction is free, and provided for from the local funds. In proportion as the public schools are placed in charge of normal graduates, the number of resident pupils supported from the local funds is to be decreased to twenty-five, from whom vacancies are to be filled. Resident pupils supported by local funds are to teach ten years in the schools of Nueva Cáceres, under penalty of making restitution of their expenses if they do not carry out their contract. General public examinations are to be held at the end of the term, when rewards are to be distributed. Various other data regarding the running of the school in its different relations are given. The moral and religious supervision belongs to the bishop of Nueva Cáceres; secular supervision is in charge of the alcalde-mayor, the bishop, and the administrator of public finances, and one member of this board is to have immediate supervision for three months. A royal decree dated March 11, 1892 creates in Manilaa normal school for women teachers under charge of Augustinian nuns. It is needed as is proved by that of Nueva Cáceres. The study of Spanish is compulsory. Expenses are to be met from the regular budget for the islands. Among other data included in this decree, it is to be noted that the certificate for elementary teaching is given for three years’ study and that for superior for four; and that a practice school, whose expenses are to be met by the municipality, is to be annexed to the normal school. This is followed by a royal order of May 19, 1892 approving the regulations for the above normal school, which is followed in turn by the regulations bearing the same date, and consisting of one hundred and fifty-four articles. This is a document of considerable interest, for it goes into much detail concerning the school in its relations to government, teachers, pupils, and public. It is divided into various sections designated as títulos, which are in turn divided into chapters. Título i states in the first chapter the object of the school, and the subjects taught, which are both required and optional. The expense of equipment is to be approved by the general government. Chapter ii relates to the teaching force, and enumerates their duties and names salaries. The total expenses are to be seven thousand nine hundred pesos annually. Chapter iii gives in detail the duties of the directress, which are mainly executive; and those of the instructresses. Chapters iv to vii treat of the duties of the secretary, the librarian, the assistants, and the necessary help. Chapter viii deals with the board of instructresses, which is composed of the regular teachers, and outlines its functions. Chapter ix treats of the disciplinary council, whichmust consist of five members at least, and is convoked by the directress. Título ii deals with the economic management—chapter i treating of the annual budget, and chapter ii of the collection, distribution, and payment of accounts. Título iii has as its main subject the teaching: of which chapter i deals with the opening of the school, and the term in general; chapter ii, of the order of classes and methods of teaching, etc.; and chapter iii, with the material equipment for teaching. Título iv discusses the scholars: chapter i, treating of their necessary qualifications, entrance examinations, payment of entrance fees, and age of entrance; chapter ii, concerning matriculation, in which there is much red tape; chapter iii, of the obligations of the pupils, mainly in deportment; chapter iv, of examinations—an important subject—which are divided into ordinary and extraordinary, according to the time taken, and are oral, written, and practical; chapter v, of rewards; chapter vi, of certificates and decisions, and conditions under which they are given; and chapter vii, of discipline and punishments. Título v, which is, like all this document, laden with red tape, outlines the conditions of the examination for degrees. The practice school annexed to the normal school has its expenses met by the municipality, and is a public school. For the present the normal school shall have only day pupils, but if necessary later, they may enrol resident pupils. The nuns in charge of the school have liberty to follow the institutes of their order. This document is followed by a governmental decree of November 1, 1893, elevating to the grade of superior the normal school for men teachers in Manila, and approving provisionally the newregulations of this school. This exposition by the reverend father director shows that this school, created as an elementary normal school by the decree of December 20, 1863, has been fulfilling its function since its creation, and has made progress in the process of better understanding between the Filipinos and Spanish authorities, has diffused the Spanish language wider than ever, and encouraged the arts and industries. It has had a difficult path, because of the condition of its students who are far from homogeneous in preparation and ability. It has been necessary to lessen the age limit at which men may enter, because, as the average Filipino leaves school at the age of twelve, he readily forgets what he has learned, and consequently when he enters at the age of sixteen into the normal school, he has to take a year in special preparation. The proposal to elevate the school to the rank of superior can be done without any extra expense, as it will be in charge of the same force as at present. The Manila normal school compares with the best in Spain. A petition by one A. Avilés, asking for the extension, and the decree proper, both dated November 10, 1893 follow. Certificates from this school are to have the same value and rights as certificates granted in Spain. The regulations for the extension above-mentioned dated also November 10, 1893, follow. They consist of thirty articles, a number of which are similar or analogous to those of the regulations of December 20, 1863, establishing the elementary school. These regulations discuss the manifold relations of the school in regard to pupils, teachers, supplies, examinations, etc. The selections from Grifol y Aliaga are closed by a list of all the decrees, circulars,orders, etc., in regard to primary and normal education in the Philippines from December 20, 1863 to July 20, 1894—in all one hundred and seventy-one. This is of distinct value, as the course of legislation can be followed easily, and one may note the new ideas that leaders were attempting to work out in this period of Spanish unrest.A series of short documents regarding the religious schools follows. The first is a summary of the Dominican institutions for 1896–1897. The university of Santo Tomás has a total enrolment in all courses of 3,059, and a total of 36 degrees are conferred. The college of San Juan de Letran has a total enrolment of 5,995, which includes professors, collegiates, day pupils, and servants; and has conferred in all 177 degrees. The college of San Alberto Magno in Dagupan, has an enrolment of 947, counting teachers. The school of Santa Catalina de Sená shows an enrolment of 223, including the teachers, who are nuns. A total enrolment of 83 is seen in the school of Nuestra Señora del Rosario of Lingayén; while the school of the same name in Vigan has 79. The school of Santa Ymelda founded in 1892, completes the list, with an enrolment of 110. A report for the religious schools for 1897 gives various statistics of the following institutions: La Concordia, Santa Isabel, Santa Rosa, and Looban, the military hospital, the hospital of St. John of God, the municipal school [of secular foundation], and the hospice of San José, all in charge of the sisters of charity in Manila; and certain of the provincial schools. The third document in this series gives an account of the educational institutions of the Recollects, probably for the year 1897. These are the beaterio of Santa Rita in SanSebastian, in the suburbs of Manila; school of San José of Bacolod, Negros, opened in 1897, and under the auspices of the university of Santo Tomás; the seminary school of Vigan, of which the Recollects had charge during the years 1882–1895; school of Santa Rosa, of which the Recollects were in charge in 1891.The friar side of the educational question of the Philippines is well set forth in two selections. The first is a chapter by Eduardo Navarro, O.S.A., who spent many years in the islands, and who is, perhaps, one of the best representative men of his order, and moreover, of scholarly tastes. He introduces his subject in a somewhat philosophical manner. Education and religion he declares to be synonymous terms when taken in their real signification. It is the duty of the government to choose the best educational method. The earliest laws passed by the Spanish government in regard to the education of the American Indians are extended later to the Philippines, but they prove most unsatisfactory and unsuited to the conditions of those islands. They provide for the teaching of Spanish to the aborigines, but in an inadequate manner. The theme of the present chapter is to prove that the friars are not responsible for the backward state of education in the islands. On the other hand they early pass laws that are more advanced than those passed by the government. Their laws have always been consistent and have had but one aim. They have not endeavored to retard the learning of Spanish, but they rather favored it. They have done their best with the useless laws of the government. They have founded and taught schools, paid the teachers, and have made the textbooks,notwithstanding their immense toil. They have also introduced many of the arts and crafts. The friars have gone farther than the laws for they provided for girls’ schools before the famous decree of 1863. The passage of those regulations has robbed the parish priest unjustly of much of his supervisory power, which has been conferred except in so far as morality and religion are concerned, on the civil authorities. It belongs by right to the friars, who only use that power as it should be used. The parish priest knows the people thoroughly, and as no laymen do. The Filipino cannot be identified with the Spaniards notwithstanding all efforts of the Spanish government. Navarro enforces his arguments by quotations from Escosura, whom he criticises harshly for his expressions. While modern ideas from abroad have made better sea communication, internal communication has become worse. Good roads are especially needed and the small barrios ought to be merged together whenever possible. That the friars do not oppose education is shown by the many schools that they maintain in Manila and the provinces. They should be allowed to establish normal schools under their own direction. The parish priest can best overcome the evil introduced by the free masons. The studies chosen for the Filipinos must be fitted to their capacity. Our author suggests the personnel of the Superior Board of Public Instruction, in which he places a majority of ecclesiastics, and this Board should revise the school laws. The majority of the Filipino students return to their homes with plenty of vices but little learning, although looked up to greatly by their fellow townsmen. This horde brings disaster and ruin upon the people. The rectorof the university should have more power over the life and morals of the students, for only thus can the Filipino students become really useful to Spain.The second selection is a chapter written by Fr. Eladio Zamora, also an Augustinian. Almost the last friar writer on the matter, since he writes after American occupation, his remarks may be assumed to be the present friar attitude. He begins with a quotation from the preface of Grifol y Aliaga to the effect that until 1863 there had been no real legislation concerning education, for the many decrees, etc., were isolated. It is rather the friars, says Zamora, who are the first educators, teaching themselves or paying teachers from their own funds. After 1863, the friars continue to encourage education as supervisors. They build schools, and visit the distant barrios whenever possible. On Sundays it is their custom to inspect the copybooks, etc. The distance of barrios and villages from one another makes teaching difficult. Many of the priests become suspected as having a bad influence, for many criminals resort to the barrios. The government orders the fusion of barrios into villages, but the order is not obeyed. In 1863, the government takes control of the schools founded by the friars. Under the new regime, so long as the parish priest has supervisory action, the schools flourish, but when that action ceases, so does progress in the schools, and attendance becomes only nominal and a record on paper. The intention of the government to have all teaching in Spanish fails of its purpose, for the scholars can not understand it. The famous Maura decree of 1893 gives the local supervision to local municipalities, a law that soon gives rise to serious trouble. Many unjustly blamethe parish priest for the ignorance of Spanish, but he has no time to teach Spanish amid the multiplicity of his duties. Besides, it is easier for the few Spaniards to learn the languages of the natives than for the Filipinos to learn Spanish. The friars have not shunned the teaching of Spanish, as is proved by a citation from Zúñiga. If the Tagálog actors are allowed to use their native language in the theater, because they do not know Spanish, is it consistent to demand that all sermons and teaching be in Spanish? In spite of the early laws requiring Spanish to be taught to the Filipinos, it is impossible for Spanish to supplant all the numerous dialects. Zamora reproduces portions of an open letter by W. E. Retana to Minister Becerra, in which Retana decries the intellect of the Filipino, and declares that it is absurd to think of teaching him in Spanish, but that the best way of teaching it would be to settle 500,000 Spanish families in the islands. Zamora gives a résumé of the history of the university of Santo Tomás and the college of San Juan de Letran. The religious corporations have kept abreast of the times in the manner in which they have fostered education from the earliest period, and many schools are due to them, some being founded by the tertiary order of the Dominicans. Zamora criticises the capacity of the Filipinos, asserting that they are teachable and quick in imitation, although they never attain excellence in anything, but that they are utterly devoid of originality. They have greater capacity than the American Indian, and make fine clerks and the like, but they are lazy, and do not strive to rise beyond a certain point. They learn vices but not virtues. The Augustinians are the last of the religious orders totake up superior education, by establishing an institute at Iloilo, because a secular institution was planned for that place by Minister Becerra in 1887–1888. Zamora emphasizes the importance of arts and crafts for the Filipinos.The appendix to our volume is brought to a close with a very brief statement in regard to American education in the Philippines since 1898. A bibliographical list of works treating of education will enable the student to follow the course of American work. The statement is concluded by the abstract of a philosophical address by Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera before the American and Filipino teachers in Manila in May 1906, in which he points out the beneficent results of Anglo-Saxon teaching.The EditorsNovember, 1906.

A brief summary of the principal events from 1721 to 1739 contains several matters of interest. The murder of Bustamante by a mob arouses much indignation at Madrid, but the attempts to ascertain and punish the guilty ones prove ineffectual, and the affair drops into oblivion. The islands are regularly harassed by the Moro pirates; punitive expeditions are sent against them, but these are often too late ortoo slow to accomplish any results. The coast villages are fortified, much of this being done by the priests in charge of the Indians. In 1733 the royal storehouses at Manila are destroyed by fire, causing great loss to the treasury. Two years later, a Dutch fleet demands satisfaction for the previous capture of a Dutch ship by a Spanish coastguard, but retires when the Spaniards pay the value of the prize. A controversy arises (1736) between the Recollects and Jesuits over certain missions in northern Mindanao, in which the Jesuits gain the upper hand. In 1737, one of the auditors makes an official visitation of several provinces in Luzón, and reforms many abuses therein. During 1738–39, a controversy rages in Manila over the complaint made by the mestizos of Santa Cruz regarding unjust exactions imposed on them by the Jesuits; the decision of the Audiencia (sustained by the home government) is against that order.

The remainder of this volume is occupied by the educational appendix, which is the continuance and conclusion of the review of education begun inVOL. XLV.The first document, which comprises the greater part of the appendix, treats of primary and normal instruction in the Philippines, after the government really took such education under its protection by special legislation. The subject is prefaced by extracts and synopses from Barrantes which show the earliest legislation, beginning with 1839 and culminating in the decree of December 20, 1863. Although the appointment of a commission is ordered in the former year to draft regulations for schools, such appointment is delayed until 1855, and a report is handed in only in 1861, the work of the commissionbeing stimulated perhaps by the fact that the governor appoints an official in 1860 to draft regulations along the same line. The chief point of debate in the commission is the teaching of Spanish, the vice-rector of the university of Santo Tomás declaring against such teaching but being overruled. The decree of December 20, 1863 is the greatest result of the work of the commission. The normal school created by the decree is formally opened January 23, 1865, although in operation since May 17, 1864. Irregularity of attendance and vacations prove the greatest obstacles. Barrantes, who defends the friars, concludes that the backwardness of primary education is due rather to the laws of the Indies than to any class such as the religious corporations; that before 1865 primary education was only a shadow; and that the Filipinos have not yet sufficiently far advanced to be granted the electoral right that they ask. The remainder of the document is from Grifol y Aliaga’s book on primary instruction. An extract from the preface of that author shows that with the decree of 1863, new life is put into education, and that all the many decrees and orders issued later by the government are harmonious in effect and purpose; although they were in large part inoperative. Next follows the royal decree of December 20, 1863, establishing a plan of primary instruction in the islands. Its first part consists of the exposition addressed to the queen by the minister José de la Concha, stating the need of greater efficiency in the teaching system for the natives, in order that they may develop spiritually and intellectually. The aim is to diffuse the Spanish language. It provides for a normal school under the immediate supervision of the priests. Following the exposition is the decreeproper, which decrees schools for each sex in each village, and gives various details of such schools. The regulations for the normal school of teachers for primary instruction end Aliaga’s book. They consist of twenty-eight articles which state the object of the school; and the rules governing the scholars in their manifold relations. Next come the regulations, dated December 20, 1863, for schools and teachers of primary instruction for native Filipinos, which consist of thirty-five articles. By these regulations, separate schools are established in all the villages for boys and girls; attendance is made compulsory for children between certain ages; instruction is to be in Spanish, and the knowledge of that language especially striven for; tuition is free to the poor, and equipment for all; religious and ethical teaching is in charge of the parish priests. Rules are given in regard to the teachers, and assistants, the textbooks, vacations, the establishment of Sunday schools for adults, and the supervision, which is put into the hands of laymen—that duty having thitherto been performed by the parish priests, in so far as it was performed at all. The interior regulations, consisting of fourteen articles, for native primary schools, follow, as the preceding, dated December 20, 1863. They include rules as to the size of buildings, equipment, duties of teachers, manner of keeping records, sending of monthly reports, pupils and conditions of their admittance, attendance, system of merits and demerits, examinations, etc. Religious exercises are found to fill a considerable portion of the day. A government decree of February 15, 1864, approving the regulations for a municipal girls’ school in Manila, is followed by those regulations of the same date,which consist of twenty-six articles. The school is to be in charge of the sisters of charity. Religious and ethical training is given great prominence. The courses of study, comprising the elementary branches, and needle-work, is outlined. There are both required and optional studies. Girls are admitted at the age of five, and admission is in charge of a member of the city ayuntamiento. Rules are given governing the daily and term routine of the school in its manifold relations. Examinations are both public and private. Supervision is in charge of three women appointed by the governor of the islands. This is followed by a circular of the superior civil government, dated August 30, 1867, discussing, and giving rules concerning, school supervision—an important document, showing well the Spanish love of philosophizing. Commenting on the importance of the supervisory function, the circular states the duties of supervisors, for on them “depends the development and conservation of the improvements which are being introduced.” Since the supervision is partly in the hands of the ecclesiastical government, the outcome can only be the best. A rather lengthy quotation is made from a book on supervision, in which the duties and qualifications of supervisors are outlined. Great stress is laid on temperateness of action. The most delicate power is the correction and suspension of teachers. Suspension must only be for ethical and religious lack, and neglect of duties. The parish priests in their duties as supervisors must see that the heads of families recognize their responsibility in regard to sending their children to school. Special privileges are to be given to those attending school and learning theSpanish language—in which all instruction is to be given. Primary instruction in the islands is in a backward state, because of the few buildings and teachers, and the want of uniformity among the children. Statistics of March 1, 1866 show the number of villages in provinces or districts, the population, school attendance, schools possible, and buildings. The government pledges its support of the efforts put forth by the parish priests and the provincial supervisors. The former are to hold annual examinations, and are to have the children review their work when they confess and take communion. The provincial supervision of the alcaldes is to be exercised with the aid of a board composed of the bishop, parish priest, and the administrator of the public finances. Reforms are needed in teaching and supervision, and the efforts of the parish priest must not be opposed. Boards not yet appointed must be appointed at once, and monthly reports submitted. The government decree of June 19, 1875, approvingad interimthe regulations for the women’s normal school for primary teachers in Nueva Cáceres, is followed by the regulations. These number fifty-two articles in all. The object of the school is to train good moral and religious women teachers and to make this school a model for other schools. The practice school attached to it is an integral part of the public school system, wherein an education is given free to poor girls. Those attending the normal school may or may not be candidates for a teacher’s certificate. The program of studies shows elementary branches, and demands instruction in Spanish and includes needle-work. The course lasts three years, though an additional year may be allowed tograduates; and the schedule of studies is to be sent annually to the governor for his approval. The time spent in the practice school is not to exceed four months in each year. Teachers’ certificates are to be given to those completing the course, and such graduates are to be given schools of the proper grades, the method of marking being given. The school is organized under charge of the sisters of charity, and the school of Santa Isabel is to be used. The staff and their duties are enumerated, among whom it is to be noted is a secular priest to administer to the ethical and religious needs of the pupils. Pupils shall be both day and resident, the requirements for admission being stated. Women teachers may be admitted to the institution, if not over the age of twenty-three. Instruction is free, and provided for from the local funds. In proportion as the public schools are placed in charge of normal graduates, the number of resident pupils supported from the local funds is to be decreased to twenty-five, from whom vacancies are to be filled. Resident pupils supported by local funds are to teach ten years in the schools of Nueva Cáceres, under penalty of making restitution of their expenses if they do not carry out their contract. General public examinations are to be held at the end of the term, when rewards are to be distributed. Various other data regarding the running of the school in its different relations are given. The moral and religious supervision belongs to the bishop of Nueva Cáceres; secular supervision is in charge of the alcalde-mayor, the bishop, and the administrator of public finances, and one member of this board is to have immediate supervision for three months. A royal decree dated March 11, 1892 creates in Manilaa normal school for women teachers under charge of Augustinian nuns. It is needed as is proved by that of Nueva Cáceres. The study of Spanish is compulsory. Expenses are to be met from the regular budget for the islands. Among other data included in this decree, it is to be noted that the certificate for elementary teaching is given for three years’ study and that for superior for four; and that a practice school, whose expenses are to be met by the municipality, is to be annexed to the normal school. This is followed by a royal order of May 19, 1892 approving the regulations for the above normal school, which is followed in turn by the regulations bearing the same date, and consisting of one hundred and fifty-four articles. This is a document of considerable interest, for it goes into much detail concerning the school in its relations to government, teachers, pupils, and public. It is divided into various sections designated as títulos, which are in turn divided into chapters. Título i states in the first chapter the object of the school, and the subjects taught, which are both required and optional. The expense of equipment is to be approved by the general government. Chapter ii relates to the teaching force, and enumerates their duties and names salaries. The total expenses are to be seven thousand nine hundred pesos annually. Chapter iii gives in detail the duties of the directress, which are mainly executive; and those of the instructresses. Chapters iv to vii treat of the duties of the secretary, the librarian, the assistants, and the necessary help. Chapter viii deals with the board of instructresses, which is composed of the regular teachers, and outlines its functions. Chapter ix treats of the disciplinary council, whichmust consist of five members at least, and is convoked by the directress. Título ii deals with the economic management—chapter i treating of the annual budget, and chapter ii of the collection, distribution, and payment of accounts. Título iii has as its main subject the teaching: of which chapter i deals with the opening of the school, and the term in general; chapter ii, of the order of classes and methods of teaching, etc.; and chapter iii, with the material equipment for teaching. Título iv discusses the scholars: chapter i, treating of their necessary qualifications, entrance examinations, payment of entrance fees, and age of entrance; chapter ii, concerning matriculation, in which there is much red tape; chapter iii, of the obligations of the pupils, mainly in deportment; chapter iv, of examinations—an important subject—which are divided into ordinary and extraordinary, according to the time taken, and are oral, written, and practical; chapter v, of rewards; chapter vi, of certificates and decisions, and conditions under which they are given; and chapter vii, of discipline and punishments. Título v, which is, like all this document, laden with red tape, outlines the conditions of the examination for degrees. The practice school annexed to the normal school has its expenses met by the municipality, and is a public school. For the present the normal school shall have only day pupils, but if necessary later, they may enrol resident pupils. The nuns in charge of the school have liberty to follow the institutes of their order. This document is followed by a governmental decree of November 1, 1893, elevating to the grade of superior the normal school for men teachers in Manila, and approving provisionally the newregulations of this school. This exposition by the reverend father director shows that this school, created as an elementary normal school by the decree of December 20, 1863, has been fulfilling its function since its creation, and has made progress in the process of better understanding between the Filipinos and Spanish authorities, has diffused the Spanish language wider than ever, and encouraged the arts and industries. It has had a difficult path, because of the condition of its students who are far from homogeneous in preparation and ability. It has been necessary to lessen the age limit at which men may enter, because, as the average Filipino leaves school at the age of twelve, he readily forgets what he has learned, and consequently when he enters at the age of sixteen into the normal school, he has to take a year in special preparation. The proposal to elevate the school to the rank of superior can be done without any extra expense, as it will be in charge of the same force as at present. The Manila normal school compares with the best in Spain. A petition by one A. Avilés, asking for the extension, and the decree proper, both dated November 10, 1893 follow. Certificates from this school are to have the same value and rights as certificates granted in Spain. The regulations for the extension above-mentioned dated also November 10, 1893, follow. They consist of thirty articles, a number of which are similar or analogous to those of the regulations of December 20, 1863, establishing the elementary school. These regulations discuss the manifold relations of the school in regard to pupils, teachers, supplies, examinations, etc. The selections from Grifol y Aliaga are closed by a list of all the decrees, circulars,orders, etc., in regard to primary and normal education in the Philippines from December 20, 1863 to July 20, 1894—in all one hundred and seventy-one. This is of distinct value, as the course of legislation can be followed easily, and one may note the new ideas that leaders were attempting to work out in this period of Spanish unrest.

A series of short documents regarding the religious schools follows. The first is a summary of the Dominican institutions for 1896–1897. The university of Santo Tomás has a total enrolment in all courses of 3,059, and a total of 36 degrees are conferred. The college of San Juan de Letran has a total enrolment of 5,995, which includes professors, collegiates, day pupils, and servants; and has conferred in all 177 degrees. The college of San Alberto Magno in Dagupan, has an enrolment of 947, counting teachers. The school of Santa Catalina de Sená shows an enrolment of 223, including the teachers, who are nuns. A total enrolment of 83 is seen in the school of Nuestra Señora del Rosario of Lingayén; while the school of the same name in Vigan has 79. The school of Santa Ymelda founded in 1892, completes the list, with an enrolment of 110. A report for the religious schools for 1897 gives various statistics of the following institutions: La Concordia, Santa Isabel, Santa Rosa, and Looban, the military hospital, the hospital of St. John of God, the municipal school [of secular foundation], and the hospice of San José, all in charge of the sisters of charity in Manila; and certain of the provincial schools. The third document in this series gives an account of the educational institutions of the Recollects, probably for the year 1897. These are the beaterio of Santa Rita in SanSebastian, in the suburbs of Manila; school of San José of Bacolod, Negros, opened in 1897, and under the auspices of the university of Santo Tomás; the seminary school of Vigan, of which the Recollects had charge during the years 1882–1895; school of Santa Rosa, of which the Recollects were in charge in 1891.

The friar side of the educational question of the Philippines is well set forth in two selections. The first is a chapter by Eduardo Navarro, O.S.A., who spent many years in the islands, and who is, perhaps, one of the best representative men of his order, and moreover, of scholarly tastes. He introduces his subject in a somewhat philosophical manner. Education and religion he declares to be synonymous terms when taken in their real signification. It is the duty of the government to choose the best educational method. The earliest laws passed by the Spanish government in regard to the education of the American Indians are extended later to the Philippines, but they prove most unsatisfactory and unsuited to the conditions of those islands. They provide for the teaching of Spanish to the aborigines, but in an inadequate manner. The theme of the present chapter is to prove that the friars are not responsible for the backward state of education in the islands. On the other hand they early pass laws that are more advanced than those passed by the government. Their laws have always been consistent and have had but one aim. They have not endeavored to retard the learning of Spanish, but they rather favored it. They have done their best with the useless laws of the government. They have founded and taught schools, paid the teachers, and have made the textbooks,notwithstanding their immense toil. They have also introduced many of the arts and crafts. The friars have gone farther than the laws for they provided for girls’ schools before the famous decree of 1863. The passage of those regulations has robbed the parish priest unjustly of much of his supervisory power, which has been conferred except in so far as morality and religion are concerned, on the civil authorities. It belongs by right to the friars, who only use that power as it should be used. The parish priest knows the people thoroughly, and as no laymen do. The Filipino cannot be identified with the Spaniards notwithstanding all efforts of the Spanish government. Navarro enforces his arguments by quotations from Escosura, whom he criticises harshly for his expressions. While modern ideas from abroad have made better sea communication, internal communication has become worse. Good roads are especially needed and the small barrios ought to be merged together whenever possible. That the friars do not oppose education is shown by the many schools that they maintain in Manila and the provinces. They should be allowed to establish normal schools under their own direction. The parish priest can best overcome the evil introduced by the free masons. The studies chosen for the Filipinos must be fitted to their capacity. Our author suggests the personnel of the Superior Board of Public Instruction, in which he places a majority of ecclesiastics, and this Board should revise the school laws. The majority of the Filipino students return to their homes with plenty of vices but little learning, although looked up to greatly by their fellow townsmen. This horde brings disaster and ruin upon the people. The rectorof the university should have more power over the life and morals of the students, for only thus can the Filipino students become really useful to Spain.

The second selection is a chapter written by Fr. Eladio Zamora, also an Augustinian. Almost the last friar writer on the matter, since he writes after American occupation, his remarks may be assumed to be the present friar attitude. He begins with a quotation from the preface of Grifol y Aliaga to the effect that until 1863 there had been no real legislation concerning education, for the many decrees, etc., were isolated. It is rather the friars, says Zamora, who are the first educators, teaching themselves or paying teachers from their own funds. After 1863, the friars continue to encourage education as supervisors. They build schools, and visit the distant barrios whenever possible. On Sundays it is their custom to inspect the copybooks, etc. The distance of barrios and villages from one another makes teaching difficult. Many of the priests become suspected as having a bad influence, for many criminals resort to the barrios. The government orders the fusion of barrios into villages, but the order is not obeyed. In 1863, the government takes control of the schools founded by the friars. Under the new regime, so long as the parish priest has supervisory action, the schools flourish, but when that action ceases, so does progress in the schools, and attendance becomes only nominal and a record on paper. The intention of the government to have all teaching in Spanish fails of its purpose, for the scholars can not understand it. The famous Maura decree of 1893 gives the local supervision to local municipalities, a law that soon gives rise to serious trouble. Many unjustly blamethe parish priest for the ignorance of Spanish, but he has no time to teach Spanish amid the multiplicity of his duties. Besides, it is easier for the few Spaniards to learn the languages of the natives than for the Filipinos to learn Spanish. The friars have not shunned the teaching of Spanish, as is proved by a citation from Zúñiga. If the Tagálog actors are allowed to use their native language in the theater, because they do not know Spanish, is it consistent to demand that all sermons and teaching be in Spanish? In spite of the early laws requiring Spanish to be taught to the Filipinos, it is impossible for Spanish to supplant all the numerous dialects. Zamora reproduces portions of an open letter by W. E. Retana to Minister Becerra, in which Retana decries the intellect of the Filipino, and declares that it is absurd to think of teaching him in Spanish, but that the best way of teaching it would be to settle 500,000 Spanish families in the islands. Zamora gives a résumé of the history of the university of Santo Tomás and the college of San Juan de Letran. The religious corporations have kept abreast of the times in the manner in which they have fostered education from the earliest period, and many schools are due to them, some being founded by the tertiary order of the Dominicans. Zamora criticises the capacity of the Filipinos, asserting that they are teachable and quick in imitation, although they never attain excellence in anything, but that they are utterly devoid of originality. They have greater capacity than the American Indian, and make fine clerks and the like, but they are lazy, and do not strive to rise beyond a certain point. They learn vices but not virtues. The Augustinians are the last of the religious orders totake up superior education, by establishing an institute at Iloilo, because a secular institution was planned for that place by Minister Becerra in 1887–1888. Zamora emphasizes the importance of arts and crafts for the Filipinos.

The appendix to our volume is brought to a close with a very brief statement in regard to American education in the Philippines since 1898. A bibliographical list of works treating of education will enable the student to follow the course of American work. The statement is concluded by the abstract of a philosophical address by Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera before the American and Filipino teachers in Manila in May 1906, in which he points out the beneficent results of Anglo-Saxon teaching.

The Editors

November, 1906.

DOCUMENT OF 1721–1739Events in Filipinas, 1721–1739. Compiled from various sources.Source: This document consists of citations and synopses from various authors fully credited in the text.Translation: The translations and synopses are made by Emma Helen Blair.EVENTS IN FILIPINAS, 1721–1739The Marqués de Torre-Campo “brought with him commission to take the residencia of Bustamante;1and as it found him already dead, many were the charges that resulted against him—which it would not be difficult to prove, since the minds of the people were so inflamed against him, as we have seen. Some of his friends, it appeared, were accomplices in his delinquencies; some denied the charges, and, as these could not be proved against them, it was necessary to declare them innocent; others excused themselves by his violent proceedings, and by their fear that he would kill them if they did not obey him. Don Esteban Iñigo, who was charged, among other things, with the exportation of rice, which caused a great famine in the islands, replied that he had undertaken this trade with the governor because he could not resist the latter, and feared that if he did not do so he would lose the rice and all his property. Other persons alleged other [reasons for their] exemption [from legal process], always blaming the deceased—who, as he had no one to defendhim, came out of this residencia the most wicked man that can be imagined.”2(Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, p. 469.)The Council of the Indias gave answer to the royal Audiencia [of Manila] that they had received the [papers in the] investigation of the death of the governor, and were giving the matter due attention; and at the same time came another order from the king to the Marqués de Torre-Campo, in which the latter was commanded to take cognizance of this affair and punish the culprits. The governor, who, it appears, had little inclination to plunge into this labyrinth, a second time consulted Father Totanes3and the Jesuits—who told him that, just as he hadbefore stayed the execution of the first order, he ought to do the same with this one, until his Majesty, advised of the governor’s reply [to the first order], which had not yet been received, should make another decision. Father Totanes in his advisory statement exaggerated the ruin of the fortunes of the citizens of Manila, the arrears [in the incomes] of the charitable funds, the scarcity of rice, and the lack of those who might give alms (on account of which, he said, many died of hunger), the cause of all these evils being the mariscal. The father expatiated on his acts of violence, and the consternation of the city, with which he strove to exculpate the action of the Manila people, who had no other recourse, in order to escape from such a throng of calamities, than to depose the governor from his office. “But to what tribunal,” he said, “were they to resort in order to deprive him of his office? He had suppressed the royal Audiencia, and held the archbishop and the ecclesiastics prisoners; and the city [council] was composed of an alcalde-in-ordinary who was a nephew of the governor, and two regidors who were his henchmen. Not having any one to resort to, they tried to arrest the governor, in order to free themselves from so many calamities; he resisted, turning his weapons against the citizens, who wounded him mortally in defense of their own lives; but this should be regarded as the misfortune of the mariscal rather than the fault of the citizens.” This statement, which veritably is a seditious one, they presented to the king, in order to show him the erroneous opinions of the religious of Philipinas; but it was a calumny, for Father Totanes was not the oracle of the islands, and most of the regularsthought as did the Jesuit fathers—who, while condemning in their advisory report the act of the Manila people, said only that the latter were worthy of the royal clemency. With this came to a halt all the severity with which at first this process was undertaken, and, the minds of people gradually becoming cool, the prosecution entirely ceased, and all these who were inculpated remained unpunished; the archbishop alone, he who had taken least part in these commotions and disturbances, was chastised4—a worthy prelate, who in imitation of Christ carried on his own shoulders the sin of his people. (Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 514–517.)Signature of Joseph Torrubia, O.S.F.Signature of Joseph Torrubia, O.S.F.[From original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla][As soon as the Spaniards abandoned the fort of Lábo in Paragua, the Moro pirates renewed their incursions. When Zamboanga was reestablished, they attempted to capture it, but were repulsed with loss. In 1721–23 expeditions were sent out against the Moros, but they failed to accomplish anything.5The sultan of Joló sent an ambassador to Manila in 1725, to form a treaty of peace with the Spaniards; this was accomplished in the following year at Joló, the Spanish envoy being Miguel Arajón, the alcalde-mayor of the Parián at Manila. By this treaty, among other provisions, the island of Basilan was restored to Spain. Nevertheless, soon afterward the perfidious Moros made several raids against Indian villages, captured many vessels and burned them, and committed many acts of cruelty,—the worst probably being the case of a vessel from Cebú, whose crew were all killed by the pirates, who then tortured to death the Spanish captain. Later, letters were received from Radiamura (the son of Maulana) and other friendly chiefs in Mindanao, asking for prompt action by the Spaniards against the Moro pirates, who, they claimed, were threatening them with attack because of their friendship to the Spaniards. Governor Torre Campo organized a punitive expedition for this purpose, but the royal treasury was so depleted that the costs had to be met by donations from the citizens of Manila and Cavite. The armada was placed under command of Juan Angel de Leaño, with directions to surrender the vessels and men to General Juan de Mesa when they should reach Iloilo; and the governor gave the commanders definite instructions, and powers for forming a treaty with the “kings” of Joló and Mindanao.“The result of this expedition is not definitely stated, except that it was successful; the fort of La Sabanilla at Tuboc was taken, and a great number of the rabble [canalla] were slain, and among them some princes and datos (the remembrance of which still continues among them, to the honor of our arms); and a treaty for the cessation of hostilities was drawn up, which the Moros, well punished, asked for.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 134–157, 184–198.)][On July 23, 1726, the galleon “Santo Christo de Burgos” was driven by a storm on the rocks at Ticao, a long, narrow island adjoining San Bernardino Strait, and so badly wrecked that it could not be repaired. The auditor Julian de Velasco was on board the vessel, on his way to Mexico; as the official of highest rank on the ship, he held a conference with the officers, pilots, seamen, and other persons of experience, and it was decided (after several vain efforts had been made to save part of the cargo) to burn the ship and its contents, great part of which were ruined by the water. This was a great loss to the citizens of Manila, as all their investments for this year were thus destroyed. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 157–167.)][Torrubia enumerates the armed naval expeditions sent against the Moro pirates during 1721–34, as follows: (1) An armada commanded by Antonio de Roxas sailed from Manila on July 10, 1721; it seems to have accomplished little, but cost the treasurymuch. (2) Another was commanded by Andrés Garcia; he fought with a Moro fleet—date not given, but probably in 1722—at Negros Island, and won a notable victory. (3) In 1723 a fleet set out under command of Juan de la Mesa y Aponte, warden of Fort Santiago at Manila; they went to Mindanao and captured from the Moros the fort at La Sabanilla, “slaying an immense number of that rabble, and among them several princes and datos.” (4) In February, 1731, four galleys were sent from Manila under command of Ignacio Irriberri; at Zamboanga they collected the vessels already there—two fragatas, four despatch-boats or champans, one taratana, one falua, eight caracoas of Bisayans and two others of Lutaos—and went to attack Joló, at which they found six forts defended by cannon. Here they had a fierce battle with the Moros, of whom many were slain, including two datos; then they ravaged the adjacent island of Talobo, destroying its salt-works (“which are the entire livelihood of that people”); and laid waste the district of the dato Salicaya, who, with many of his people, was slain. In the same year Captain Pedro Zacharias Villareal, with some vessels of the same fleet, attacked the island of Capual, near Joló, and burned three villages and many boats, and ravaged the fields, destroying their cattle and the salt-works there. (5) In November, 1731, Zacharias was sent by Valdés Tamon with a squadron from Manila to Zamboanga; at that very time, the sultan of Mindanao, Maulana Diafar Sadibsa, was asking aid from the Spaniards against his tributary Malinog, who had rebelled against him and had secured the support of more than thirty of the principal villages on the Rio Grande of Mindanao.This rebellion was caused by Malinog’s refusal to obey Maulana’s demand that he restore to the Spaniards the captives and spoil which Malinog, in conjunction with the Joloans, had carried away in 1722–23 from Negros and Panay. It was learned that Malinog was negotiating with the Dutch for succor, which they were inclined to grant him. At a council of war (in which the Jesuits were prominent) held in Zamboanga, it was decided to send Zacharias with a fleet to Tamontaca, to aid Maulana and punish Malinog. The latter’s fort—which, like that in Joló, was constructed by a Dutch engineer—at the entrance to his river, was captured by the united forces and large amounts of military supplies were destroyed. Two leguas further up the river, they attacked Malinog’s principal town, defended by six forts; many of the Moros (including their general, Tambul) were slain, three of their villages were burned, and their lands devastated. Returning to Zamboanga, the Spaniards harried the coasts of Joló and Basilan, so thoroughly that, later, “in order to terrify the Moros, it is only necessary to say, ‘Here comes Zacharias.’” (6) In January, 1733, a fleet under Juan Antonio Jove went to aid Maulana; but Malinog made a sudden attack on Tamontaca, which he destroyed with fire and sword, and slew Maulana, whereupon the Spaniards, disheartened, returned to Manila. (7) Maulana’s successor, Radiamura, asked aid from Manila, which was granted; the citizens subscribed more than nine thousand pesos in silver, and a fleet of forty-eight vessels was equipped. Under command of Francisco de Cardenas Pacheco and Captain (soon afterward made sargento-mayor) Zacharias, this fleet left Zamboanga on February 18,1734, and went to Tamontaca. At Tuboc they attacked the sultan of Tawi-Tawi, but the Bisayan auxiliaries of the Spaniards fled, panic-stricken, and the Moro allies of the sultan swarmed in upon the Spaniards, compelling them to retreat. They then went against Malinog at Sulangan; at sight of the Spanish fleet, he set fire to his village and forts, and fled up the river to Libungang—a place which was strongly fortified by both nature and art. A fierce assault was made on this stronghold, but the Moros could not be dislodged; they killed many Spaniards with their unceasing discharge of balls and small weapons, and finally, by poisoning the water-supply, compelled the Spaniards to raise the siege. Then the latter went to Sulungan, and remained there until that place was well fortified, and the passage of the river securely closed to Malinog, who was thus shut in from his allies the Joloans and Camucones. On April 20, Radiamura was solemnly crowned as king by the Spaniards; and he agreed to allow the entrance of Christian missionaries, the building of churches, and the establishment of Spanish forts and garrisons, in his territories; also to acknowledge his vassalage to Spain by furnishing a quantity of wax, cacao, and other products of the country. Afterward, Zacharias made a raid on Basilan, devastated the lands, and seized much and rich booty; “so great was the spoil of the ‘enchanted island’ that, when the men had laden our armada and the captured vessels [which numbered over three hundred], they had to burn many articles because they could not carry them away.” (Torrubia,Dissertacion, pp. 68–90.) Cf. Concepción’s and Montero y Vidal’s accounts of these expeditions.]Title-page of Dissertacion historico-polititaTitle-page ofDissertacion historico-politita[The Marqués de Torre Campo, after eight years of clement and upright government, was succeeded by Fernando de Valdés y Tamón, a knight of the Order of Santiago, who took possession of his office on August 14, 1729. As an experienced and able soldier, he gave his first attention to the fortifications and military equipment of Manila, which had been sadly neglected. He tried to purchase 1,500 guns with bayonets, but the Dutch refused to sell him these firearms. In May, 1730, the pirates of Joló sent out a large expedition, with 3,000 men, against the islands of Palawan and Dumaran, where they plundered the villages and carried away many captives. They besieged the fort at Taytay (the principal town in that part of Palawan) during twenty days, but were obliged to retire with considerable loss, including some of their datos. As it was evident that the islands could have no peace or safety until severe punishment was inflicted on these pirates, an expedition with over 600 men was sent from Manila in February, 1731, under the command of General Ignacio de Iriberri. This force attacked the town of Joló, which was well defended with forts and artillery; and after a fierce contest the Spaniards captured the place, and burned the houses and boats of the Moros. They also ravaged the islands of Talobo and Capual, near Joló, and destroyed the salt-works there, from which the pirates obtained much wealth; and returned to Manila in the month of June. A prominent chief of Mindanao, named Malinog, had revolted against Maulana Diafar, sultan of Tamontaca, securing the aid of many datos on the Rio Grande, and negotiating with the Dutch for their aid; in November, 1731,a small squadron was sent from Manila, in answer to Maulana’s petition for aid against the rebels; with the aid of the Spaniards the rebels were routed, their forts destroyed, and their villages and plantations ravaged and burned. Malinog, however, kept up the contest, so that another Spanish expedition was sent (January, 1733) against him; but while his town was besieged by the Tamontacans and the Spaniards he slipped away with 300 pirogues and invaded Tamontaca, where Maulana was slain by his foes.6His son Amuril asked Governor Valdés yTamón for aid against Malinog, which was granted; and in February 1734 an expedition left Zamboanga under command of General Francisco CárdenasPacheco, who placed a detachment of the armada under Pedro Zacarías Villarreal. Their campaign against the Moros was bravely fought, but was onlypartially successful, on account of the fierceness and overwhelming numbers of the Moros. The latter committed numerous depredations wherever and whenever they could find opportunity, and the Manila government took measures for the erection of lookout towers and fortifications at the coast villages, and for sending coastguard galleys and other vessels to the points most likely to be menaced by the pirates, so as to be ready to meet or follow up any Moro vessels that might attack the Indian villages or Spanish forts. In 1735, 2,000 Joloans and Mindanaos attacked the fort at Taytay, but they were finally repulsed with great loss. In this conflict, as often on like occasions, the native soldiers in the garrison were encouraged and incited by the friarsin whose spiritual charge they were, to resist the fierce foe who attacked them.7In 1735, Mahamad Ali-Mudin was raised to the sultanate of Joló, in virtue of the abdication of his father Maulana. The latter plotted to obtain possession of the fort at Zamboanga by treason, but the scheme was unsuccessful; the news of this so angered Maulana (who was then ill) that he hastened his own death. The new sultan of Joló professed (1736) friendship to the Spaniards, and even joined them in a campaign against the Tiron pirates; but in secret he encouraged the latter, and sent them warning of the movements against them. (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, i, pp. 438–452; his account is largely taken from Concepción’sHist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 198–238, 337–375.)]Map showing new route from Manila to Acapulco; presented to Governor Fernando Valdés Tamón by the pilot, Enrique Hermán, 1730Map showing new route from Manila to Acapulco; presented to Governor Fernando Valdés Tamón by the pilot, Enrique Hermán, 1730[Photographic facsimile from original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla][On June 18, 1733, the royal magazines at Manila were destroyed by fire, with all their contents, which included the supplies for the two vessels which were soon to go to Acapulco. The royal treasury had not the funds to make good this loss, and the galleons must sail at a certain time, in order to secure favorable winds; the governor therefore appealed to the citizens and merchants for help to meet the expenses of equipping the vessels. They responded with a donation of 30,000 pesos, which the governor duly reported to the king, asking thatin view of the zeal and loyalty thus displayed by the citizens their interest might be cared for in the pending dispute regarding the Manila-Acapulco commerce. The losses sustained in the above fire were estimated by the royal officials at 66,807 pesos. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 226–230.)]Plan of infantry barracks in Manila; drawn by the military engineer, Thomas de Castro y Andrade, 1733Plan of infantry barracks in Manila; drawn by the military engineer, Thomas de Castro y Andrade, 1733[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]The governor, not finding any corrective for the injuries which the Moros were causing, held a conference of the principal citizens of Manila. It was resolved therein that, so far as the funds in the royal treasury would permit, some small armadas should be despatched against the Moros; and that the coast-dwellers should be gathered [into larger villages] at certain places, at the rate of five hundred tributes to each one, in order that they might be able to resist the pirates and build some little forts, which would inspire respect in the enemy.8This precaution had already been taken by some of the religious in charge of doctrinas—who, not finding any other remedy, had built some fortifications around their churches, in order to guard these and that the Indians might take refuge there when the Moros came. Others had built some small forts on lofty places, inorder to protect the villages from the affronts of those robbers; and at night the fathers would go to visit these posts, and watch lest the sentinels fall asleep, performing at the same time the duties of parish priest and military officer. As a consequence of this order [by the government], there was no coast village which did not build some fortification for its defense, but no aid was given to them from the royal treasury. But the religious ministers, out of their own stipends, paid the overseers and artisans; and by dint of entreaties, persuasions, and threats obliged the people to give the materials and the day-laborers [peones], expending much money and patient endeavor for the sake of building these little forts. When the alcaldes-mayor saw these fortifications, now completed, they began to wish to subject them to their own authority; and they secured that in every one should be stationed a warden subject to the alcalde’s orders, and that a certain number of men for the service of the fort should be furnished to the warden by apportionment [from the respective villages]. The warden regularly sent these men to work on his own grain-fields, or compelled them to redeem the [compulsory] service with money. This they had to do, usually leaving the fort abandoned—which is, for this reason, very burdensome to the people; and here comes to be verified what Señor Solorzano says, that all which is decreed in favor of the Indians is converted into poison for them. (Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 526–528.)[In October, 1733, a Spanish coastguard vessel captured a Dutch ship near the southern coast ofMindanao, and seized its despatches and instructions, “among these, the turban and crown which they were carrying as a present for Malinog.” When this event was learned at Batavia, great indignation was aroused among the Dutch, and they sent three warships, which anchored in Manila Bay (June, 1735) and demanded satisfaction; the Dutch would not allow any vessel to enter or leave the bay, and threatened to seize the patache “San Christoval,” which was expected to arrive from Acapulco. Warning was immediately sent to the commander of the latter, at the Embocadero; but the ship was already wrecked on the shoals of Calantás. The silver on board, 745,000 pesos belonging to the merchants and 773,025 to the royal situado, was transported by boat to Sorsogón, and the men removed the cargo to land and erected fortifications for its defense in case of necessity; the hull was then destroyed by fire, to prevent its being used by enemies. The Manila government, seeing that it had no funds for defense against the Dutch, and that the Acapulco galleon imprisoned in the bay might lose the favorable winds for its departure, finally came to a settlement with the Dutch, paying 6,500 pesos as satisfaction for the captured Dutch vessel and its contents; the Dutch ships thereupon retired. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 375–410.)][In 1736, a controversy arose between the Recollects and Jesuits in northern Mindanao. The Indians of Cagayan, and the Recollect minister in charge there, Fray Hipolito de San Agustín, maintained a close and friendly communication with thenative chiefs of Lake Lanao, who finally asked the Recollects (1736) to send missionaries to Larapan, a Malanao village, in order to instruct and baptize their people. The Jesuits were jealous of the Recollects, according to Concepción, and incited a heathen chief named Dalabahan in the mountains of the Cagayan district to attack the Malanaos, thinking that the latter would blame their Cagayan friends for the hostilities; but the latter were able to exonerate themselves from this suspicion, and remained on amicable terms with the Malanaos. The demand of these for Recollect missionaries had to go to Manila; the Jesuits, hearing of it, opposed the request, alleging that the Lanao territory belonged to them. The governor allowed the Jesuit claim, and the Malanaos appealed to the king himself; but “this remonstrance had no result, these unfortunate people being left in their barbarism—from which resulted to us most serious damages, as will be seen in due time.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 54–66.)][In January, 1737, the new archbishop, Fray Juan Angel Rodriguez, took possession of his see; he belonged to the Order of Mercy, and was a native of Medina del Campo, Spain. “He began to govern like an angel” (Concepción; in allusion to his name). “He lessened the number of days for church processions, in order to give opportunity for the business of the courts, and for the necessary work of the people; he prohibited the processions at night, on account of the troubles which are wont to occur in them; he regularly attended the choir, and introduced the use of the Gregorian chant; he taught the sub-chanters plain-song, which they didnot know,” etc. (Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 535–536.)]In the year thirty-seven, Governor Tamon issued a commission and powers to the licentiate Don Joseph Ignacio de Arzadun y Revolledo, in order that he might, in accordance with the royal laws, which decree that the provinces shall be visited every three years, fulfil that duty in those of Pampanga, Pangasinan, and Ylocos. There he was to inspect the fortresses, and the arms, ammunition, gunpowder, balls, and other military supplies, also their condition and circumstances; and to review the troops in the garrisons. He must investigate the mode and form in which the wages due them were paid, and the fictitious enrolments of men in the garrisons. He must also make lists of the warrants which the alcaldes-mayor might have issued; and if he found that these had not been confirmed by the general government, he must annul them. He must abrogate the enjoyment of exemptions, proceeding against those who should be guilty, in such manner as he should find most convenient; he might allow claims, and render definitive judgment in those of less value and amount than twenty pesos, placing the others in a condition to be judicially decided. He received full commission for the exercise and office of the said visitation, being appointed deputy (and a warrant for his title thereto being issued) in the offices of governor and captain-general in the provinces which were entrusted to him, for whatever emergencies might arise or which he might encounter, with superintendence over the other deputieswho might be in those provinces. It is true, this is the royal provision; but it also is a fact that the governors profit by their opportunities, when any auditor resists their unjust maxims, and the dread of this often constrains the auditors to unbecoming acts of compliance; and they live as parasites, dependents on that quarter, in order to secure a shameful liberty and an inactive sloth.Señor Arzadun set out on his commission, which he fulfilled with integrity; he was an unassuming and affable man. Without causing injuries to individuals, he reformed many abuses; and by mild measures he added two reals to each whole tribute. This peaceable result ruffled some persons, and led to various disputes with the ecclesiastical judge, provisor, and vicar-general, which ended in favor of the said auditor. Nor did he fail to have noisy controversies with some other persons; but all this ended as peacefully as possible.Another controversy, no less disagreeable, occurred at that time between the fathers of the Society [of Jesus] and the mestizos of Santa Cruz. The latter complained, in a petition presented to the royal Audiencia, that with occasion of undertaking to build a bridge across a lagoon which extends from their village to that of Quiapo the fathers had compelled them to sign an obligation for two hundred and fifty pesos in favor of the superintendent of the work, for its cost and materials; and, for the payment of this, assessments had been levied in their village among the mestizos, and various persons had been arrested for not making their payments for this sum, part of which was not yet collected. On examination of this complaint, it was ordered that theauditor who was on duty for that week should proceed to the investigation of these statements; and the completion of such bridge was placed in his charge—for which he was to employ the means and measures that would be mildest, these being entrusted to his good judgment. In virtue of this order, the licentiate Don Pedro Calderon Henriquez, auditor of this royal Audiencia, made the investigation and examined the witnesses, which resulted in verifying the complaint made. It appeared from the judicial inquiry that the land of that village belonged to the Society; and the auditor drew up a formal statement, saying that the inhabitants of that village, who possessed no landed property, were paying ground rents that were exorbitant. He declared that the money for the cost of that bridge ought not to have been levied among the Sangleys and mestizos, even though they belonged to that village; and that consequently the owner of the land ought to pay it—citing laws i and v of título xvi, book iv of theRecopilación. [Here follows a relation of the various legal proceedings in this controversy; after hearing all the evidence in the case the decision of the court was against the Jesuits. It was shown that part of the land in question did not belong to them, and they were ordered not to disturb the tenants of it in their possession, and not to collect rents from them. They proved their title to other lands, but were warned that they must no longer exact, as they had been doing, three and one-half pesos as ground-rent for the sites occupied by the huts which the colonists erected within the grain-fields so that they might more conveniently cultivate the lands. “By this sentence the Jesuits lost some three thousandpesos a year for the [rents of the] ground-plots of the houses; each married man had paid them three pesos, and each unmarried man and widow a peso and a half—and this, besides, for houses and lands which belonged to those people.” The Jesuits pleaded ecclesiastical immunity, and claimed that they had a right to the rents in question. A long and clamorous dispute arose, in which manifestoes were issued on both sides; it appears to have lasted from March 28, 1738, to July 1, 1739. The Jesuits appealed to the king, but Auditor Calderon’s sentence was sustained. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 79–89.)]1The following summary of events, sometimes in full translation and sometimes abridged, is obtained from the histories of Concepción, Zúñiga, and Montero y Vidal, the source of each paragraph being indicated at the end.↑2“As the latter [i.e., Bustamante] could not defend himself, and it was for the interest of the religious orders and of the principal citizens of Manila that the blame for what had occurred should recoil upon Bustamante, they accumulated against him numberless charges—most of them formulated by his assassins, by the officials who had defrauded the exchequer, by those who were debtors to the treasury, and by all who, instead of making amends for their offences in a military post, had been replaced in their offices by Archbishop Cuesta” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, i, pp. 430–431).↑3Sebastian de Totanes was a noted member of the Franciscan order in the islands. He was born in the village of Totanes in Spain, in 1687, and entered that order in 1706. After finishing his studies he gave instruction in the Toledo convent for several years, departing thence (1715) for the Filipinas missions, which he joined two years later. He held various high offices in the order there, among them being that of minister provincial (1738–41); he also administered the churches in Sampaloc (1721–29), Lilio (1732–35), and Pagsanhan (1735–38). In 1746 he went to Europe as procurator of his order to Roma and Madrid, and died at the latter city, on February 13, 1748. He left a grammar and manual of the Tagálog language, which is regarded as one of the beat works of its kind; it was published at Sampaloc in 1745. (See Huerta’sEstado.)↑4“Although the archbishop had not, in strictness, any direct connection with the assassination of the head of government of the islands, his connivance with the seditious element, the fact that the authority was entrusted to him, and his tolerance and lenity in the investigation and punishment of the criminals, aroused against him the wrath of the [home] government; and, in spite of his advanced age, he was transferred to the bishopric of Mechoacan, in Nueva Espana” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, i, p. 432).↑5“In order to curb these so bold and inhuman actions, it was necessary that the squadrons should sail from Manila; for if they should be permanently stationed at Samboangan the expenses would be insupportable in so barren a region. If this establishment had been fixed in Yloylo, a fertile and abundant land, and sufficiently near to the Moros, the consumption of provisions on the voyages would have been more endurable; while at the same time there might remain in Samboangan a regular garrison of thirty-five men, and it would be a landing-place sufficient for our vessels when on a cruise, which from that port could go more quickly for any emergency. Moreover, in Samboangan there is not an adequate number of boats, nor is there in Yloylo—enormous sums being spent on the walls [of those forts] alone, without their being able to hinder the passage of the Moros, or prevent their infesting the provinces.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 184, 185.)↑6This account does not agree with the historical sketch given by N. M. Saleeby in his Studies inMoro History, Law, and Religion(Manila, 1905) pp. 57–59; but this is not surprising, as Concepción probably had but inaccurate and second-hand information regarding the rulers ofJolóand Mindanao. According to Saleeby, Manāmir, a great-grandson of Dipatwān Qudrat (the Corralat of the Spanish writers), was declared sultan after the death of his father Barahamān; but the government was usurped by his uncle Kuda, and civil war followed, which must have lasted more than thirty years. Kuda was finally murdered by some Sulus whom he had invited to aid him against Manāmir, who therefore obtained the ascendency for a time. But the Sulus fomented discord between Manāmir and his brother Anwār, which brought on even worse hostilities and murders, weakening both sides. Manāmir was assassinated by his nephew Malīnug, and his sons Pakīr Mawlāna and Pakāru-d-Dīn were obliged to leave Magindanao, and retired to Tamontaka; and the larger part of the towns of Magindanao and Slangan were destroyed by fire. Sultan Anwār died at Batawa and Malīnug assumed the sultanate after his father’s death, and kept up the fight. “After a tedious, desultory war, Malīnug fled up the Pulangi to Bwayan. Pakīr Mawlāna then got possession of all the lands about Magindanao, and peace was made soon after. Malīnug died a natural death, and some time later his two sons visited Pakīr Mawlāna.” This account is cited from Capt. Thomas Forrest’sVoyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas(London, 1779), a voyage made in 1774–76; Forrest obtained his information directly from Pakīr Mawlāna himself. That ruler, however, could not have been the one mentioned in the text; Mawlāna is apparently an official or a hereditary title.From Forrest’s original account (pp. 201–206) we take the following items in regard to the above events: “The following short account of the history of Magindano, is drawn from original records, in the possession of Fakymolano, elder brother to Paharadine the present Sultan, and father to Kybad Zachariel, the present Rajah Moodo; they are wrote in the Magindano tongue, and Arabic character. I took it down from Fakymolano’s own mouth, who dictated in Malay.“Before the arrival of Serif Alli, the first Mahometan prince who came from Mecca to Magindano, the latter had kings of her own. For the towns of Magindano, Selangan, Catibtuan, and Semayanan had, or assumed, the right of taking from the banks of the Dano, that portion of earth, on which the sovereigns were to be consecrated. The towns of Malampyan and Lusuden, are said to have been the first who joined Serif Alli: the other four soon acceded. Serif married a daughter of the last king of the royal line, and on this marriage founded his title to the crown. About the time that Kabansuan son of Serif Alli reigned, a person named Budiman, was Pangaran (a title much used in Sumatra, and inferior to Sultan or Rajah) of Sooloo. Budiman had a grandson, who became his successor; his name was Bonsoo, and he was related to the family that governed at Borneo: which family came also from Mecca, and the head of it was brother to Serif Alli. Bonsoo had two children; a daughter, Potely, by a wife; and a son, Bakliol, by a sandle or concubine. Bakliol, the bastard, robbed his sister Potely (a name which signifies princess) of her right, threw off his dependence on Magindano, and assumed the title of Sultan, his fathers having been only Pangarans of Sooloo. [Potely’s daughter, Panianamby, married Kudarat (the Corralat of Spanish writers), who was succeeded by his son Tidoly; the latter had two sons, Abdaraman and Kuddy. Abdaraman was succeeded by his son Seid Moffat]; but, being an infant, Kuddy his uncle usurped the government, and went to Semoy, carrying with him the effects of the deceased Sultan. Thence he invited the Sooloos to support him against the lawful heir. [They, however, treacherously slew Kuddy, and plundered his camp, seizing therein many pieces of heavy cannon. Seid Moffat’s party then obtained control, but the country was torn by dissensions and civil war. Finally, Seid Moffat was assassinated by his nephew Molenu, but left two sons, Fakymolano and Paharadine; they were obliged to leave Magindano, which town and Selangan were nearly destroyed by fire, and the country was laid waste. After several years of petty war, Molenu was driven up the Palangy to Boyan.] Fakymolano then got possession of all the lands about Magindano, and peace was made soon after, about thirty years ago. Molenu died a natural death, leaving by concubines, two sons, Topang and Uku, also a natural daughter Myong. Fakymolano had about this time given up the Sultanship to his younger brother Paharadine, on condition that Kybad Zachariel, his own son, should be elected Rajah Moodo. Topang and Uku, for some time after the peace, visited Fakymolano and his son; but afterwards, on Paharadine’s marriage with Myong, their sister, they grew shy, as the Sultan took them greatly into his favour. Topang had from his father large possessions, which made him formidable to Rajah Moodo; he was also closely connected with the Sooloos, and had married Gulaludines, daughter of Bantillan, once Sultan of Sooloo. By this time Rajah Moodo had got himself well fortified at Coto-Intang, which is within musket shot of the Sultan’s palace, and within cannon shot of the strong wooden castle of Topang; both of which lie on the south side of the Pelangy. The Sultan Paharadine has no children by his consort Myong; but had by a concubine, a son named Chartow, now arrived at maturity. Whether Myong, who is said to have entirely governed the Sultan, favoured Chartow, or her elder brother Topang, is uncertain; but she was believed the cause of the coolness that prevailed between the Sultan and Rajah Moodo; who, though duly elected, and acknowledged lawful successor, yet, when I came to Magindano, in May, 1775, had not visited his uncle for above a year. Fakymolano, Rajah Moodo’s father, lived at that time, just without the gate of his son’s fort.” Some of the allusions in this account need explanation, which is partly obtained elsewhere in Forrest’s pages. “The town, that goes properly by the name of Magindano, consists at present, of scarce more than twenty houses. They stand close to, and just above where a little creek, about eighteen foot broad, runs perpendicular into the Pelangy, from a small lake about one mile distant, and about half a mile in circumference. This small lake is called the Dano; the creek I have just mentioned, is the Rawass (or river) Magindano; and from the banks of the lake or Dano, a little earth is taken, upon which the Raiah Moodo (that is young king) must stand when he is consecrated Sultan. The Rajah Moodo is elected by the states, and succeeds the Sultan; similar to the king of the Romans succeeding the emperors of Germany. A Watamama (that is, male child) is also elected, who becomes Rajah Moodo, when Rajah Moodo becomes Sultan.” “The town of Selangan may be said to make one town with Magindano, as communicating with it by several bridges over the Rawass; it extends about one mile down the south side of the Pelangy, forming a decent street for one-half of the distance. In the lower part the town extends about half a mile, in several irregular streets; where many Chinese reside. In the town of Selangan altogether, may be about two hundred houses; below the Sultan’s palace, about twenty yards, is a brick and mortar foundation remaining of a Spanish chapel.” The spelling of proper names in Forrest’s remarks is more or less phonetic and Anglicized; the reader may compare them with the accurate spelling furnished above by Dr. Saleeby. InVOL. XLIof this series (pp. 280, 281) will be seen a map of the valley of the Pulangui River, with the towns on its banks and its tributaries; the original is in the British Museum, and is evidently the basis for two maps which Forrest published in hisVoyage(at p. 200). (Cf. these, and the map of the Rio Grande inU. S. Gazetteer, p. 662.) The date given inVOL. XLIwas furnished at the Museum as approximately correct; but Mawlāna’s map was given to Forrest in 1775, and the latter says (p. 186) that it was deposited in the British Museum. The sultan of Mindanao ceded to the English, at Forrest’s request, the island of Bunwoot, now called Bonga; it forms the shelter to Polloc harbor. The town of Mindanao or Magindano was at or near the site of the present Cotabato—“population, 3,000. The Chinese control the commerce of the place.” (U. S. Gazetteer, p. 475.) Forrest says (p. 185): “The Chinese settled at Magindano are not permitted to trade higher [up the river] than Boyan; the Mindanoers being jealous of their superior abilities in trade.”↑7The pay of native auxiliaries from Bohol was (in 1733) reckoned at a monthly wage for each man of “thirty gantas of rice, four silver reals, a span [mano] of tobacco, and one chinanta of salt.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, p. 311.)“The Indian’s largest unit of weight is a chinanta, which they divide into 10 cates of the province, which are 20 of standard weight [de romana]; the cate contains 8 taels of the province, which are 16 of standard weight.” (Encina and Bermejo’sArte Cebuano, Tambobong, 1894, p. 159.)↑8The governor sent orders to the alcaldes-mayor that “all the rancherías or visitas close to the coast should be compulsorily united, either to the larger villages or to each other, so that even the smallest village should exceed, if possible, five hundred tributes—in consequence of which measure all should fortify themselves, as the lay of the land should permit.... All these measures were at that time admirable, and would have been thoroughly effective if the inclusion of the smaller villages in the larger ones, or their consolidation, had been carried out more energetically by those whose duty it was. For this undertaking, and to stir up the negligent and careless, the armadas were more necessary than for opposing and restraining the Moros; they gave but little attention to the latter, and still less to the former, and everything was left in the same necessity, and the same condition, [as before].” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 364, 368.)↑

Events in Filipinas, 1721–1739. Compiled from various sources.

Source: This document consists of citations and synopses from various authors fully credited in the text.Translation: The translations and synopses are made by Emma Helen Blair.

Source: This document consists of citations and synopses from various authors fully credited in the text.

Translation: The translations and synopses are made by Emma Helen Blair.

EVENTS IN FILIPINAS, 1721–1739The Marqués de Torre-Campo “brought with him commission to take the residencia of Bustamante;1and as it found him already dead, many were the charges that resulted against him—which it would not be difficult to prove, since the minds of the people were so inflamed against him, as we have seen. Some of his friends, it appeared, were accomplices in his delinquencies; some denied the charges, and, as these could not be proved against them, it was necessary to declare them innocent; others excused themselves by his violent proceedings, and by their fear that he would kill them if they did not obey him. Don Esteban Iñigo, who was charged, among other things, with the exportation of rice, which caused a great famine in the islands, replied that he had undertaken this trade with the governor because he could not resist the latter, and feared that if he did not do so he would lose the rice and all his property. Other persons alleged other [reasons for their] exemption [from legal process], always blaming the deceased—who, as he had no one to defendhim, came out of this residencia the most wicked man that can be imagined.”2(Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, p. 469.)The Council of the Indias gave answer to the royal Audiencia [of Manila] that they had received the [papers in the] investigation of the death of the governor, and were giving the matter due attention; and at the same time came another order from the king to the Marqués de Torre-Campo, in which the latter was commanded to take cognizance of this affair and punish the culprits. The governor, who, it appears, had little inclination to plunge into this labyrinth, a second time consulted Father Totanes3and the Jesuits—who told him that, just as he hadbefore stayed the execution of the first order, he ought to do the same with this one, until his Majesty, advised of the governor’s reply [to the first order], which had not yet been received, should make another decision. Father Totanes in his advisory statement exaggerated the ruin of the fortunes of the citizens of Manila, the arrears [in the incomes] of the charitable funds, the scarcity of rice, and the lack of those who might give alms (on account of which, he said, many died of hunger), the cause of all these evils being the mariscal. The father expatiated on his acts of violence, and the consternation of the city, with which he strove to exculpate the action of the Manila people, who had no other recourse, in order to escape from such a throng of calamities, than to depose the governor from his office. “But to what tribunal,” he said, “were they to resort in order to deprive him of his office? He had suppressed the royal Audiencia, and held the archbishop and the ecclesiastics prisoners; and the city [council] was composed of an alcalde-in-ordinary who was a nephew of the governor, and two regidors who were his henchmen. Not having any one to resort to, they tried to arrest the governor, in order to free themselves from so many calamities; he resisted, turning his weapons against the citizens, who wounded him mortally in defense of their own lives; but this should be regarded as the misfortune of the mariscal rather than the fault of the citizens.” This statement, which veritably is a seditious one, they presented to the king, in order to show him the erroneous opinions of the religious of Philipinas; but it was a calumny, for Father Totanes was not the oracle of the islands, and most of the regularsthought as did the Jesuit fathers—who, while condemning in their advisory report the act of the Manila people, said only that the latter were worthy of the royal clemency. With this came to a halt all the severity with which at first this process was undertaken, and, the minds of people gradually becoming cool, the prosecution entirely ceased, and all these who were inculpated remained unpunished; the archbishop alone, he who had taken least part in these commotions and disturbances, was chastised4—a worthy prelate, who in imitation of Christ carried on his own shoulders the sin of his people. (Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 514–517.)Signature of Joseph Torrubia, O.S.F.Signature of Joseph Torrubia, O.S.F.[From original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla][As soon as the Spaniards abandoned the fort of Lábo in Paragua, the Moro pirates renewed their incursions. When Zamboanga was reestablished, they attempted to capture it, but were repulsed with loss. In 1721–23 expeditions were sent out against the Moros, but they failed to accomplish anything.5The sultan of Joló sent an ambassador to Manila in 1725, to form a treaty of peace with the Spaniards; this was accomplished in the following year at Joló, the Spanish envoy being Miguel Arajón, the alcalde-mayor of the Parián at Manila. By this treaty, among other provisions, the island of Basilan was restored to Spain. Nevertheless, soon afterward the perfidious Moros made several raids against Indian villages, captured many vessels and burned them, and committed many acts of cruelty,—the worst probably being the case of a vessel from Cebú, whose crew were all killed by the pirates, who then tortured to death the Spanish captain. Later, letters were received from Radiamura (the son of Maulana) and other friendly chiefs in Mindanao, asking for prompt action by the Spaniards against the Moro pirates, who, they claimed, were threatening them with attack because of their friendship to the Spaniards. Governor Torre Campo organized a punitive expedition for this purpose, but the royal treasury was so depleted that the costs had to be met by donations from the citizens of Manila and Cavite. The armada was placed under command of Juan Angel de Leaño, with directions to surrender the vessels and men to General Juan de Mesa when they should reach Iloilo; and the governor gave the commanders definite instructions, and powers for forming a treaty with the “kings” of Joló and Mindanao.“The result of this expedition is not definitely stated, except that it was successful; the fort of La Sabanilla at Tuboc was taken, and a great number of the rabble [canalla] were slain, and among them some princes and datos (the remembrance of which still continues among them, to the honor of our arms); and a treaty for the cessation of hostilities was drawn up, which the Moros, well punished, asked for.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 134–157, 184–198.)][On July 23, 1726, the galleon “Santo Christo de Burgos” was driven by a storm on the rocks at Ticao, a long, narrow island adjoining San Bernardino Strait, and so badly wrecked that it could not be repaired. The auditor Julian de Velasco was on board the vessel, on his way to Mexico; as the official of highest rank on the ship, he held a conference with the officers, pilots, seamen, and other persons of experience, and it was decided (after several vain efforts had been made to save part of the cargo) to burn the ship and its contents, great part of which were ruined by the water. This was a great loss to the citizens of Manila, as all their investments for this year were thus destroyed. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 157–167.)][Torrubia enumerates the armed naval expeditions sent against the Moro pirates during 1721–34, as follows: (1) An armada commanded by Antonio de Roxas sailed from Manila on July 10, 1721; it seems to have accomplished little, but cost the treasurymuch. (2) Another was commanded by Andrés Garcia; he fought with a Moro fleet—date not given, but probably in 1722—at Negros Island, and won a notable victory. (3) In 1723 a fleet set out under command of Juan de la Mesa y Aponte, warden of Fort Santiago at Manila; they went to Mindanao and captured from the Moros the fort at La Sabanilla, “slaying an immense number of that rabble, and among them several princes and datos.” (4) In February, 1731, four galleys were sent from Manila under command of Ignacio Irriberri; at Zamboanga they collected the vessels already there—two fragatas, four despatch-boats or champans, one taratana, one falua, eight caracoas of Bisayans and two others of Lutaos—and went to attack Joló, at which they found six forts defended by cannon. Here they had a fierce battle with the Moros, of whom many were slain, including two datos; then they ravaged the adjacent island of Talobo, destroying its salt-works (“which are the entire livelihood of that people”); and laid waste the district of the dato Salicaya, who, with many of his people, was slain. In the same year Captain Pedro Zacharias Villareal, with some vessels of the same fleet, attacked the island of Capual, near Joló, and burned three villages and many boats, and ravaged the fields, destroying their cattle and the salt-works there. (5) In November, 1731, Zacharias was sent by Valdés Tamon with a squadron from Manila to Zamboanga; at that very time, the sultan of Mindanao, Maulana Diafar Sadibsa, was asking aid from the Spaniards against his tributary Malinog, who had rebelled against him and had secured the support of more than thirty of the principal villages on the Rio Grande of Mindanao.This rebellion was caused by Malinog’s refusal to obey Maulana’s demand that he restore to the Spaniards the captives and spoil which Malinog, in conjunction with the Joloans, had carried away in 1722–23 from Negros and Panay. It was learned that Malinog was negotiating with the Dutch for succor, which they were inclined to grant him. At a council of war (in which the Jesuits were prominent) held in Zamboanga, it was decided to send Zacharias with a fleet to Tamontaca, to aid Maulana and punish Malinog. The latter’s fort—which, like that in Joló, was constructed by a Dutch engineer—at the entrance to his river, was captured by the united forces and large amounts of military supplies were destroyed. Two leguas further up the river, they attacked Malinog’s principal town, defended by six forts; many of the Moros (including their general, Tambul) were slain, three of their villages were burned, and their lands devastated. Returning to Zamboanga, the Spaniards harried the coasts of Joló and Basilan, so thoroughly that, later, “in order to terrify the Moros, it is only necessary to say, ‘Here comes Zacharias.’” (6) In January, 1733, a fleet under Juan Antonio Jove went to aid Maulana; but Malinog made a sudden attack on Tamontaca, which he destroyed with fire and sword, and slew Maulana, whereupon the Spaniards, disheartened, returned to Manila. (7) Maulana’s successor, Radiamura, asked aid from Manila, which was granted; the citizens subscribed more than nine thousand pesos in silver, and a fleet of forty-eight vessels was equipped. Under command of Francisco de Cardenas Pacheco and Captain (soon afterward made sargento-mayor) Zacharias, this fleet left Zamboanga on February 18,1734, and went to Tamontaca. At Tuboc they attacked the sultan of Tawi-Tawi, but the Bisayan auxiliaries of the Spaniards fled, panic-stricken, and the Moro allies of the sultan swarmed in upon the Spaniards, compelling them to retreat. They then went against Malinog at Sulangan; at sight of the Spanish fleet, he set fire to his village and forts, and fled up the river to Libungang—a place which was strongly fortified by both nature and art. A fierce assault was made on this stronghold, but the Moros could not be dislodged; they killed many Spaniards with their unceasing discharge of balls and small weapons, and finally, by poisoning the water-supply, compelled the Spaniards to raise the siege. Then the latter went to Sulungan, and remained there until that place was well fortified, and the passage of the river securely closed to Malinog, who was thus shut in from his allies the Joloans and Camucones. On April 20, Radiamura was solemnly crowned as king by the Spaniards; and he agreed to allow the entrance of Christian missionaries, the building of churches, and the establishment of Spanish forts and garrisons, in his territories; also to acknowledge his vassalage to Spain by furnishing a quantity of wax, cacao, and other products of the country. Afterward, Zacharias made a raid on Basilan, devastated the lands, and seized much and rich booty; “so great was the spoil of the ‘enchanted island’ that, when the men had laden our armada and the captured vessels [which numbered over three hundred], they had to burn many articles because they could not carry them away.” (Torrubia,Dissertacion, pp. 68–90.) Cf. Concepción’s and Montero y Vidal’s accounts of these expeditions.]Title-page of Dissertacion historico-polititaTitle-page ofDissertacion historico-politita[The Marqués de Torre Campo, after eight years of clement and upright government, was succeeded by Fernando de Valdés y Tamón, a knight of the Order of Santiago, who took possession of his office on August 14, 1729. As an experienced and able soldier, he gave his first attention to the fortifications and military equipment of Manila, which had been sadly neglected. He tried to purchase 1,500 guns with bayonets, but the Dutch refused to sell him these firearms. In May, 1730, the pirates of Joló sent out a large expedition, with 3,000 men, against the islands of Palawan and Dumaran, where they plundered the villages and carried away many captives. They besieged the fort at Taytay (the principal town in that part of Palawan) during twenty days, but were obliged to retire with considerable loss, including some of their datos. As it was evident that the islands could have no peace or safety until severe punishment was inflicted on these pirates, an expedition with over 600 men was sent from Manila in February, 1731, under the command of General Ignacio de Iriberri. This force attacked the town of Joló, which was well defended with forts and artillery; and after a fierce contest the Spaniards captured the place, and burned the houses and boats of the Moros. They also ravaged the islands of Talobo and Capual, near Joló, and destroyed the salt-works there, from which the pirates obtained much wealth; and returned to Manila in the month of June. A prominent chief of Mindanao, named Malinog, had revolted against Maulana Diafar, sultan of Tamontaca, securing the aid of many datos on the Rio Grande, and negotiating with the Dutch for their aid; in November, 1731,a small squadron was sent from Manila, in answer to Maulana’s petition for aid against the rebels; with the aid of the Spaniards the rebels were routed, their forts destroyed, and their villages and plantations ravaged and burned. Malinog, however, kept up the contest, so that another Spanish expedition was sent (January, 1733) against him; but while his town was besieged by the Tamontacans and the Spaniards he slipped away with 300 pirogues and invaded Tamontaca, where Maulana was slain by his foes.6His son Amuril asked Governor Valdés yTamón for aid against Malinog, which was granted; and in February 1734 an expedition left Zamboanga under command of General Francisco CárdenasPacheco, who placed a detachment of the armada under Pedro Zacarías Villarreal. Their campaign against the Moros was bravely fought, but was onlypartially successful, on account of the fierceness and overwhelming numbers of the Moros. The latter committed numerous depredations wherever and whenever they could find opportunity, and the Manila government took measures for the erection of lookout towers and fortifications at the coast villages, and for sending coastguard galleys and other vessels to the points most likely to be menaced by the pirates, so as to be ready to meet or follow up any Moro vessels that might attack the Indian villages or Spanish forts. In 1735, 2,000 Joloans and Mindanaos attacked the fort at Taytay, but they were finally repulsed with great loss. In this conflict, as often on like occasions, the native soldiers in the garrison were encouraged and incited by the friarsin whose spiritual charge they were, to resist the fierce foe who attacked them.7In 1735, Mahamad Ali-Mudin was raised to the sultanate of Joló, in virtue of the abdication of his father Maulana. The latter plotted to obtain possession of the fort at Zamboanga by treason, but the scheme was unsuccessful; the news of this so angered Maulana (who was then ill) that he hastened his own death. The new sultan of Joló professed (1736) friendship to the Spaniards, and even joined them in a campaign against the Tiron pirates; but in secret he encouraged the latter, and sent them warning of the movements against them. (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, i, pp. 438–452; his account is largely taken from Concepción’sHist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 198–238, 337–375.)]Map showing new route from Manila to Acapulco; presented to Governor Fernando Valdés Tamón by the pilot, Enrique Hermán, 1730Map showing new route from Manila to Acapulco; presented to Governor Fernando Valdés Tamón by the pilot, Enrique Hermán, 1730[Photographic facsimile from original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla][On June 18, 1733, the royal magazines at Manila were destroyed by fire, with all their contents, which included the supplies for the two vessels which were soon to go to Acapulco. The royal treasury had not the funds to make good this loss, and the galleons must sail at a certain time, in order to secure favorable winds; the governor therefore appealed to the citizens and merchants for help to meet the expenses of equipping the vessels. They responded with a donation of 30,000 pesos, which the governor duly reported to the king, asking thatin view of the zeal and loyalty thus displayed by the citizens their interest might be cared for in the pending dispute regarding the Manila-Acapulco commerce. The losses sustained in the above fire were estimated by the royal officials at 66,807 pesos. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 226–230.)]Plan of infantry barracks in Manila; drawn by the military engineer, Thomas de Castro y Andrade, 1733Plan of infantry barracks in Manila; drawn by the military engineer, Thomas de Castro y Andrade, 1733[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]The governor, not finding any corrective for the injuries which the Moros were causing, held a conference of the principal citizens of Manila. It was resolved therein that, so far as the funds in the royal treasury would permit, some small armadas should be despatched against the Moros; and that the coast-dwellers should be gathered [into larger villages] at certain places, at the rate of five hundred tributes to each one, in order that they might be able to resist the pirates and build some little forts, which would inspire respect in the enemy.8This precaution had already been taken by some of the religious in charge of doctrinas—who, not finding any other remedy, had built some fortifications around their churches, in order to guard these and that the Indians might take refuge there when the Moros came. Others had built some small forts on lofty places, inorder to protect the villages from the affronts of those robbers; and at night the fathers would go to visit these posts, and watch lest the sentinels fall asleep, performing at the same time the duties of parish priest and military officer. As a consequence of this order [by the government], there was no coast village which did not build some fortification for its defense, but no aid was given to them from the royal treasury. But the religious ministers, out of their own stipends, paid the overseers and artisans; and by dint of entreaties, persuasions, and threats obliged the people to give the materials and the day-laborers [peones], expending much money and patient endeavor for the sake of building these little forts. When the alcaldes-mayor saw these fortifications, now completed, they began to wish to subject them to their own authority; and they secured that in every one should be stationed a warden subject to the alcalde’s orders, and that a certain number of men for the service of the fort should be furnished to the warden by apportionment [from the respective villages]. The warden regularly sent these men to work on his own grain-fields, or compelled them to redeem the [compulsory] service with money. This they had to do, usually leaving the fort abandoned—which is, for this reason, very burdensome to the people; and here comes to be verified what Señor Solorzano says, that all which is decreed in favor of the Indians is converted into poison for them. (Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 526–528.)[In October, 1733, a Spanish coastguard vessel captured a Dutch ship near the southern coast ofMindanao, and seized its despatches and instructions, “among these, the turban and crown which they were carrying as a present for Malinog.” When this event was learned at Batavia, great indignation was aroused among the Dutch, and they sent three warships, which anchored in Manila Bay (June, 1735) and demanded satisfaction; the Dutch would not allow any vessel to enter or leave the bay, and threatened to seize the patache “San Christoval,” which was expected to arrive from Acapulco. Warning was immediately sent to the commander of the latter, at the Embocadero; but the ship was already wrecked on the shoals of Calantás. The silver on board, 745,000 pesos belonging to the merchants and 773,025 to the royal situado, was transported by boat to Sorsogón, and the men removed the cargo to land and erected fortifications for its defense in case of necessity; the hull was then destroyed by fire, to prevent its being used by enemies. The Manila government, seeing that it had no funds for defense against the Dutch, and that the Acapulco galleon imprisoned in the bay might lose the favorable winds for its departure, finally came to a settlement with the Dutch, paying 6,500 pesos as satisfaction for the captured Dutch vessel and its contents; the Dutch ships thereupon retired. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 375–410.)][In 1736, a controversy arose between the Recollects and Jesuits in northern Mindanao. The Indians of Cagayan, and the Recollect minister in charge there, Fray Hipolito de San Agustín, maintained a close and friendly communication with thenative chiefs of Lake Lanao, who finally asked the Recollects (1736) to send missionaries to Larapan, a Malanao village, in order to instruct and baptize their people. The Jesuits were jealous of the Recollects, according to Concepción, and incited a heathen chief named Dalabahan in the mountains of the Cagayan district to attack the Malanaos, thinking that the latter would blame their Cagayan friends for the hostilities; but the latter were able to exonerate themselves from this suspicion, and remained on amicable terms with the Malanaos. The demand of these for Recollect missionaries had to go to Manila; the Jesuits, hearing of it, opposed the request, alleging that the Lanao territory belonged to them. The governor allowed the Jesuit claim, and the Malanaos appealed to the king himself; but “this remonstrance had no result, these unfortunate people being left in their barbarism—from which resulted to us most serious damages, as will be seen in due time.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 54–66.)][In January, 1737, the new archbishop, Fray Juan Angel Rodriguez, took possession of his see; he belonged to the Order of Mercy, and was a native of Medina del Campo, Spain. “He began to govern like an angel” (Concepción; in allusion to his name). “He lessened the number of days for church processions, in order to give opportunity for the business of the courts, and for the necessary work of the people; he prohibited the processions at night, on account of the troubles which are wont to occur in them; he regularly attended the choir, and introduced the use of the Gregorian chant; he taught the sub-chanters plain-song, which they didnot know,” etc. (Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 535–536.)]In the year thirty-seven, Governor Tamon issued a commission and powers to the licentiate Don Joseph Ignacio de Arzadun y Revolledo, in order that he might, in accordance with the royal laws, which decree that the provinces shall be visited every three years, fulfil that duty in those of Pampanga, Pangasinan, and Ylocos. There he was to inspect the fortresses, and the arms, ammunition, gunpowder, balls, and other military supplies, also their condition and circumstances; and to review the troops in the garrisons. He must investigate the mode and form in which the wages due them were paid, and the fictitious enrolments of men in the garrisons. He must also make lists of the warrants which the alcaldes-mayor might have issued; and if he found that these had not been confirmed by the general government, he must annul them. He must abrogate the enjoyment of exemptions, proceeding against those who should be guilty, in such manner as he should find most convenient; he might allow claims, and render definitive judgment in those of less value and amount than twenty pesos, placing the others in a condition to be judicially decided. He received full commission for the exercise and office of the said visitation, being appointed deputy (and a warrant for his title thereto being issued) in the offices of governor and captain-general in the provinces which were entrusted to him, for whatever emergencies might arise or which he might encounter, with superintendence over the other deputieswho might be in those provinces. It is true, this is the royal provision; but it also is a fact that the governors profit by their opportunities, when any auditor resists their unjust maxims, and the dread of this often constrains the auditors to unbecoming acts of compliance; and they live as parasites, dependents on that quarter, in order to secure a shameful liberty and an inactive sloth.Señor Arzadun set out on his commission, which he fulfilled with integrity; he was an unassuming and affable man. Without causing injuries to individuals, he reformed many abuses; and by mild measures he added two reals to each whole tribute. This peaceable result ruffled some persons, and led to various disputes with the ecclesiastical judge, provisor, and vicar-general, which ended in favor of the said auditor. Nor did he fail to have noisy controversies with some other persons; but all this ended as peacefully as possible.Another controversy, no less disagreeable, occurred at that time between the fathers of the Society [of Jesus] and the mestizos of Santa Cruz. The latter complained, in a petition presented to the royal Audiencia, that with occasion of undertaking to build a bridge across a lagoon which extends from their village to that of Quiapo the fathers had compelled them to sign an obligation for two hundred and fifty pesos in favor of the superintendent of the work, for its cost and materials; and, for the payment of this, assessments had been levied in their village among the mestizos, and various persons had been arrested for not making their payments for this sum, part of which was not yet collected. On examination of this complaint, it was ordered that theauditor who was on duty for that week should proceed to the investigation of these statements; and the completion of such bridge was placed in his charge—for which he was to employ the means and measures that would be mildest, these being entrusted to his good judgment. In virtue of this order, the licentiate Don Pedro Calderon Henriquez, auditor of this royal Audiencia, made the investigation and examined the witnesses, which resulted in verifying the complaint made. It appeared from the judicial inquiry that the land of that village belonged to the Society; and the auditor drew up a formal statement, saying that the inhabitants of that village, who possessed no landed property, were paying ground rents that were exorbitant. He declared that the money for the cost of that bridge ought not to have been levied among the Sangleys and mestizos, even though they belonged to that village; and that consequently the owner of the land ought to pay it—citing laws i and v of título xvi, book iv of theRecopilación. [Here follows a relation of the various legal proceedings in this controversy; after hearing all the evidence in the case the decision of the court was against the Jesuits. It was shown that part of the land in question did not belong to them, and they were ordered not to disturb the tenants of it in their possession, and not to collect rents from them. They proved their title to other lands, but were warned that they must no longer exact, as they had been doing, three and one-half pesos as ground-rent for the sites occupied by the huts which the colonists erected within the grain-fields so that they might more conveniently cultivate the lands. “By this sentence the Jesuits lost some three thousandpesos a year for the [rents of the] ground-plots of the houses; each married man had paid them three pesos, and each unmarried man and widow a peso and a half—and this, besides, for houses and lands which belonged to those people.” The Jesuits pleaded ecclesiastical immunity, and claimed that they had a right to the rents in question. A long and clamorous dispute arose, in which manifestoes were issued on both sides; it appears to have lasted from March 28, 1738, to July 1, 1739. The Jesuits appealed to the king, but Auditor Calderon’s sentence was sustained. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 79–89.)]1The following summary of events, sometimes in full translation and sometimes abridged, is obtained from the histories of Concepción, Zúñiga, and Montero y Vidal, the source of each paragraph being indicated at the end.↑2“As the latter [i.e., Bustamante] could not defend himself, and it was for the interest of the religious orders and of the principal citizens of Manila that the blame for what had occurred should recoil upon Bustamante, they accumulated against him numberless charges—most of them formulated by his assassins, by the officials who had defrauded the exchequer, by those who were debtors to the treasury, and by all who, instead of making amends for their offences in a military post, had been replaced in their offices by Archbishop Cuesta” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, i, pp. 430–431).↑3Sebastian de Totanes was a noted member of the Franciscan order in the islands. He was born in the village of Totanes in Spain, in 1687, and entered that order in 1706. After finishing his studies he gave instruction in the Toledo convent for several years, departing thence (1715) for the Filipinas missions, which he joined two years later. He held various high offices in the order there, among them being that of minister provincial (1738–41); he also administered the churches in Sampaloc (1721–29), Lilio (1732–35), and Pagsanhan (1735–38). In 1746 he went to Europe as procurator of his order to Roma and Madrid, and died at the latter city, on February 13, 1748. He left a grammar and manual of the Tagálog language, which is regarded as one of the beat works of its kind; it was published at Sampaloc in 1745. (See Huerta’sEstado.)↑4“Although the archbishop had not, in strictness, any direct connection with the assassination of the head of government of the islands, his connivance with the seditious element, the fact that the authority was entrusted to him, and his tolerance and lenity in the investigation and punishment of the criminals, aroused against him the wrath of the [home] government; and, in spite of his advanced age, he was transferred to the bishopric of Mechoacan, in Nueva Espana” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, i, p. 432).↑5“In order to curb these so bold and inhuman actions, it was necessary that the squadrons should sail from Manila; for if they should be permanently stationed at Samboangan the expenses would be insupportable in so barren a region. If this establishment had been fixed in Yloylo, a fertile and abundant land, and sufficiently near to the Moros, the consumption of provisions on the voyages would have been more endurable; while at the same time there might remain in Samboangan a regular garrison of thirty-five men, and it would be a landing-place sufficient for our vessels when on a cruise, which from that port could go more quickly for any emergency. Moreover, in Samboangan there is not an adequate number of boats, nor is there in Yloylo—enormous sums being spent on the walls [of those forts] alone, without their being able to hinder the passage of the Moros, or prevent their infesting the provinces.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 184, 185.)↑6This account does not agree with the historical sketch given by N. M. Saleeby in his Studies inMoro History, Law, and Religion(Manila, 1905) pp. 57–59; but this is not surprising, as Concepción probably had but inaccurate and second-hand information regarding the rulers ofJolóand Mindanao. According to Saleeby, Manāmir, a great-grandson of Dipatwān Qudrat (the Corralat of the Spanish writers), was declared sultan after the death of his father Barahamān; but the government was usurped by his uncle Kuda, and civil war followed, which must have lasted more than thirty years. Kuda was finally murdered by some Sulus whom he had invited to aid him against Manāmir, who therefore obtained the ascendency for a time. But the Sulus fomented discord between Manāmir and his brother Anwār, which brought on even worse hostilities and murders, weakening both sides. Manāmir was assassinated by his nephew Malīnug, and his sons Pakīr Mawlāna and Pakāru-d-Dīn were obliged to leave Magindanao, and retired to Tamontaka; and the larger part of the towns of Magindanao and Slangan were destroyed by fire. Sultan Anwār died at Batawa and Malīnug assumed the sultanate after his father’s death, and kept up the fight. “After a tedious, desultory war, Malīnug fled up the Pulangi to Bwayan. Pakīr Mawlāna then got possession of all the lands about Magindanao, and peace was made soon after. Malīnug died a natural death, and some time later his two sons visited Pakīr Mawlāna.” This account is cited from Capt. Thomas Forrest’sVoyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas(London, 1779), a voyage made in 1774–76; Forrest obtained his information directly from Pakīr Mawlāna himself. That ruler, however, could not have been the one mentioned in the text; Mawlāna is apparently an official or a hereditary title.From Forrest’s original account (pp. 201–206) we take the following items in regard to the above events: “The following short account of the history of Magindano, is drawn from original records, in the possession of Fakymolano, elder brother to Paharadine the present Sultan, and father to Kybad Zachariel, the present Rajah Moodo; they are wrote in the Magindano tongue, and Arabic character. I took it down from Fakymolano’s own mouth, who dictated in Malay.“Before the arrival of Serif Alli, the first Mahometan prince who came from Mecca to Magindano, the latter had kings of her own. For the towns of Magindano, Selangan, Catibtuan, and Semayanan had, or assumed, the right of taking from the banks of the Dano, that portion of earth, on which the sovereigns were to be consecrated. The towns of Malampyan and Lusuden, are said to have been the first who joined Serif Alli: the other four soon acceded. Serif married a daughter of the last king of the royal line, and on this marriage founded his title to the crown. About the time that Kabansuan son of Serif Alli reigned, a person named Budiman, was Pangaran (a title much used in Sumatra, and inferior to Sultan or Rajah) of Sooloo. Budiman had a grandson, who became his successor; his name was Bonsoo, and he was related to the family that governed at Borneo: which family came also from Mecca, and the head of it was brother to Serif Alli. Bonsoo had two children; a daughter, Potely, by a wife; and a son, Bakliol, by a sandle or concubine. Bakliol, the bastard, robbed his sister Potely (a name which signifies princess) of her right, threw off his dependence on Magindano, and assumed the title of Sultan, his fathers having been only Pangarans of Sooloo. [Potely’s daughter, Panianamby, married Kudarat (the Corralat of Spanish writers), who was succeeded by his son Tidoly; the latter had two sons, Abdaraman and Kuddy. Abdaraman was succeeded by his son Seid Moffat]; but, being an infant, Kuddy his uncle usurped the government, and went to Semoy, carrying with him the effects of the deceased Sultan. Thence he invited the Sooloos to support him against the lawful heir. [They, however, treacherously slew Kuddy, and plundered his camp, seizing therein many pieces of heavy cannon. Seid Moffat’s party then obtained control, but the country was torn by dissensions and civil war. Finally, Seid Moffat was assassinated by his nephew Molenu, but left two sons, Fakymolano and Paharadine; they were obliged to leave Magindano, which town and Selangan were nearly destroyed by fire, and the country was laid waste. After several years of petty war, Molenu was driven up the Palangy to Boyan.] Fakymolano then got possession of all the lands about Magindano, and peace was made soon after, about thirty years ago. Molenu died a natural death, leaving by concubines, two sons, Topang and Uku, also a natural daughter Myong. Fakymolano had about this time given up the Sultanship to his younger brother Paharadine, on condition that Kybad Zachariel, his own son, should be elected Rajah Moodo. Topang and Uku, for some time after the peace, visited Fakymolano and his son; but afterwards, on Paharadine’s marriage with Myong, their sister, they grew shy, as the Sultan took them greatly into his favour. Topang had from his father large possessions, which made him formidable to Rajah Moodo; he was also closely connected with the Sooloos, and had married Gulaludines, daughter of Bantillan, once Sultan of Sooloo. By this time Rajah Moodo had got himself well fortified at Coto-Intang, which is within musket shot of the Sultan’s palace, and within cannon shot of the strong wooden castle of Topang; both of which lie on the south side of the Pelangy. The Sultan Paharadine has no children by his consort Myong; but had by a concubine, a son named Chartow, now arrived at maturity. Whether Myong, who is said to have entirely governed the Sultan, favoured Chartow, or her elder brother Topang, is uncertain; but she was believed the cause of the coolness that prevailed between the Sultan and Rajah Moodo; who, though duly elected, and acknowledged lawful successor, yet, when I came to Magindano, in May, 1775, had not visited his uncle for above a year. Fakymolano, Rajah Moodo’s father, lived at that time, just without the gate of his son’s fort.” Some of the allusions in this account need explanation, which is partly obtained elsewhere in Forrest’s pages. “The town, that goes properly by the name of Magindano, consists at present, of scarce more than twenty houses. They stand close to, and just above where a little creek, about eighteen foot broad, runs perpendicular into the Pelangy, from a small lake about one mile distant, and about half a mile in circumference. This small lake is called the Dano; the creek I have just mentioned, is the Rawass (or river) Magindano; and from the banks of the lake or Dano, a little earth is taken, upon which the Raiah Moodo (that is young king) must stand when he is consecrated Sultan. The Rajah Moodo is elected by the states, and succeeds the Sultan; similar to the king of the Romans succeeding the emperors of Germany. A Watamama (that is, male child) is also elected, who becomes Rajah Moodo, when Rajah Moodo becomes Sultan.” “The town of Selangan may be said to make one town with Magindano, as communicating with it by several bridges over the Rawass; it extends about one mile down the south side of the Pelangy, forming a decent street for one-half of the distance. In the lower part the town extends about half a mile, in several irregular streets; where many Chinese reside. In the town of Selangan altogether, may be about two hundred houses; below the Sultan’s palace, about twenty yards, is a brick and mortar foundation remaining of a Spanish chapel.” The spelling of proper names in Forrest’s remarks is more or less phonetic and Anglicized; the reader may compare them with the accurate spelling furnished above by Dr. Saleeby. InVOL. XLIof this series (pp. 280, 281) will be seen a map of the valley of the Pulangui River, with the towns on its banks and its tributaries; the original is in the British Museum, and is evidently the basis for two maps which Forrest published in hisVoyage(at p. 200). (Cf. these, and the map of the Rio Grande inU. S. Gazetteer, p. 662.) The date given inVOL. XLIwas furnished at the Museum as approximately correct; but Mawlāna’s map was given to Forrest in 1775, and the latter says (p. 186) that it was deposited in the British Museum. The sultan of Mindanao ceded to the English, at Forrest’s request, the island of Bunwoot, now called Bonga; it forms the shelter to Polloc harbor. The town of Mindanao or Magindano was at or near the site of the present Cotabato—“population, 3,000. The Chinese control the commerce of the place.” (U. S. Gazetteer, p. 475.) Forrest says (p. 185): “The Chinese settled at Magindano are not permitted to trade higher [up the river] than Boyan; the Mindanoers being jealous of their superior abilities in trade.”↑7The pay of native auxiliaries from Bohol was (in 1733) reckoned at a monthly wage for each man of “thirty gantas of rice, four silver reals, a span [mano] of tobacco, and one chinanta of salt.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, p. 311.)“The Indian’s largest unit of weight is a chinanta, which they divide into 10 cates of the province, which are 20 of standard weight [de romana]; the cate contains 8 taels of the province, which are 16 of standard weight.” (Encina and Bermejo’sArte Cebuano, Tambobong, 1894, p. 159.)↑8The governor sent orders to the alcaldes-mayor that “all the rancherías or visitas close to the coast should be compulsorily united, either to the larger villages or to each other, so that even the smallest village should exceed, if possible, five hundred tributes—in consequence of which measure all should fortify themselves, as the lay of the land should permit.... All these measures were at that time admirable, and would have been thoroughly effective if the inclusion of the smaller villages in the larger ones, or their consolidation, had been carried out more energetically by those whose duty it was. For this undertaking, and to stir up the negligent and careless, the armadas were more necessary than for opposing and restraining the Moros; they gave but little attention to the latter, and still less to the former, and everything was left in the same necessity, and the same condition, [as before].” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 364, 368.)↑

EVENTS IN FILIPINAS, 1721–1739

The Marqués de Torre-Campo “brought with him commission to take the residencia of Bustamante;1and as it found him already dead, many were the charges that resulted against him—which it would not be difficult to prove, since the minds of the people were so inflamed against him, as we have seen. Some of his friends, it appeared, were accomplices in his delinquencies; some denied the charges, and, as these could not be proved against them, it was necessary to declare them innocent; others excused themselves by his violent proceedings, and by their fear that he would kill them if they did not obey him. Don Esteban Iñigo, who was charged, among other things, with the exportation of rice, which caused a great famine in the islands, replied that he had undertaken this trade with the governor because he could not resist the latter, and feared that if he did not do so he would lose the rice and all his property. Other persons alleged other [reasons for their] exemption [from legal process], always blaming the deceased—who, as he had no one to defendhim, came out of this residencia the most wicked man that can be imagined.”2(Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, p. 469.)The Council of the Indias gave answer to the royal Audiencia [of Manila] that they had received the [papers in the] investigation of the death of the governor, and were giving the matter due attention; and at the same time came another order from the king to the Marqués de Torre-Campo, in which the latter was commanded to take cognizance of this affair and punish the culprits. The governor, who, it appears, had little inclination to plunge into this labyrinth, a second time consulted Father Totanes3and the Jesuits—who told him that, just as he hadbefore stayed the execution of the first order, he ought to do the same with this one, until his Majesty, advised of the governor’s reply [to the first order], which had not yet been received, should make another decision. Father Totanes in his advisory statement exaggerated the ruin of the fortunes of the citizens of Manila, the arrears [in the incomes] of the charitable funds, the scarcity of rice, and the lack of those who might give alms (on account of which, he said, many died of hunger), the cause of all these evils being the mariscal. The father expatiated on his acts of violence, and the consternation of the city, with which he strove to exculpate the action of the Manila people, who had no other recourse, in order to escape from such a throng of calamities, than to depose the governor from his office. “But to what tribunal,” he said, “were they to resort in order to deprive him of his office? He had suppressed the royal Audiencia, and held the archbishop and the ecclesiastics prisoners; and the city [council] was composed of an alcalde-in-ordinary who was a nephew of the governor, and two regidors who were his henchmen. Not having any one to resort to, they tried to arrest the governor, in order to free themselves from so many calamities; he resisted, turning his weapons against the citizens, who wounded him mortally in defense of their own lives; but this should be regarded as the misfortune of the mariscal rather than the fault of the citizens.” This statement, which veritably is a seditious one, they presented to the king, in order to show him the erroneous opinions of the religious of Philipinas; but it was a calumny, for Father Totanes was not the oracle of the islands, and most of the regularsthought as did the Jesuit fathers—who, while condemning in their advisory report the act of the Manila people, said only that the latter were worthy of the royal clemency. With this came to a halt all the severity with which at first this process was undertaken, and, the minds of people gradually becoming cool, the prosecution entirely ceased, and all these who were inculpated remained unpunished; the archbishop alone, he who had taken least part in these commotions and disturbances, was chastised4—a worthy prelate, who in imitation of Christ carried on his own shoulders the sin of his people. (Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 514–517.)Signature of Joseph Torrubia, O.S.F.Signature of Joseph Torrubia, O.S.F.[From original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla][As soon as the Spaniards abandoned the fort of Lábo in Paragua, the Moro pirates renewed their incursions. When Zamboanga was reestablished, they attempted to capture it, but were repulsed with loss. In 1721–23 expeditions were sent out against the Moros, but they failed to accomplish anything.5The sultan of Joló sent an ambassador to Manila in 1725, to form a treaty of peace with the Spaniards; this was accomplished in the following year at Joló, the Spanish envoy being Miguel Arajón, the alcalde-mayor of the Parián at Manila. By this treaty, among other provisions, the island of Basilan was restored to Spain. Nevertheless, soon afterward the perfidious Moros made several raids against Indian villages, captured many vessels and burned them, and committed many acts of cruelty,—the worst probably being the case of a vessel from Cebú, whose crew were all killed by the pirates, who then tortured to death the Spanish captain. Later, letters were received from Radiamura (the son of Maulana) and other friendly chiefs in Mindanao, asking for prompt action by the Spaniards against the Moro pirates, who, they claimed, were threatening them with attack because of their friendship to the Spaniards. Governor Torre Campo organized a punitive expedition for this purpose, but the royal treasury was so depleted that the costs had to be met by donations from the citizens of Manila and Cavite. The armada was placed under command of Juan Angel de Leaño, with directions to surrender the vessels and men to General Juan de Mesa when they should reach Iloilo; and the governor gave the commanders definite instructions, and powers for forming a treaty with the “kings” of Joló and Mindanao.“The result of this expedition is not definitely stated, except that it was successful; the fort of La Sabanilla at Tuboc was taken, and a great number of the rabble [canalla] were slain, and among them some princes and datos (the remembrance of which still continues among them, to the honor of our arms); and a treaty for the cessation of hostilities was drawn up, which the Moros, well punished, asked for.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 134–157, 184–198.)][On July 23, 1726, the galleon “Santo Christo de Burgos” was driven by a storm on the rocks at Ticao, a long, narrow island adjoining San Bernardino Strait, and so badly wrecked that it could not be repaired. The auditor Julian de Velasco was on board the vessel, on his way to Mexico; as the official of highest rank on the ship, he held a conference with the officers, pilots, seamen, and other persons of experience, and it was decided (after several vain efforts had been made to save part of the cargo) to burn the ship and its contents, great part of which were ruined by the water. This was a great loss to the citizens of Manila, as all their investments for this year were thus destroyed. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 157–167.)][Torrubia enumerates the armed naval expeditions sent against the Moro pirates during 1721–34, as follows: (1) An armada commanded by Antonio de Roxas sailed from Manila on July 10, 1721; it seems to have accomplished little, but cost the treasurymuch. (2) Another was commanded by Andrés Garcia; he fought with a Moro fleet—date not given, but probably in 1722—at Negros Island, and won a notable victory. (3) In 1723 a fleet set out under command of Juan de la Mesa y Aponte, warden of Fort Santiago at Manila; they went to Mindanao and captured from the Moros the fort at La Sabanilla, “slaying an immense number of that rabble, and among them several princes and datos.” (4) In February, 1731, four galleys were sent from Manila under command of Ignacio Irriberri; at Zamboanga they collected the vessels already there—two fragatas, four despatch-boats or champans, one taratana, one falua, eight caracoas of Bisayans and two others of Lutaos—and went to attack Joló, at which they found six forts defended by cannon. Here they had a fierce battle with the Moros, of whom many were slain, including two datos; then they ravaged the adjacent island of Talobo, destroying its salt-works (“which are the entire livelihood of that people”); and laid waste the district of the dato Salicaya, who, with many of his people, was slain. In the same year Captain Pedro Zacharias Villareal, with some vessels of the same fleet, attacked the island of Capual, near Joló, and burned three villages and many boats, and ravaged the fields, destroying their cattle and the salt-works there. (5) In November, 1731, Zacharias was sent by Valdés Tamon with a squadron from Manila to Zamboanga; at that very time, the sultan of Mindanao, Maulana Diafar Sadibsa, was asking aid from the Spaniards against his tributary Malinog, who had rebelled against him and had secured the support of more than thirty of the principal villages on the Rio Grande of Mindanao.This rebellion was caused by Malinog’s refusal to obey Maulana’s demand that he restore to the Spaniards the captives and spoil which Malinog, in conjunction with the Joloans, had carried away in 1722–23 from Negros and Panay. It was learned that Malinog was negotiating with the Dutch for succor, which they were inclined to grant him. At a council of war (in which the Jesuits were prominent) held in Zamboanga, it was decided to send Zacharias with a fleet to Tamontaca, to aid Maulana and punish Malinog. The latter’s fort—which, like that in Joló, was constructed by a Dutch engineer—at the entrance to his river, was captured by the united forces and large amounts of military supplies were destroyed. Two leguas further up the river, they attacked Malinog’s principal town, defended by six forts; many of the Moros (including their general, Tambul) were slain, three of their villages were burned, and their lands devastated. Returning to Zamboanga, the Spaniards harried the coasts of Joló and Basilan, so thoroughly that, later, “in order to terrify the Moros, it is only necessary to say, ‘Here comes Zacharias.’” (6) In January, 1733, a fleet under Juan Antonio Jove went to aid Maulana; but Malinog made a sudden attack on Tamontaca, which he destroyed with fire and sword, and slew Maulana, whereupon the Spaniards, disheartened, returned to Manila. (7) Maulana’s successor, Radiamura, asked aid from Manila, which was granted; the citizens subscribed more than nine thousand pesos in silver, and a fleet of forty-eight vessels was equipped. Under command of Francisco de Cardenas Pacheco and Captain (soon afterward made sargento-mayor) Zacharias, this fleet left Zamboanga on February 18,1734, and went to Tamontaca. At Tuboc they attacked the sultan of Tawi-Tawi, but the Bisayan auxiliaries of the Spaniards fled, panic-stricken, and the Moro allies of the sultan swarmed in upon the Spaniards, compelling them to retreat. They then went against Malinog at Sulangan; at sight of the Spanish fleet, he set fire to his village and forts, and fled up the river to Libungang—a place which was strongly fortified by both nature and art. A fierce assault was made on this stronghold, but the Moros could not be dislodged; they killed many Spaniards with their unceasing discharge of balls and small weapons, and finally, by poisoning the water-supply, compelled the Spaniards to raise the siege. Then the latter went to Sulungan, and remained there until that place was well fortified, and the passage of the river securely closed to Malinog, who was thus shut in from his allies the Joloans and Camucones. On April 20, Radiamura was solemnly crowned as king by the Spaniards; and he agreed to allow the entrance of Christian missionaries, the building of churches, and the establishment of Spanish forts and garrisons, in his territories; also to acknowledge his vassalage to Spain by furnishing a quantity of wax, cacao, and other products of the country. Afterward, Zacharias made a raid on Basilan, devastated the lands, and seized much and rich booty; “so great was the spoil of the ‘enchanted island’ that, when the men had laden our armada and the captured vessels [which numbered over three hundred], they had to burn many articles because they could not carry them away.” (Torrubia,Dissertacion, pp. 68–90.) Cf. Concepción’s and Montero y Vidal’s accounts of these expeditions.]Title-page of Dissertacion historico-polititaTitle-page ofDissertacion historico-politita[The Marqués de Torre Campo, after eight years of clement and upright government, was succeeded by Fernando de Valdés y Tamón, a knight of the Order of Santiago, who took possession of his office on August 14, 1729. As an experienced and able soldier, he gave his first attention to the fortifications and military equipment of Manila, which had been sadly neglected. He tried to purchase 1,500 guns with bayonets, but the Dutch refused to sell him these firearms. In May, 1730, the pirates of Joló sent out a large expedition, with 3,000 men, against the islands of Palawan and Dumaran, where they plundered the villages and carried away many captives. They besieged the fort at Taytay (the principal town in that part of Palawan) during twenty days, but were obliged to retire with considerable loss, including some of their datos. As it was evident that the islands could have no peace or safety until severe punishment was inflicted on these pirates, an expedition with over 600 men was sent from Manila in February, 1731, under the command of General Ignacio de Iriberri. This force attacked the town of Joló, which was well defended with forts and artillery; and after a fierce contest the Spaniards captured the place, and burned the houses and boats of the Moros. They also ravaged the islands of Talobo and Capual, near Joló, and destroyed the salt-works there, from which the pirates obtained much wealth; and returned to Manila in the month of June. A prominent chief of Mindanao, named Malinog, had revolted against Maulana Diafar, sultan of Tamontaca, securing the aid of many datos on the Rio Grande, and negotiating with the Dutch for their aid; in November, 1731,a small squadron was sent from Manila, in answer to Maulana’s petition for aid against the rebels; with the aid of the Spaniards the rebels were routed, their forts destroyed, and their villages and plantations ravaged and burned. Malinog, however, kept up the contest, so that another Spanish expedition was sent (January, 1733) against him; but while his town was besieged by the Tamontacans and the Spaniards he slipped away with 300 pirogues and invaded Tamontaca, where Maulana was slain by his foes.6His son Amuril asked Governor Valdés yTamón for aid against Malinog, which was granted; and in February 1734 an expedition left Zamboanga under command of General Francisco CárdenasPacheco, who placed a detachment of the armada under Pedro Zacarías Villarreal. Their campaign against the Moros was bravely fought, but was onlypartially successful, on account of the fierceness and overwhelming numbers of the Moros. The latter committed numerous depredations wherever and whenever they could find opportunity, and the Manila government took measures for the erection of lookout towers and fortifications at the coast villages, and for sending coastguard galleys and other vessels to the points most likely to be menaced by the pirates, so as to be ready to meet or follow up any Moro vessels that might attack the Indian villages or Spanish forts. In 1735, 2,000 Joloans and Mindanaos attacked the fort at Taytay, but they were finally repulsed with great loss. In this conflict, as often on like occasions, the native soldiers in the garrison were encouraged and incited by the friarsin whose spiritual charge they were, to resist the fierce foe who attacked them.7In 1735, Mahamad Ali-Mudin was raised to the sultanate of Joló, in virtue of the abdication of his father Maulana. The latter plotted to obtain possession of the fort at Zamboanga by treason, but the scheme was unsuccessful; the news of this so angered Maulana (who was then ill) that he hastened his own death. The new sultan of Joló professed (1736) friendship to the Spaniards, and even joined them in a campaign against the Tiron pirates; but in secret he encouraged the latter, and sent them warning of the movements against them. (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, i, pp. 438–452; his account is largely taken from Concepción’sHist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 198–238, 337–375.)]Map showing new route from Manila to Acapulco; presented to Governor Fernando Valdés Tamón by the pilot, Enrique Hermán, 1730Map showing new route from Manila to Acapulco; presented to Governor Fernando Valdés Tamón by the pilot, Enrique Hermán, 1730[Photographic facsimile from original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla][On June 18, 1733, the royal magazines at Manila were destroyed by fire, with all their contents, which included the supplies for the two vessels which were soon to go to Acapulco. The royal treasury had not the funds to make good this loss, and the galleons must sail at a certain time, in order to secure favorable winds; the governor therefore appealed to the citizens and merchants for help to meet the expenses of equipping the vessels. They responded with a donation of 30,000 pesos, which the governor duly reported to the king, asking thatin view of the zeal and loyalty thus displayed by the citizens their interest might be cared for in the pending dispute regarding the Manila-Acapulco commerce. The losses sustained in the above fire were estimated by the royal officials at 66,807 pesos. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 226–230.)]Plan of infantry barracks in Manila; drawn by the military engineer, Thomas de Castro y Andrade, 1733Plan of infantry barracks in Manila; drawn by the military engineer, Thomas de Castro y Andrade, 1733[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]The governor, not finding any corrective for the injuries which the Moros were causing, held a conference of the principal citizens of Manila. It was resolved therein that, so far as the funds in the royal treasury would permit, some small armadas should be despatched against the Moros; and that the coast-dwellers should be gathered [into larger villages] at certain places, at the rate of five hundred tributes to each one, in order that they might be able to resist the pirates and build some little forts, which would inspire respect in the enemy.8This precaution had already been taken by some of the religious in charge of doctrinas—who, not finding any other remedy, had built some fortifications around their churches, in order to guard these and that the Indians might take refuge there when the Moros came. Others had built some small forts on lofty places, inorder to protect the villages from the affronts of those robbers; and at night the fathers would go to visit these posts, and watch lest the sentinels fall asleep, performing at the same time the duties of parish priest and military officer. As a consequence of this order [by the government], there was no coast village which did not build some fortification for its defense, but no aid was given to them from the royal treasury. But the religious ministers, out of their own stipends, paid the overseers and artisans; and by dint of entreaties, persuasions, and threats obliged the people to give the materials and the day-laborers [peones], expending much money and patient endeavor for the sake of building these little forts. When the alcaldes-mayor saw these fortifications, now completed, they began to wish to subject them to their own authority; and they secured that in every one should be stationed a warden subject to the alcalde’s orders, and that a certain number of men for the service of the fort should be furnished to the warden by apportionment [from the respective villages]. The warden regularly sent these men to work on his own grain-fields, or compelled them to redeem the [compulsory] service with money. This they had to do, usually leaving the fort abandoned—which is, for this reason, very burdensome to the people; and here comes to be verified what Señor Solorzano says, that all which is decreed in favor of the Indians is converted into poison for them. (Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 526–528.)[In October, 1733, a Spanish coastguard vessel captured a Dutch ship near the southern coast ofMindanao, and seized its despatches and instructions, “among these, the turban and crown which they were carrying as a present for Malinog.” When this event was learned at Batavia, great indignation was aroused among the Dutch, and they sent three warships, which anchored in Manila Bay (June, 1735) and demanded satisfaction; the Dutch would not allow any vessel to enter or leave the bay, and threatened to seize the patache “San Christoval,” which was expected to arrive from Acapulco. Warning was immediately sent to the commander of the latter, at the Embocadero; but the ship was already wrecked on the shoals of Calantás. The silver on board, 745,000 pesos belonging to the merchants and 773,025 to the royal situado, was transported by boat to Sorsogón, and the men removed the cargo to land and erected fortifications for its defense in case of necessity; the hull was then destroyed by fire, to prevent its being used by enemies. The Manila government, seeing that it had no funds for defense against the Dutch, and that the Acapulco galleon imprisoned in the bay might lose the favorable winds for its departure, finally came to a settlement with the Dutch, paying 6,500 pesos as satisfaction for the captured Dutch vessel and its contents; the Dutch ships thereupon retired. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 375–410.)][In 1736, a controversy arose between the Recollects and Jesuits in northern Mindanao. The Indians of Cagayan, and the Recollect minister in charge there, Fray Hipolito de San Agustín, maintained a close and friendly communication with thenative chiefs of Lake Lanao, who finally asked the Recollects (1736) to send missionaries to Larapan, a Malanao village, in order to instruct and baptize their people. The Jesuits were jealous of the Recollects, according to Concepción, and incited a heathen chief named Dalabahan in the mountains of the Cagayan district to attack the Malanaos, thinking that the latter would blame their Cagayan friends for the hostilities; but the latter were able to exonerate themselves from this suspicion, and remained on amicable terms with the Malanaos. The demand of these for Recollect missionaries had to go to Manila; the Jesuits, hearing of it, opposed the request, alleging that the Lanao territory belonged to them. The governor allowed the Jesuit claim, and the Malanaos appealed to the king himself; but “this remonstrance had no result, these unfortunate people being left in their barbarism—from which resulted to us most serious damages, as will be seen in due time.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 54–66.)][In January, 1737, the new archbishop, Fray Juan Angel Rodriguez, took possession of his see; he belonged to the Order of Mercy, and was a native of Medina del Campo, Spain. “He began to govern like an angel” (Concepción; in allusion to his name). “He lessened the number of days for church processions, in order to give opportunity for the business of the courts, and for the necessary work of the people; he prohibited the processions at night, on account of the troubles which are wont to occur in them; he regularly attended the choir, and introduced the use of the Gregorian chant; he taught the sub-chanters plain-song, which they didnot know,” etc. (Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 535–536.)]In the year thirty-seven, Governor Tamon issued a commission and powers to the licentiate Don Joseph Ignacio de Arzadun y Revolledo, in order that he might, in accordance with the royal laws, which decree that the provinces shall be visited every three years, fulfil that duty in those of Pampanga, Pangasinan, and Ylocos. There he was to inspect the fortresses, and the arms, ammunition, gunpowder, balls, and other military supplies, also their condition and circumstances; and to review the troops in the garrisons. He must investigate the mode and form in which the wages due them were paid, and the fictitious enrolments of men in the garrisons. He must also make lists of the warrants which the alcaldes-mayor might have issued; and if he found that these had not been confirmed by the general government, he must annul them. He must abrogate the enjoyment of exemptions, proceeding against those who should be guilty, in such manner as he should find most convenient; he might allow claims, and render definitive judgment in those of less value and amount than twenty pesos, placing the others in a condition to be judicially decided. He received full commission for the exercise and office of the said visitation, being appointed deputy (and a warrant for his title thereto being issued) in the offices of governor and captain-general in the provinces which were entrusted to him, for whatever emergencies might arise or which he might encounter, with superintendence over the other deputieswho might be in those provinces. It is true, this is the royal provision; but it also is a fact that the governors profit by their opportunities, when any auditor resists their unjust maxims, and the dread of this often constrains the auditors to unbecoming acts of compliance; and they live as parasites, dependents on that quarter, in order to secure a shameful liberty and an inactive sloth.Señor Arzadun set out on his commission, which he fulfilled with integrity; he was an unassuming and affable man. Without causing injuries to individuals, he reformed many abuses; and by mild measures he added two reals to each whole tribute. This peaceable result ruffled some persons, and led to various disputes with the ecclesiastical judge, provisor, and vicar-general, which ended in favor of the said auditor. Nor did he fail to have noisy controversies with some other persons; but all this ended as peacefully as possible.Another controversy, no less disagreeable, occurred at that time between the fathers of the Society [of Jesus] and the mestizos of Santa Cruz. The latter complained, in a petition presented to the royal Audiencia, that with occasion of undertaking to build a bridge across a lagoon which extends from their village to that of Quiapo the fathers had compelled them to sign an obligation for two hundred and fifty pesos in favor of the superintendent of the work, for its cost and materials; and, for the payment of this, assessments had been levied in their village among the mestizos, and various persons had been arrested for not making their payments for this sum, part of which was not yet collected. On examination of this complaint, it was ordered that theauditor who was on duty for that week should proceed to the investigation of these statements; and the completion of such bridge was placed in his charge—for which he was to employ the means and measures that would be mildest, these being entrusted to his good judgment. In virtue of this order, the licentiate Don Pedro Calderon Henriquez, auditor of this royal Audiencia, made the investigation and examined the witnesses, which resulted in verifying the complaint made. It appeared from the judicial inquiry that the land of that village belonged to the Society; and the auditor drew up a formal statement, saying that the inhabitants of that village, who possessed no landed property, were paying ground rents that were exorbitant. He declared that the money for the cost of that bridge ought not to have been levied among the Sangleys and mestizos, even though they belonged to that village; and that consequently the owner of the land ought to pay it—citing laws i and v of título xvi, book iv of theRecopilación. [Here follows a relation of the various legal proceedings in this controversy; after hearing all the evidence in the case the decision of the court was against the Jesuits. It was shown that part of the land in question did not belong to them, and they were ordered not to disturb the tenants of it in their possession, and not to collect rents from them. They proved their title to other lands, but were warned that they must no longer exact, as they had been doing, three and one-half pesos as ground-rent for the sites occupied by the huts which the colonists erected within the grain-fields so that they might more conveniently cultivate the lands. “By this sentence the Jesuits lost some three thousandpesos a year for the [rents of the] ground-plots of the houses; each married man had paid them three pesos, and each unmarried man and widow a peso and a half—and this, besides, for houses and lands which belonged to those people.” The Jesuits pleaded ecclesiastical immunity, and claimed that they had a right to the rents in question. A long and clamorous dispute arose, in which manifestoes were issued on both sides; it appears to have lasted from March 28, 1738, to July 1, 1739. The Jesuits appealed to the king, but Auditor Calderon’s sentence was sustained. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 79–89.)]

The Council of the Indias gave answer to the royal Audiencia [of Manila] that they had received the [papers in the] investigation of the death of the governor, and were giving the matter due attention; and at the same time came another order from the king to the Marqués de Torre-Campo, in which the latter was commanded to take cognizance of this affair and punish the culprits. The governor, who, it appears, had little inclination to plunge into this labyrinth, a second time consulted Father Totanes3and the Jesuits—who told him that, just as he hadbefore stayed the execution of the first order, he ought to do the same with this one, until his Majesty, advised of the governor’s reply [to the first order], which had not yet been received, should make another decision. Father Totanes in his advisory statement exaggerated the ruin of the fortunes of the citizens of Manila, the arrears [in the incomes] of the charitable funds, the scarcity of rice, and the lack of those who might give alms (on account of which, he said, many died of hunger), the cause of all these evils being the mariscal. The father expatiated on his acts of violence, and the consternation of the city, with which he strove to exculpate the action of the Manila people, who had no other recourse, in order to escape from such a throng of calamities, than to depose the governor from his office. “But to what tribunal,” he said, “were they to resort in order to deprive him of his office? He had suppressed the royal Audiencia, and held the archbishop and the ecclesiastics prisoners; and the city [council] was composed of an alcalde-in-ordinary who was a nephew of the governor, and two regidors who were his henchmen. Not having any one to resort to, they tried to arrest the governor, in order to free themselves from so many calamities; he resisted, turning his weapons against the citizens, who wounded him mortally in defense of their own lives; but this should be regarded as the misfortune of the mariscal rather than the fault of the citizens.” This statement, which veritably is a seditious one, they presented to the king, in order to show him the erroneous opinions of the religious of Philipinas; but it was a calumny, for Father Totanes was not the oracle of the islands, and most of the regularsthought as did the Jesuit fathers—who, while condemning in their advisory report the act of the Manila people, said only that the latter were worthy of the royal clemency. With this came to a halt all the severity with which at first this process was undertaken, and, the minds of people gradually becoming cool, the prosecution entirely ceased, and all these who were inculpated remained unpunished; the archbishop alone, he who had taken least part in these commotions and disturbances, was chastised4—a worthy prelate, who in imitation of Christ carried on his own shoulders the sin of his people. (Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 514–517.)

Signature of Joseph Torrubia, O.S.F.Signature of Joseph Torrubia, O.S.F.[From original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

Signature of Joseph Torrubia, O.S.F.

[From original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

[As soon as the Spaniards abandoned the fort of Lábo in Paragua, the Moro pirates renewed their incursions. When Zamboanga was reestablished, they attempted to capture it, but were repulsed with loss. In 1721–23 expeditions were sent out against the Moros, but they failed to accomplish anything.5The sultan of Joló sent an ambassador to Manila in 1725, to form a treaty of peace with the Spaniards; this was accomplished in the following year at Joló, the Spanish envoy being Miguel Arajón, the alcalde-mayor of the Parián at Manila. By this treaty, among other provisions, the island of Basilan was restored to Spain. Nevertheless, soon afterward the perfidious Moros made several raids against Indian villages, captured many vessels and burned them, and committed many acts of cruelty,—the worst probably being the case of a vessel from Cebú, whose crew were all killed by the pirates, who then tortured to death the Spanish captain. Later, letters were received from Radiamura (the son of Maulana) and other friendly chiefs in Mindanao, asking for prompt action by the Spaniards against the Moro pirates, who, they claimed, were threatening them with attack because of their friendship to the Spaniards. Governor Torre Campo organized a punitive expedition for this purpose, but the royal treasury was so depleted that the costs had to be met by donations from the citizens of Manila and Cavite. The armada was placed under command of Juan Angel de Leaño, with directions to surrender the vessels and men to General Juan de Mesa when they should reach Iloilo; and the governor gave the commanders definite instructions, and powers for forming a treaty with the “kings” of Joló and Mindanao.“The result of this expedition is not definitely stated, except that it was successful; the fort of La Sabanilla at Tuboc was taken, and a great number of the rabble [canalla] were slain, and among them some princes and datos (the remembrance of which still continues among them, to the honor of our arms); and a treaty for the cessation of hostilities was drawn up, which the Moros, well punished, asked for.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 134–157, 184–198.)]

[On July 23, 1726, the galleon “Santo Christo de Burgos” was driven by a storm on the rocks at Ticao, a long, narrow island adjoining San Bernardino Strait, and so badly wrecked that it could not be repaired. The auditor Julian de Velasco was on board the vessel, on his way to Mexico; as the official of highest rank on the ship, he held a conference with the officers, pilots, seamen, and other persons of experience, and it was decided (after several vain efforts had been made to save part of the cargo) to burn the ship and its contents, great part of which were ruined by the water. This was a great loss to the citizens of Manila, as all their investments for this year were thus destroyed. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 157–167.)]

[Torrubia enumerates the armed naval expeditions sent against the Moro pirates during 1721–34, as follows: (1) An armada commanded by Antonio de Roxas sailed from Manila on July 10, 1721; it seems to have accomplished little, but cost the treasurymuch. (2) Another was commanded by Andrés Garcia; he fought with a Moro fleet—date not given, but probably in 1722—at Negros Island, and won a notable victory. (3) In 1723 a fleet set out under command of Juan de la Mesa y Aponte, warden of Fort Santiago at Manila; they went to Mindanao and captured from the Moros the fort at La Sabanilla, “slaying an immense number of that rabble, and among them several princes and datos.” (4) In February, 1731, four galleys were sent from Manila under command of Ignacio Irriberri; at Zamboanga they collected the vessels already there—two fragatas, four despatch-boats or champans, one taratana, one falua, eight caracoas of Bisayans and two others of Lutaos—and went to attack Joló, at which they found six forts defended by cannon. Here they had a fierce battle with the Moros, of whom many were slain, including two datos; then they ravaged the adjacent island of Talobo, destroying its salt-works (“which are the entire livelihood of that people”); and laid waste the district of the dato Salicaya, who, with many of his people, was slain. In the same year Captain Pedro Zacharias Villareal, with some vessels of the same fleet, attacked the island of Capual, near Joló, and burned three villages and many boats, and ravaged the fields, destroying their cattle and the salt-works there. (5) In November, 1731, Zacharias was sent by Valdés Tamon with a squadron from Manila to Zamboanga; at that very time, the sultan of Mindanao, Maulana Diafar Sadibsa, was asking aid from the Spaniards against his tributary Malinog, who had rebelled against him and had secured the support of more than thirty of the principal villages on the Rio Grande of Mindanao.This rebellion was caused by Malinog’s refusal to obey Maulana’s demand that he restore to the Spaniards the captives and spoil which Malinog, in conjunction with the Joloans, had carried away in 1722–23 from Negros and Panay. It was learned that Malinog was negotiating with the Dutch for succor, which they were inclined to grant him. At a council of war (in which the Jesuits were prominent) held in Zamboanga, it was decided to send Zacharias with a fleet to Tamontaca, to aid Maulana and punish Malinog. The latter’s fort—which, like that in Joló, was constructed by a Dutch engineer—at the entrance to his river, was captured by the united forces and large amounts of military supplies were destroyed. Two leguas further up the river, they attacked Malinog’s principal town, defended by six forts; many of the Moros (including their general, Tambul) were slain, three of their villages were burned, and their lands devastated. Returning to Zamboanga, the Spaniards harried the coasts of Joló and Basilan, so thoroughly that, later, “in order to terrify the Moros, it is only necessary to say, ‘Here comes Zacharias.’” (6) In January, 1733, a fleet under Juan Antonio Jove went to aid Maulana; but Malinog made a sudden attack on Tamontaca, which he destroyed with fire and sword, and slew Maulana, whereupon the Spaniards, disheartened, returned to Manila. (7) Maulana’s successor, Radiamura, asked aid from Manila, which was granted; the citizens subscribed more than nine thousand pesos in silver, and a fleet of forty-eight vessels was equipped. Under command of Francisco de Cardenas Pacheco and Captain (soon afterward made sargento-mayor) Zacharias, this fleet left Zamboanga on February 18,1734, and went to Tamontaca. At Tuboc they attacked the sultan of Tawi-Tawi, but the Bisayan auxiliaries of the Spaniards fled, panic-stricken, and the Moro allies of the sultan swarmed in upon the Spaniards, compelling them to retreat. They then went against Malinog at Sulangan; at sight of the Spanish fleet, he set fire to his village and forts, and fled up the river to Libungang—a place which was strongly fortified by both nature and art. A fierce assault was made on this stronghold, but the Moros could not be dislodged; they killed many Spaniards with their unceasing discharge of balls and small weapons, and finally, by poisoning the water-supply, compelled the Spaniards to raise the siege. Then the latter went to Sulungan, and remained there until that place was well fortified, and the passage of the river securely closed to Malinog, who was thus shut in from his allies the Joloans and Camucones. On April 20, Radiamura was solemnly crowned as king by the Spaniards; and he agreed to allow the entrance of Christian missionaries, the building of churches, and the establishment of Spanish forts and garrisons, in his territories; also to acknowledge his vassalage to Spain by furnishing a quantity of wax, cacao, and other products of the country. Afterward, Zacharias made a raid on Basilan, devastated the lands, and seized much and rich booty; “so great was the spoil of the ‘enchanted island’ that, when the men had laden our armada and the captured vessels [which numbered over three hundred], they had to burn many articles because they could not carry them away.” (Torrubia,Dissertacion, pp. 68–90.) Cf. Concepción’s and Montero y Vidal’s accounts of these expeditions.]

Title-page of Dissertacion historico-polititaTitle-page ofDissertacion historico-politita

Title-page ofDissertacion historico-politita

[The Marqués de Torre Campo, after eight years of clement and upright government, was succeeded by Fernando de Valdés y Tamón, a knight of the Order of Santiago, who took possession of his office on August 14, 1729. As an experienced and able soldier, he gave his first attention to the fortifications and military equipment of Manila, which had been sadly neglected. He tried to purchase 1,500 guns with bayonets, but the Dutch refused to sell him these firearms. In May, 1730, the pirates of Joló sent out a large expedition, with 3,000 men, against the islands of Palawan and Dumaran, where they plundered the villages and carried away many captives. They besieged the fort at Taytay (the principal town in that part of Palawan) during twenty days, but were obliged to retire with considerable loss, including some of their datos. As it was evident that the islands could have no peace or safety until severe punishment was inflicted on these pirates, an expedition with over 600 men was sent from Manila in February, 1731, under the command of General Ignacio de Iriberri. This force attacked the town of Joló, which was well defended with forts and artillery; and after a fierce contest the Spaniards captured the place, and burned the houses and boats of the Moros. They also ravaged the islands of Talobo and Capual, near Joló, and destroyed the salt-works there, from which the pirates obtained much wealth; and returned to Manila in the month of June. A prominent chief of Mindanao, named Malinog, had revolted against Maulana Diafar, sultan of Tamontaca, securing the aid of many datos on the Rio Grande, and negotiating with the Dutch for their aid; in November, 1731,a small squadron was sent from Manila, in answer to Maulana’s petition for aid against the rebels; with the aid of the Spaniards the rebels were routed, their forts destroyed, and their villages and plantations ravaged and burned. Malinog, however, kept up the contest, so that another Spanish expedition was sent (January, 1733) against him; but while his town was besieged by the Tamontacans and the Spaniards he slipped away with 300 pirogues and invaded Tamontaca, where Maulana was slain by his foes.6His son Amuril asked Governor Valdés yTamón for aid against Malinog, which was granted; and in February 1734 an expedition left Zamboanga under command of General Francisco CárdenasPacheco, who placed a detachment of the armada under Pedro Zacarías Villarreal. Their campaign against the Moros was bravely fought, but was onlypartially successful, on account of the fierceness and overwhelming numbers of the Moros. The latter committed numerous depredations wherever and whenever they could find opportunity, and the Manila government took measures for the erection of lookout towers and fortifications at the coast villages, and for sending coastguard galleys and other vessels to the points most likely to be menaced by the pirates, so as to be ready to meet or follow up any Moro vessels that might attack the Indian villages or Spanish forts. In 1735, 2,000 Joloans and Mindanaos attacked the fort at Taytay, but they were finally repulsed with great loss. In this conflict, as often on like occasions, the native soldiers in the garrison were encouraged and incited by the friarsin whose spiritual charge they were, to resist the fierce foe who attacked them.7In 1735, Mahamad Ali-Mudin was raised to the sultanate of Joló, in virtue of the abdication of his father Maulana. The latter plotted to obtain possession of the fort at Zamboanga by treason, but the scheme was unsuccessful; the news of this so angered Maulana (who was then ill) that he hastened his own death. The new sultan of Joló professed (1736) friendship to the Spaniards, and even joined them in a campaign against the Tiron pirates; but in secret he encouraged the latter, and sent them warning of the movements against them. (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, i, pp. 438–452; his account is largely taken from Concepción’sHist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 198–238, 337–375.)]

Map showing new route from Manila to Acapulco; presented to Governor Fernando Valdés Tamón by the pilot, Enrique Hermán, 1730Map showing new route from Manila to Acapulco; presented to Governor Fernando Valdés Tamón by the pilot, Enrique Hermán, 1730[Photographic facsimile from original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

Map showing new route from Manila to Acapulco; presented to Governor Fernando Valdés Tamón by the pilot, Enrique Hermán, 1730

[Photographic facsimile from original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

[On June 18, 1733, the royal magazines at Manila were destroyed by fire, with all their contents, which included the supplies for the two vessels which were soon to go to Acapulco. The royal treasury had not the funds to make good this loss, and the galleons must sail at a certain time, in order to secure favorable winds; the governor therefore appealed to the citizens and merchants for help to meet the expenses of equipping the vessels. They responded with a donation of 30,000 pesos, which the governor duly reported to the king, asking thatin view of the zeal and loyalty thus displayed by the citizens their interest might be cared for in the pending dispute regarding the Manila-Acapulco commerce. The losses sustained in the above fire were estimated by the royal officials at 66,807 pesos. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 226–230.)]

Plan of infantry barracks in Manila; drawn by the military engineer, Thomas de Castro y Andrade, 1733Plan of infantry barracks in Manila; drawn by the military engineer, Thomas de Castro y Andrade, 1733[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

Plan of infantry barracks in Manila; drawn by the military engineer, Thomas de Castro y Andrade, 1733

[Photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]

The governor, not finding any corrective for the injuries which the Moros were causing, held a conference of the principal citizens of Manila. It was resolved therein that, so far as the funds in the royal treasury would permit, some small armadas should be despatched against the Moros; and that the coast-dwellers should be gathered [into larger villages] at certain places, at the rate of five hundred tributes to each one, in order that they might be able to resist the pirates and build some little forts, which would inspire respect in the enemy.8This precaution had already been taken by some of the religious in charge of doctrinas—who, not finding any other remedy, had built some fortifications around their churches, in order to guard these and that the Indians might take refuge there when the Moros came. Others had built some small forts on lofty places, inorder to protect the villages from the affronts of those robbers; and at night the fathers would go to visit these posts, and watch lest the sentinels fall asleep, performing at the same time the duties of parish priest and military officer. As a consequence of this order [by the government], there was no coast village which did not build some fortification for its defense, but no aid was given to them from the royal treasury. But the religious ministers, out of their own stipends, paid the overseers and artisans; and by dint of entreaties, persuasions, and threats obliged the people to give the materials and the day-laborers [peones], expending much money and patient endeavor for the sake of building these little forts. When the alcaldes-mayor saw these fortifications, now completed, they began to wish to subject them to their own authority; and they secured that in every one should be stationed a warden subject to the alcalde’s orders, and that a certain number of men for the service of the fort should be furnished to the warden by apportionment [from the respective villages]. The warden regularly sent these men to work on his own grain-fields, or compelled them to redeem the [compulsory] service with money. This they had to do, usually leaving the fort abandoned—which is, for this reason, very burdensome to the people; and here comes to be verified what Señor Solorzano says, that all which is decreed in favor of the Indians is converted into poison for them. (Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 526–528.)

[In October, 1733, a Spanish coastguard vessel captured a Dutch ship near the southern coast ofMindanao, and seized its despatches and instructions, “among these, the turban and crown which they were carrying as a present for Malinog.” When this event was learned at Batavia, great indignation was aroused among the Dutch, and they sent three warships, which anchored in Manila Bay (June, 1735) and demanded satisfaction; the Dutch would not allow any vessel to enter or leave the bay, and threatened to seize the patache “San Christoval,” which was expected to arrive from Acapulco. Warning was immediately sent to the commander of the latter, at the Embocadero; but the ship was already wrecked on the shoals of Calantás. The silver on board, 745,000 pesos belonging to the merchants and 773,025 to the royal situado, was transported by boat to Sorsogón, and the men removed the cargo to land and erected fortifications for its defense in case of necessity; the hull was then destroyed by fire, to prevent its being used by enemies. The Manila government, seeing that it had no funds for defense against the Dutch, and that the Acapulco galleon imprisoned in the bay might lose the favorable winds for its departure, finally came to a settlement with the Dutch, paying 6,500 pesos as satisfaction for the captured Dutch vessel and its contents; the Dutch ships thereupon retired. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 375–410.)]

[In 1736, a controversy arose between the Recollects and Jesuits in northern Mindanao. The Indians of Cagayan, and the Recollect minister in charge there, Fray Hipolito de San Agustín, maintained a close and friendly communication with thenative chiefs of Lake Lanao, who finally asked the Recollects (1736) to send missionaries to Larapan, a Malanao village, in order to instruct and baptize their people. The Jesuits were jealous of the Recollects, according to Concepción, and incited a heathen chief named Dalabahan in the mountains of the Cagayan district to attack the Malanaos, thinking that the latter would blame their Cagayan friends for the hostilities; but the latter were able to exonerate themselves from this suspicion, and remained on amicable terms with the Malanaos. The demand of these for Recollect missionaries had to go to Manila; the Jesuits, hearing of it, opposed the request, alleging that the Lanao territory belonged to them. The governor allowed the Jesuit claim, and the Malanaos appealed to the king himself; but “this remonstrance had no result, these unfortunate people being left in their barbarism—from which resulted to us most serious damages, as will be seen in due time.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 54–66.)]

[In January, 1737, the new archbishop, Fray Juan Angel Rodriguez, took possession of his see; he belonged to the Order of Mercy, and was a native of Medina del Campo, Spain. “He began to govern like an angel” (Concepción; in allusion to his name). “He lessened the number of days for church processions, in order to give opportunity for the business of the courts, and for the necessary work of the people; he prohibited the processions at night, on account of the troubles which are wont to occur in them; he regularly attended the choir, and introduced the use of the Gregorian chant; he taught the sub-chanters plain-song, which they didnot know,” etc. (Zúñiga,Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 535–536.)]

In the year thirty-seven, Governor Tamon issued a commission and powers to the licentiate Don Joseph Ignacio de Arzadun y Revolledo, in order that he might, in accordance with the royal laws, which decree that the provinces shall be visited every three years, fulfil that duty in those of Pampanga, Pangasinan, and Ylocos. There he was to inspect the fortresses, and the arms, ammunition, gunpowder, balls, and other military supplies, also their condition and circumstances; and to review the troops in the garrisons. He must investigate the mode and form in which the wages due them were paid, and the fictitious enrolments of men in the garrisons. He must also make lists of the warrants which the alcaldes-mayor might have issued; and if he found that these had not been confirmed by the general government, he must annul them. He must abrogate the enjoyment of exemptions, proceeding against those who should be guilty, in such manner as he should find most convenient; he might allow claims, and render definitive judgment in those of less value and amount than twenty pesos, placing the others in a condition to be judicially decided. He received full commission for the exercise and office of the said visitation, being appointed deputy (and a warrant for his title thereto being issued) in the offices of governor and captain-general in the provinces which were entrusted to him, for whatever emergencies might arise or which he might encounter, with superintendence over the other deputieswho might be in those provinces. It is true, this is the royal provision; but it also is a fact that the governors profit by their opportunities, when any auditor resists their unjust maxims, and the dread of this often constrains the auditors to unbecoming acts of compliance; and they live as parasites, dependents on that quarter, in order to secure a shameful liberty and an inactive sloth.

Señor Arzadun set out on his commission, which he fulfilled with integrity; he was an unassuming and affable man. Without causing injuries to individuals, he reformed many abuses; and by mild measures he added two reals to each whole tribute. This peaceable result ruffled some persons, and led to various disputes with the ecclesiastical judge, provisor, and vicar-general, which ended in favor of the said auditor. Nor did he fail to have noisy controversies with some other persons; but all this ended as peacefully as possible.

Another controversy, no less disagreeable, occurred at that time between the fathers of the Society [of Jesus] and the mestizos of Santa Cruz. The latter complained, in a petition presented to the royal Audiencia, that with occasion of undertaking to build a bridge across a lagoon which extends from their village to that of Quiapo the fathers had compelled them to sign an obligation for two hundred and fifty pesos in favor of the superintendent of the work, for its cost and materials; and, for the payment of this, assessments had been levied in their village among the mestizos, and various persons had been arrested for not making their payments for this sum, part of which was not yet collected. On examination of this complaint, it was ordered that theauditor who was on duty for that week should proceed to the investigation of these statements; and the completion of such bridge was placed in his charge—for which he was to employ the means and measures that would be mildest, these being entrusted to his good judgment. In virtue of this order, the licentiate Don Pedro Calderon Henriquez, auditor of this royal Audiencia, made the investigation and examined the witnesses, which resulted in verifying the complaint made. It appeared from the judicial inquiry that the land of that village belonged to the Society; and the auditor drew up a formal statement, saying that the inhabitants of that village, who possessed no landed property, were paying ground rents that were exorbitant. He declared that the money for the cost of that bridge ought not to have been levied among the Sangleys and mestizos, even though they belonged to that village; and that consequently the owner of the land ought to pay it—citing laws i and v of título xvi, book iv of theRecopilación. [Here follows a relation of the various legal proceedings in this controversy; after hearing all the evidence in the case the decision of the court was against the Jesuits. It was shown that part of the land in question did not belong to them, and they were ordered not to disturb the tenants of it in their possession, and not to collect rents from them. They proved their title to other lands, but were warned that they must no longer exact, as they had been doing, three and one-half pesos as ground-rent for the sites occupied by the huts which the colonists erected within the grain-fields so that they might more conveniently cultivate the lands. “By this sentence the Jesuits lost some three thousandpesos a year for the [rents of the] ground-plots of the houses; each married man had paid them three pesos, and each unmarried man and widow a peso and a half—and this, besides, for houses and lands which belonged to those people.” The Jesuits pleaded ecclesiastical immunity, and claimed that they had a right to the rents in question. A long and clamorous dispute arose, in which manifestoes were issued on both sides; it appears to have lasted from March 28, 1738, to July 1, 1739. The Jesuits appealed to the king, but Auditor Calderon’s sentence was sustained. (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 79–89.)]

1The following summary of events, sometimes in full translation and sometimes abridged, is obtained from the histories of Concepción, Zúñiga, and Montero y Vidal, the source of each paragraph being indicated at the end.↑2“As the latter [i.e., Bustamante] could not defend himself, and it was for the interest of the religious orders and of the principal citizens of Manila that the blame for what had occurred should recoil upon Bustamante, they accumulated against him numberless charges—most of them formulated by his assassins, by the officials who had defrauded the exchequer, by those who were debtors to the treasury, and by all who, instead of making amends for their offences in a military post, had been replaced in their offices by Archbishop Cuesta” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, i, pp. 430–431).↑3Sebastian de Totanes was a noted member of the Franciscan order in the islands. He was born in the village of Totanes in Spain, in 1687, and entered that order in 1706. After finishing his studies he gave instruction in the Toledo convent for several years, departing thence (1715) for the Filipinas missions, which he joined two years later. He held various high offices in the order there, among them being that of minister provincial (1738–41); he also administered the churches in Sampaloc (1721–29), Lilio (1732–35), and Pagsanhan (1735–38). In 1746 he went to Europe as procurator of his order to Roma and Madrid, and died at the latter city, on February 13, 1748. He left a grammar and manual of the Tagálog language, which is regarded as one of the beat works of its kind; it was published at Sampaloc in 1745. (See Huerta’sEstado.)↑4“Although the archbishop had not, in strictness, any direct connection with the assassination of the head of government of the islands, his connivance with the seditious element, the fact that the authority was entrusted to him, and his tolerance and lenity in the investigation and punishment of the criminals, aroused against him the wrath of the [home] government; and, in spite of his advanced age, he was transferred to the bishopric of Mechoacan, in Nueva Espana” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, i, p. 432).↑5“In order to curb these so bold and inhuman actions, it was necessary that the squadrons should sail from Manila; for if they should be permanently stationed at Samboangan the expenses would be insupportable in so barren a region. If this establishment had been fixed in Yloylo, a fertile and abundant land, and sufficiently near to the Moros, the consumption of provisions on the voyages would have been more endurable; while at the same time there might remain in Samboangan a regular garrison of thirty-five men, and it would be a landing-place sufficient for our vessels when on a cruise, which from that port could go more quickly for any emergency. Moreover, in Samboangan there is not an adequate number of boats, nor is there in Yloylo—enormous sums being spent on the walls [of those forts] alone, without their being able to hinder the passage of the Moros, or prevent their infesting the provinces.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 184, 185.)↑6This account does not agree with the historical sketch given by N. M. Saleeby in his Studies inMoro History, Law, and Religion(Manila, 1905) pp. 57–59; but this is not surprising, as Concepción probably had but inaccurate and second-hand information regarding the rulers ofJolóand Mindanao. According to Saleeby, Manāmir, a great-grandson of Dipatwān Qudrat (the Corralat of the Spanish writers), was declared sultan after the death of his father Barahamān; but the government was usurped by his uncle Kuda, and civil war followed, which must have lasted more than thirty years. Kuda was finally murdered by some Sulus whom he had invited to aid him against Manāmir, who therefore obtained the ascendency for a time. But the Sulus fomented discord between Manāmir and his brother Anwār, which brought on even worse hostilities and murders, weakening both sides. Manāmir was assassinated by his nephew Malīnug, and his sons Pakīr Mawlāna and Pakāru-d-Dīn were obliged to leave Magindanao, and retired to Tamontaka; and the larger part of the towns of Magindanao and Slangan were destroyed by fire. Sultan Anwār died at Batawa and Malīnug assumed the sultanate after his father’s death, and kept up the fight. “After a tedious, desultory war, Malīnug fled up the Pulangi to Bwayan. Pakīr Mawlāna then got possession of all the lands about Magindanao, and peace was made soon after. Malīnug died a natural death, and some time later his two sons visited Pakīr Mawlāna.” This account is cited from Capt. Thomas Forrest’sVoyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas(London, 1779), a voyage made in 1774–76; Forrest obtained his information directly from Pakīr Mawlāna himself. That ruler, however, could not have been the one mentioned in the text; Mawlāna is apparently an official or a hereditary title.From Forrest’s original account (pp. 201–206) we take the following items in regard to the above events: “The following short account of the history of Magindano, is drawn from original records, in the possession of Fakymolano, elder brother to Paharadine the present Sultan, and father to Kybad Zachariel, the present Rajah Moodo; they are wrote in the Magindano tongue, and Arabic character. I took it down from Fakymolano’s own mouth, who dictated in Malay.“Before the arrival of Serif Alli, the first Mahometan prince who came from Mecca to Magindano, the latter had kings of her own. For the towns of Magindano, Selangan, Catibtuan, and Semayanan had, or assumed, the right of taking from the banks of the Dano, that portion of earth, on which the sovereigns were to be consecrated. The towns of Malampyan and Lusuden, are said to have been the first who joined Serif Alli: the other four soon acceded. Serif married a daughter of the last king of the royal line, and on this marriage founded his title to the crown. About the time that Kabansuan son of Serif Alli reigned, a person named Budiman, was Pangaran (a title much used in Sumatra, and inferior to Sultan or Rajah) of Sooloo. Budiman had a grandson, who became his successor; his name was Bonsoo, and he was related to the family that governed at Borneo: which family came also from Mecca, and the head of it was brother to Serif Alli. Bonsoo had two children; a daughter, Potely, by a wife; and a son, Bakliol, by a sandle or concubine. Bakliol, the bastard, robbed his sister Potely (a name which signifies princess) of her right, threw off his dependence on Magindano, and assumed the title of Sultan, his fathers having been only Pangarans of Sooloo. [Potely’s daughter, Panianamby, married Kudarat (the Corralat of Spanish writers), who was succeeded by his son Tidoly; the latter had two sons, Abdaraman and Kuddy. Abdaraman was succeeded by his son Seid Moffat]; but, being an infant, Kuddy his uncle usurped the government, and went to Semoy, carrying with him the effects of the deceased Sultan. Thence he invited the Sooloos to support him against the lawful heir. [They, however, treacherously slew Kuddy, and plundered his camp, seizing therein many pieces of heavy cannon. Seid Moffat’s party then obtained control, but the country was torn by dissensions and civil war. Finally, Seid Moffat was assassinated by his nephew Molenu, but left two sons, Fakymolano and Paharadine; they were obliged to leave Magindano, which town and Selangan were nearly destroyed by fire, and the country was laid waste. After several years of petty war, Molenu was driven up the Palangy to Boyan.] Fakymolano then got possession of all the lands about Magindano, and peace was made soon after, about thirty years ago. Molenu died a natural death, leaving by concubines, two sons, Topang and Uku, also a natural daughter Myong. Fakymolano had about this time given up the Sultanship to his younger brother Paharadine, on condition that Kybad Zachariel, his own son, should be elected Rajah Moodo. Topang and Uku, for some time after the peace, visited Fakymolano and his son; but afterwards, on Paharadine’s marriage with Myong, their sister, they grew shy, as the Sultan took them greatly into his favour. Topang had from his father large possessions, which made him formidable to Rajah Moodo; he was also closely connected with the Sooloos, and had married Gulaludines, daughter of Bantillan, once Sultan of Sooloo. By this time Rajah Moodo had got himself well fortified at Coto-Intang, which is within musket shot of the Sultan’s palace, and within cannon shot of the strong wooden castle of Topang; both of which lie on the south side of the Pelangy. The Sultan Paharadine has no children by his consort Myong; but had by a concubine, a son named Chartow, now arrived at maturity. Whether Myong, who is said to have entirely governed the Sultan, favoured Chartow, or her elder brother Topang, is uncertain; but she was believed the cause of the coolness that prevailed between the Sultan and Rajah Moodo; who, though duly elected, and acknowledged lawful successor, yet, when I came to Magindano, in May, 1775, had not visited his uncle for above a year. Fakymolano, Rajah Moodo’s father, lived at that time, just without the gate of his son’s fort.” Some of the allusions in this account need explanation, which is partly obtained elsewhere in Forrest’s pages. “The town, that goes properly by the name of Magindano, consists at present, of scarce more than twenty houses. They stand close to, and just above where a little creek, about eighteen foot broad, runs perpendicular into the Pelangy, from a small lake about one mile distant, and about half a mile in circumference. This small lake is called the Dano; the creek I have just mentioned, is the Rawass (or river) Magindano; and from the banks of the lake or Dano, a little earth is taken, upon which the Raiah Moodo (that is young king) must stand when he is consecrated Sultan. The Rajah Moodo is elected by the states, and succeeds the Sultan; similar to the king of the Romans succeeding the emperors of Germany. A Watamama (that is, male child) is also elected, who becomes Rajah Moodo, when Rajah Moodo becomes Sultan.” “The town of Selangan may be said to make one town with Magindano, as communicating with it by several bridges over the Rawass; it extends about one mile down the south side of the Pelangy, forming a decent street for one-half of the distance. In the lower part the town extends about half a mile, in several irregular streets; where many Chinese reside. In the town of Selangan altogether, may be about two hundred houses; below the Sultan’s palace, about twenty yards, is a brick and mortar foundation remaining of a Spanish chapel.” The spelling of proper names in Forrest’s remarks is more or less phonetic and Anglicized; the reader may compare them with the accurate spelling furnished above by Dr. Saleeby. InVOL. XLIof this series (pp. 280, 281) will be seen a map of the valley of the Pulangui River, with the towns on its banks and its tributaries; the original is in the British Museum, and is evidently the basis for two maps which Forrest published in hisVoyage(at p. 200). (Cf. these, and the map of the Rio Grande inU. S. Gazetteer, p. 662.) The date given inVOL. XLIwas furnished at the Museum as approximately correct; but Mawlāna’s map was given to Forrest in 1775, and the latter says (p. 186) that it was deposited in the British Museum. The sultan of Mindanao ceded to the English, at Forrest’s request, the island of Bunwoot, now called Bonga; it forms the shelter to Polloc harbor. The town of Mindanao or Magindano was at or near the site of the present Cotabato—“population, 3,000. The Chinese control the commerce of the place.” (U. S. Gazetteer, p. 475.) Forrest says (p. 185): “The Chinese settled at Magindano are not permitted to trade higher [up the river] than Boyan; the Mindanoers being jealous of their superior abilities in trade.”↑7The pay of native auxiliaries from Bohol was (in 1733) reckoned at a monthly wage for each man of “thirty gantas of rice, four silver reals, a span [mano] of tobacco, and one chinanta of salt.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, p. 311.)“The Indian’s largest unit of weight is a chinanta, which they divide into 10 cates of the province, which are 20 of standard weight [de romana]; the cate contains 8 taels of the province, which are 16 of standard weight.” (Encina and Bermejo’sArte Cebuano, Tambobong, 1894, p. 159.)↑8The governor sent orders to the alcaldes-mayor that “all the rancherías or visitas close to the coast should be compulsorily united, either to the larger villages or to each other, so that even the smallest village should exceed, if possible, five hundred tributes—in consequence of which measure all should fortify themselves, as the lay of the land should permit.... All these measures were at that time admirable, and would have been thoroughly effective if the inclusion of the smaller villages in the larger ones, or their consolidation, had been carried out more energetically by those whose duty it was. For this undertaking, and to stir up the negligent and careless, the armadas were more necessary than for opposing and restraining the Moros; they gave but little attention to the latter, and still less to the former, and everything was left in the same necessity, and the same condition, [as before].” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 364, 368.)↑

2“As the latter [i.e., Bustamante] could not defend himself, and it was for the interest of the religious orders and of the principal citizens of Manila that the blame for what had occurred should recoil upon Bustamante, they accumulated against him numberless charges—most of them formulated by his assassins, by the officials who had defrauded the exchequer, by those who were debtors to the treasury, and by all who, instead of making amends for their offences in a military post, had been replaced in their offices by Archbishop Cuesta” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, i, pp. 430–431).↑

3Sebastian de Totanes was a noted member of the Franciscan order in the islands. He was born in the village of Totanes in Spain, in 1687, and entered that order in 1706. After finishing his studies he gave instruction in the Toledo convent for several years, departing thence (1715) for the Filipinas missions, which he joined two years later. He held various high offices in the order there, among them being that of minister provincial (1738–41); he also administered the churches in Sampaloc (1721–29), Lilio (1732–35), and Pagsanhan (1735–38). In 1746 he went to Europe as procurator of his order to Roma and Madrid, and died at the latter city, on February 13, 1748. He left a grammar and manual of the Tagálog language, which is regarded as one of the beat works of its kind; it was published at Sampaloc in 1745. (See Huerta’sEstado.)↑

4“Although the archbishop had not, in strictness, any direct connection with the assassination of the head of government of the islands, his connivance with the seditious element, the fact that the authority was entrusted to him, and his tolerance and lenity in the investigation and punishment of the criminals, aroused against him the wrath of the [home] government; and, in spite of his advanced age, he was transferred to the bishopric of Mechoacan, in Nueva Espana” (Montero y Vidal,Hist. de Filipinas, i, p. 432).↑

5“In order to curb these so bold and inhuman actions, it was necessary that the squadrons should sail from Manila; for if they should be permanently stationed at Samboangan the expenses would be insupportable in so barren a region. If this establishment had been fixed in Yloylo, a fertile and abundant land, and sufficiently near to the Moros, the consumption of provisions on the voyages would have been more endurable; while at the same time there might remain in Samboangan a regular garrison of thirty-five men, and it would be a landing-place sufficient for our vessels when on a cruise, which from that port could go more quickly for any emergency. Moreover, in Samboangan there is not an adequate number of boats, nor is there in Yloylo—enormous sums being spent on the walls [of those forts] alone, without their being able to hinder the passage of the Moros, or prevent their infesting the provinces.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 184, 185.)↑

6This account does not agree with the historical sketch given by N. M. Saleeby in his Studies inMoro History, Law, and Religion(Manila, 1905) pp. 57–59; but this is not surprising, as Concepción probably had but inaccurate and second-hand information regarding the rulers ofJolóand Mindanao. According to Saleeby, Manāmir, a great-grandson of Dipatwān Qudrat (the Corralat of the Spanish writers), was declared sultan after the death of his father Barahamān; but the government was usurped by his uncle Kuda, and civil war followed, which must have lasted more than thirty years. Kuda was finally murdered by some Sulus whom he had invited to aid him against Manāmir, who therefore obtained the ascendency for a time. But the Sulus fomented discord between Manāmir and his brother Anwār, which brought on even worse hostilities and murders, weakening both sides. Manāmir was assassinated by his nephew Malīnug, and his sons Pakīr Mawlāna and Pakāru-d-Dīn were obliged to leave Magindanao, and retired to Tamontaka; and the larger part of the towns of Magindanao and Slangan were destroyed by fire. Sultan Anwār died at Batawa and Malīnug assumed the sultanate after his father’s death, and kept up the fight. “After a tedious, desultory war, Malīnug fled up the Pulangi to Bwayan. Pakīr Mawlāna then got possession of all the lands about Magindanao, and peace was made soon after. Malīnug died a natural death, and some time later his two sons visited Pakīr Mawlāna.” This account is cited from Capt. Thomas Forrest’sVoyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas(London, 1779), a voyage made in 1774–76; Forrest obtained his information directly from Pakīr Mawlāna himself. That ruler, however, could not have been the one mentioned in the text; Mawlāna is apparently an official or a hereditary title.

From Forrest’s original account (pp. 201–206) we take the following items in regard to the above events: “The following short account of the history of Magindano, is drawn from original records, in the possession of Fakymolano, elder brother to Paharadine the present Sultan, and father to Kybad Zachariel, the present Rajah Moodo; they are wrote in the Magindano tongue, and Arabic character. I took it down from Fakymolano’s own mouth, who dictated in Malay.

“Before the arrival of Serif Alli, the first Mahometan prince who came from Mecca to Magindano, the latter had kings of her own. For the towns of Magindano, Selangan, Catibtuan, and Semayanan had, or assumed, the right of taking from the banks of the Dano, that portion of earth, on which the sovereigns were to be consecrated. The towns of Malampyan and Lusuden, are said to have been the first who joined Serif Alli: the other four soon acceded. Serif married a daughter of the last king of the royal line, and on this marriage founded his title to the crown. About the time that Kabansuan son of Serif Alli reigned, a person named Budiman, was Pangaran (a title much used in Sumatra, and inferior to Sultan or Rajah) of Sooloo. Budiman had a grandson, who became his successor; his name was Bonsoo, and he was related to the family that governed at Borneo: which family came also from Mecca, and the head of it was brother to Serif Alli. Bonsoo had two children; a daughter, Potely, by a wife; and a son, Bakliol, by a sandle or concubine. Bakliol, the bastard, robbed his sister Potely (a name which signifies princess) of her right, threw off his dependence on Magindano, and assumed the title of Sultan, his fathers having been only Pangarans of Sooloo. [Potely’s daughter, Panianamby, married Kudarat (the Corralat of Spanish writers), who was succeeded by his son Tidoly; the latter had two sons, Abdaraman and Kuddy. Abdaraman was succeeded by his son Seid Moffat]; but, being an infant, Kuddy his uncle usurped the government, and went to Semoy, carrying with him the effects of the deceased Sultan. Thence he invited the Sooloos to support him against the lawful heir. [They, however, treacherously slew Kuddy, and plundered his camp, seizing therein many pieces of heavy cannon. Seid Moffat’s party then obtained control, but the country was torn by dissensions and civil war. Finally, Seid Moffat was assassinated by his nephew Molenu, but left two sons, Fakymolano and Paharadine; they were obliged to leave Magindano, which town and Selangan were nearly destroyed by fire, and the country was laid waste. After several years of petty war, Molenu was driven up the Palangy to Boyan.] Fakymolano then got possession of all the lands about Magindano, and peace was made soon after, about thirty years ago. Molenu died a natural death, leaving by concubines, two sons, Topang and Uku, also a natural daughter Myong. Fakymolano had about this time given up the Sultanship to his younger brother Paharadine, on condition that Kybad Zachariel, his own son, should be elected Rajah Moodo. Topang and Uku, for some time after the peace, visited Fakymolano and his son; but afterwards, on Paharadine’s marriage with Myong, their sister, they grew shy, as the Sultan took them greatly into his favour. Topang had from his father large possessions, which made him formidable to Rajah Moodo; he was also closely connected with the Sooloos, and had married Gulaludines, daughter of Bantillan, once Sultan of Sooloo. By this time Rajah Moodo had got himself well fortified at Coto-Intang, which is within musket shot of the Sultan’s palace, and within cannon shot of the strong wooden castle of Topang; both of which lie on the south side of the Pelangy. The Sultan Paharadine has no children by his consort Myong; but had by a concubine, a son named Chartow, now arrived at maturity. Whether Myong, who is said to have entirely governed the Sultan, favoured Chartow, or her elder brother Topang, is uncertain; but she was believed the cause of the coolness that prevailed between the Sultan and Rajah Moodo; who, though duly elected, and acknowledged lawful successor, yet, when I came to Magindano, in May, 1775, had not visited his uncle for above a year. Fakymolano, Rajah Moodo’s father, lived at that time, just without the gate of his son’s fort.” Some of the allusions in this account need explanation, which is partly obtained elsewhere in Forrest’s pages. “The town, that goes properly by the name of Magindano, consists at present, of scarce more than twenty houses. They stand close to, and just above where a little creek, about eighteen foot broad, runs perpendicular into the Pelangy, from a small lake about one mile distant, and about half a mile in circumference. This small lake is called the Dano; the creek I have just mentioned, is the Rawass (or river) Magindano; and from the banks of the lake or Dano, a little earth is taken, upon which the Raiah Moodo (that is young king) must stand when he is consecrated Sultan. The Rajah Moodo is elected by the states, and succeeds the Sultan; similar to the king of the Romans succeeding the emperors of Germany. A Watamama (that is, male child) is also elected, who becomes Rajah Moodo, when Rajah Moodo becomes Sultan.” “The town of Selangan may be said to make one town with Magindano, as communicating with it by several bridges over the Rawass; it extends about one mile down the south side of the Pelangy, forming a decent street for one-half of the distance. In the lower part the town extends about half a mile, in several irregular streets; where many Chinese reside. In the town of Selangan altogether, may be about two hundred houses; below the Sultan’s palace, about twenty yards, is a brick and mortar foundation remaining of a Spanish chapel.” The spelling of proper names in Forrest’s remarks is more or less phonetic and Anglicized; the reader may compare them with the accurate spelling furnished above by Dr. Saleeby. InVOL. XLIof this series (pp. 280, 281) will be seen a map of the valley of the Pulangui River, with the towns on its banks and its tributaries; the original is in the British Museum, and is evidently the basis for two maps which Forrest published in hisVoyage(at p. 200). (Cf. these, and the map of the Rio Grande inU. S. Gazetteer, p. 662.) The date given inVOL. XLIwas furnished at the Museum as approximately correct; but Mawlāna’s map was given to Forrest in 1775, and the latter says (p. 186) that it was deposited in the British Museum. The sultan of Mindanao ceded to the English, at Forrest’s request, the island of Bunwoot, now called Bonga; it forms the shelter to Polloc harbor. The town of Mindanao or Magindano was at or near the site of the present Cotabato—“population, 3,000. The Chinese control the commerce of the place.” (U. S. Gazetteer, p. 475.) Forrest says (p. 185): “The Chinese settled at Magindano are not permitted to trade higher [up the river] than Boyan; the Mindanoers being jealous of their superior abilities in trade.”↑

7The pay of native auxiliaries from Bohol was (in 1733) reckoned at a monthly wage for each man of “thirty gantas of rice, four silver reals, a span [mano] of tobacco, and one chinanta of salt.” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, p. 311.)

“The Indian’s largest unit of weight is a chinanta, which they divide into 10 cates of the province, which are 20 of standard weight [de romana]; the cate contains 8 taels of the province, which are 16 of standard weight.” (Encina and Bermejo’sArte Cebuano, Tambobong, 1894, p. 159.)↑

8The governor sent orders to the alcaldes-mayor that “all the rancherías or visitas close to the coast should be compulsorily united, either to the larger villages or to each other, so that even the smallest village should exceed, if possible, five hundred tributes—in consequence of which measure all should fortify themselves, as the lay of the land should permit.... All these measures were at that time admirable, and would have been thoroughly effective if the inclusion of the smaller villages in the larger ones, or their consolidation, had been carried out more energetically by those whose duty it was. For this undertaking, and to stir up the negligent and careless, the armadas were more necessary than for opposing and restraining the Moros; they gave but little attention to the latter, and still less to the former, and everything was left in the same necessity, and the same condition, [as before].” (Concepción,Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 364, 368.)↑

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