Chapter 41

807.Liv. I. 7.

808.Dionys. I. 40, who says that the duties were performed by slaves in his day. SeeLex.2925 for a long list of conjectures about this part of the legend. The Potitii never occur in inscriptions; and I think with Jordan (Preller, ii. 291) that the name is imaginary, invented to account for the functions of the slaves.

809.C. I. L.vi. 312-319, found on the site of theaedes.

810.Macrob. 3. 12. 2; Varro,L. L.6. 15. The uncovered head also occurs in the cult of Saturnus; and R. Peter argues that the custom may after all be old-Italian (Lex.2928).

811.Marquardt,Privatalterthümer, vol. i, p. 291.

812.See above, p.142foll. Plut.Qu. Rom.60; Macrob. 1. 12. 38. InQ. R.90 Plutarch notes that no other god might be mentioned at the sacrifice, and no dog might be admitted.

813.de Re Rustica, 83.

814.The word wasprofanatum, opposed topolluctum(see Marq. 149).

815.Aen.8. 281 foll.

816.Salii are found in the cult of Hercules also at Tibur: Macrob. 3. 12. 7. See a note of Jordan in Preller, i. 352.

817.Lex.2931 foll.;C. I. L.i. 149 foll.

818.The examples are collected by R. Peter inLex.2935.

819.Festus, 253, s. v. pollucere merces; Plut.Qu. Rom.18;Vita Sullae, 35;Crassi, 2;Lex.2032 foll.

820.Marq. 469; Festus, p. 318, s. v. sacrima.

821.Robertson Smith,Religion of the Semites, p. 233.

822.G. B.ii. 373 foll.

823.In the legend Hercules gave a tenth part of his booty to the inhabitants of the place (Dionys 1. 40).

824.See Mommsen inC. I. L.i. 150.

825.e. g. in Bréal,Hercule et Cacus.

826.SeeLex.2286 (R. Peter, quoting Reifferscheid).

827.Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. xiii. 73. Professor Gardner is inclined to consider the myth as Phoenician rather than Greek, and attached to the Phoenician Melcarth = Herakles. The vase is in the Ashmolean Museum, and was found by the Keeper, Mr. Arthur Evans.

828.Mon. dell’ Inst.v. 25. But the character of the vase is archaic Ionian, as Prof. Gardner tells me;Lex.2275.

829.H. Peter,Fragmenta Hist. Rom.p. 166 (= Solinus, i. 7).

830.C. I. L.xiv. 3555;Lex.2278.

831.Robertson Smith, op. cit. pp. 228 foll., and additional note F.

832.The day of the festival at Aricia is thought to have been also Aug. 13 (Lex.s. v. Diana, 1006).

833.Beloch,Italischer Bund, 180; Cato (ap. Priscian, 7. 337, ed. Jordan, p. 41) gives the names of the towns united in and by the Arician cult—Aricia, Tusculum, Lanuvium, Laurentum, Cora, Tibur, Pometia, Ardea.

834.Liv. I. 45 Dionys. 4. 26; Varro,L. L.5. 43.

835.Dionys. l. c. See Jordan,Krit. Beiträge, 253.

836.So Liv. l. c.: other temples of Diana had deers’ horns, according to Plutarch,Q. R.4. The cow was Diana’s favourite victim (Marq. 361); but we cannot be sure that this was not a feature borrowed from the cult of Artemis (Farnell,Greek Cults, ii. 592).

837.The passages from Livy quoted by Steuding (Lex.1008) are hardly to the point, as the cult is not mentioned in them.

838.Plut.Q. R.100.

839.Serv.Aen.8. 564: cp. Liv. 22. 1, 26. 11.

840.Mannhardt,A. W. F.328 foll.

841.Festus, 343, ‘Servorum dies.’

842.See above, p.75.

843.Strabo, Bk. 4, p. 180; Farnell,Greek Cults, ii. 529 and 592.

844.Liv. 5. 13: Apollo and Latona, Diana and Hercules, Mercurius and Neptunus.

845.Lex.1007. The excavations at Nemi have produced several votive offerings in terra cotta of women with children in their arms. Cp. Ovid,Fasti, 3. 269. Plutarch tells us (Q. R.3) that men were excluded from a shrine of Diana in the Vicus Patricius; but of this nothing further is known.

846.Plut.Q. R.100; Jevons,Introduction, p. lxviii.

847.Frazer,Golden Bough, i. 187.

848.C. I. L.vi. 656, 658.

849.Frazer,G. B.i. 105: cp. Robertson Smith,Religion of the Semites, p. 128 foll. Serv.Georg.3. 332 ‘Ut omnis quercus Iovi est consecrata, et omnislucusDianae.’ (Hor.Od.1. 21.) The reclaiming of Diana from the woodland to the homestead is curiously illustrated by an inscription from Aricia (Wilmanns,Exempla, 1767) in which she is identified with Vesta.

850.Aust,de Aedibus sacris, p. 15.

851.5. (4.) 2.

852.Metaph.14. 623 foll.; Preller, i. 451.

853.Varro.L. L.7. 45. A god Pomonus (gen. Puemones) occurs in the Iguvian ritual (Bücheler,Umbrica, 158); who may have been identical with Vortumnus.

854.Varro,L. L.5. 46.

855.Preller, i. 452, and Jordan’s note.

856.Festus, 217, s. v. persillum. All we know of his duties is that he ‘unguit arma Quirini’; the word for the oil or grease he used was ‘persillum.’ Quirinus had his own flamen, who might be supposed to do this office for him; hence Marq. (328 note) inferred that the god in this case was a form of Janus, Janus Quirinus. But there is no other sound evidence for a Janus Quirinus, though Janus and Portunus may be closely connected.

857.L. L.6. 19.

858.C. I. L.325. He thinks that theatria Tiberinamentioned by Ovid (Fasti, 4. 329) were a station on the route of the procession.

859.Mommsen has not convinced other scholars, e. g. Jordan on Preller, ii. 133, and Marq. 328, who points out that if Volturnus is an old name for the Tiber, that river-god was already provided with a flamen (Volturnalis), and a festival in this month (see below on Volturnalia). I am disposed to think that Mommsen’s critics have the best of the argument.

860.OnAen.5. 241.

861.Röm. Jahr, p. 250. Jordan restored the passage thus: ‘Quo apud veteres aedes in portu et feriae institutae’ (Preller, i. 178 note).

862.See Marquardt,Privatalterthümer, p. 226.

863.Paulus, 56.

864.In Festus, 233,portusis said to have been used for a house in the Twelve Tables.

865.Topogr.i. 430; Marq. agrees (327 note).

866.Preller, i. 177.

867.It was a late foundation, vowed by C. Duilius in the First Punic War (B.C.260). When rebuilt by Tiberius (Tac.Ann.2. 49) the dedication-day became Oct. 18. See Aust,de Aedibus sacris, p. 18.

868.See above on April 23, p.85.

869.Livy, 10. 31; Aust,de Aedibus sacris, p. 12.

870.See above, p.86.

871.Paulus, 264.

872.Preller, i. 196; Marq. 333 note.

873.Varro,L. L.6. 16 ‘Vinalia a vino; Hic dies Iovis, non Veneris; huius rei cura non levis in Latio; nam aliquot locis vindemiae primum a sacerdotibus publicae fiebant, ut Romae etiam nunc; nam flamen Dialis auspicatur vindemiam, et ut iussit vinum legere, agna Iovi facit, inter quoius exta caesa et porrecta flamen primus vinum legit.’ But this note, coming between others on the Cerialia and Robigalia, clearly refers to April 23, and the latter part of it must be taken as simply explaining ‘huius rei cura non levis’ without reference to a particular day.

874.See above, p.110.

875.p. 264.

876.L. L.6. 20. The passage in 6. 16, quoted above, ends thus: ‘In Tusculanis hortis (sortis in MS.) est scriptum: Vinum novum ne vehatur in urbem antequam Vinalia calentur,’ which may refer to a notice put up in the vineyards. Another reading is ‘sacris.’

877.C. I. L.316 and 326; Varro,R. R.1. 65.

878.Cf. Pliny,N. H.18. 284. ‘Tria namque tempora fructibus metuebant, propter quod instituerunt ferias diesque festos, Robigalia, Floralia, Vinalia.’ I do not see why the Vinalia here should not be the Vinalia Rustica. Cp. Virg.Georg.2. 419 ‘Et iam maturis metuendus Iuppiter uvis.’ Hartmann,Röm. Kal.137 foll.

879.Vol. ii. 379.

880.B.C.272 (Festus, 209; Aust, p. 14).

881.For this altar, Tertull.Spect.5 and 8; Dionys. 1. 33; Tac.Ann.12. 24; Serv.Aen.8. 636.

882.No correction of this word seems satisfactory: see Mommsen,C. I. L.326.

883.Wissowa,Lex.s. v. Consus, 926.

884.Suggested by Mommsen,C. I. L.326, and accepted by Wissowa. Unluckily Columella (r. 6), in alluding to the practice, says nothing of its occurrence in Italy. The alternative explanation was suggested to me by Robertson Smith (Religion of the Semites, 107): see also a note in Müller-Deecke,Etrusker, ii. 100; and below on Terminalia (p.325).

885.The underground altar of Dis Pater in the Campus Martius, at which the ludi saeculares were in part celebrated (Zosimus, 2. 1), may have had a like origin.

886.Qu. Rom.40: cf. Dionys. 1. 33.

887.Fast. Praen.;C. I. L.237.

888.2. 31, where he says that they were kept up in his own day: cf. Strabo, Bk. 5.3. 2.

889.p. 148.

890.Friedländer in Marq. 482. For the connexion of games with harvest see Mannhardt.Myth. Forsch.172 foll.

891.Varro (ap. Non. p. 13) quotes an old verse which seems to the point here: ‘Sibi pastores ludo faciunt coriis consualia.’

892.Varro,L. L.6. 20; Serv.Aen.8. 636; Dionys. 2. 31; Cic.Rep.2. 12.

893.See above, p.178.

894.Vol. ii. 171 foll., 372 foll.

895.de Spect.8.

896.See above, p.89; Ovid,Fasti, 4. 908.

897.Festus, p. 210, s. v. piscatorii ludi (Varro,L. L.6 20). The latter uses the word ‘animalia,’ and does not mention fish. The fish were apparently sacrificed at the domestic hearth; but it is doubtful whether Volcanus was ever a deity of the hearth-fire (see Schwegler,R. G.i. 714; Wissowa,de Feriis, xlv).

898.See below, p.309; Ovid,Fasti, 2. 571 foll.

899.See above on May 23, p.123; Varro,L. L.5. 84; Macrob. 1. 12. 18;C. I. L.vi. 1628.

900.ii. 149.

901.In the mutilated note in Fast. Praen. given above. For Wissowa’s views as to the mistake of supposing Volcanus to have been a god of smiths, see above, p.123(May 23).

902.Ennius,Fragm.5. 477; Virg.Aen.5. 662.

903.C. I. L.vi. 826.

904.Liv. 24. 10. 9.

905.Vitruv. 1. 7. 1.

906.Roman Questions, xviii.

907.de Aedibus sacris, p. 47 foll.

908.What this was we do not really know: there were several of them (Preller, ii. 150).

909.Fest. 154, from Ateius Capito; Macrob. 1. 16. 17.

910.Plut.Rom.11; Ovid,Fasti, 4. 821. Plutarch wrongly describes it as being in the Comitium.

911.This seems to be meant by Cato’s words quoted by Festus, l. c. ‘Mundo nomen impositum est ab eo mundo quod supra nos est ... eius inferiorem partem veluti consecratam dis Manibus clausam omni tempore nisi his diebus (i. e. the three above mentioned) maiores c[ensuerunt habendam], quos dies etiam religiosos judicaverunt.’

912.Fest. 128. So Varro, ap. Macrob. 1. 16. 18 ‘Mundus cum patet, deorum tristium atque inferum ianua patet.’Lex.s. v. Dis Pater, 1184; Preller, ii. 68.

913.Müller-Deecke,Etrusker, ii. 100. Plutarch is explicit: ἀπαρχαί τε πάντων, ὅσοις νόμῳ μὲν ὡς καλοῖς ἐχρῶντο, φύσει δὲ ὡς ἀναγκαίοις, ἀπετέθησαν ἐνταῦθα. See above on the Consualia for the practice of burying grain, &c.

914.Macrob. 1. 16. 17. For similar ideas in Greece see A. Mommsen,Heortologie, 345 foll.

915.de Feriis, vi.

916.Varro,L. L.6. 21; Festus, 187.

917.Varro,L. L.. 5. 57 and 64; Festus, 186; Macrob. 1. 10. 19. So Preller, ii. 20. The keen-sighted Ambrosch had, I think, a doubt about it (Studien, 149), and about the conjugal tie generally among Italian deities. See his note on p. 149.

918.Gell. 13. 23. Ops Toitesia (if the reading be right) of the Esquiline vase (Jordan in Preller, ii. 22) may be a combination of this kind (toitesia, conn. tutus?): cf. Ops opifera.

919.Wissowa himself goes so far as to say that male and female divinities were joined together ‘non per iustum matrimonium sed ex officiorum adfinitate,’ op. cit. vi.

920.Op. cit. vii.; Mommsen,C. I. L.327 declines to follow him here.

921.L. L.6. 20. The MSS. read Ope Consiva; so Mommsen inC. I. L.327. Wissowa adopts the other form.

922.See Mommsen, l. c., and Marquardt, 212.

923.See on Vestalia above, p.147, and Marq. 251.

924.Colum. 12 4. Cited in De Marchi,Il Culto privato di Roma Antica(Milan, 1896), p. 56. See my paper inClassical Reviewfor Oct. 1896: vol. x. p. 317 foll.

925.C. I. L.327.

926.Preller, ii. 142.

927.Aen.8. 330.

928.In Preller, ii. 143. In the passage of Lucretius Volturnus is coupled with Auster: ‘Inde aliae tempestates ventique secuntur, Altitonam Volturnus et Auster fulmine pollens.’ Columella (11. 2. 65) says that some people use the name for the east wind (cp. Liv. 22. 43).

929.Röm. Jahr, 251.

930.This represents the length which the ludi had attained in Cicero’s time (Verr.i. 10. 31). September 4 was probably added after Caesar’s death (Mommsen inC. I. L.328).

931.C. I. L.281.

932.R. R.I. 33.

933.See Mommsen’s masterly essay in hisRömische Forschungen, vol. ii. p. 42 foll. Aust, inMyth. Lex.s. v. Iuppiter, 732.

934.Mommsen,Röm. Chronol.86 foll.

935.The ‘equorum probatio,’ preliminary to the races in the circus, took place on the day after the Ides: see above, p.27.

936.Mommsen (C. I. L.328, andRöm. Forsch.ii. 43 foll.) points out that the real centre-point and original day of the ludi proper was the day of the great procession (pompa) from the Capitol to the Circus maximus; and that this was probably the 15th, two days after the epulum, because the 14th, beingpostriduanus, was unlucky, and that day was also occupied by the ‘equorum probatio.’ (See Fasti Sab., Maff., Vall., Amit. and Antiat.)

937.See below, p.234. For thedies natalis, see Aust, inLex.s.v. Iuppiter, p. 707; Plutarch,Poplic.14.

938.Mommsen,Röm. Forsch.l. c.

939.Livy, 36. 2. 3. The passage refers toludi magni, i. e.specialvotive games, vowed after the fixed organization of the ludi Romani; but it is none the less illustrative of the latter, as they originated in votive games.

940.So Marq. 349 and note; Mommsen inC. I. L.329, 335. I follow Aust,Lex.s. v. Iuppiter, 732. The ‘epulum Minervae’ of the rustic calendars is but slender evidence for an ancient and special connexion of the goddess with this day; but Mommsen thinks that the epulum ‘magis Minervae quam Iovis fuisse.’

941.Aust, l. c.

942.Aust,Lex.s. v. Iuppiter, 670, 735.

943.In Capitolio (Gellius, 12. 8. 2; Liv. 38. 57. 5). For the collegium ofepulones, which from 196B.C.had charge of this and other public feasts, see Marq. 347 foll.

944.Val. Max. 2. 1. 2; Plin.N. H.33. 111; Aust, l. c.; Preller, i. 120.

945.Marq. 348.

946.R. R.132. Festus (68) explains daps as ‘res divina quae fiebat aut hiberna semente aut verna,’ and Cato directs the farmer to begin to sow after the ceremony he describes. I do not clearly understand whether Marquardt intended also to connect the epulum Jovis of Nov. 13 with the autumn sowing.

947.I am unable to offer any explanation of these words, though half inclined to suspect that Vesta was the original deity of this rite of the farm, and that Jupiter and the wine-offering are later intrusions.

948.Fasti, 6. 307. For Vacuna see Preller, i. 408.

949.Bk. 2. 23 (cp. 2. 50); Marq. 195 foll. For a comparison of Greek and Roman usage of this kind see de Coulanges,La Cité antique, p. 132 foll.

950.He compares this common meal with those of the πρυτανεῖα of Greek cities, and also with the φιδίτια at Sparta. But it is most unlikely that the practice of the curiae should have had any but a native origin.

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