951.See cap. 7 of Ambrosch’sStudien; and cp. cap. 1 on the Regia as the older centre.
951.See cap. 7 of Ambrosch’sStudien; and cp. cap. 1 on the Regia as the older centre.
952.I may relegate to a footnote the further conjecture that the original deity of the epulum was Vesta. We know that this Sept. 13 was one of the three days on which the Vestals prepared themola salsa(Serv.Ecl.8. 32). We cannot connect thismola salsawith the cult of Jupiter on this day, for the Vestals have no direct connexion with that cult at any period of the year; but it is possible that it was a survival from the time when the common meal took place in the Regia.
952.I may relegate to a footnote the further conjecture that the original deity of the epulum was Vesta. We know that this Sept. 13 was one of the three days on which the Vestals prepared themola salsa(Serv.Ecl.8. 32). We cannot connect thismola salsawith the cult of Jupiter on this day, for the Vestals have no direct connexion with that cult at any period of the year; but it is possible that it was a survival from the time when the common meal took place in the Regia.
953.See Aust’s admirable and exhaustive article on Jupiter in Roscher’sLexicon.
953.See Aust’s admirable and exhaustive article on Jupiter in Roscher’sLexicon.
954.Robertson Smith (Religion of the Semites, 42 foll.) seems to trace the idea back to an actual physical fatherhood. Mr. Farnell, on the other hand (Cults of the Greek States, i. 49), believes that in the case of Zeus it expresses ‘rather a moral or spiritual idea than any real theological belief concerning physical or human origins.’ In Italy, I think, the suffix pater indicates a special connexion with a particular stock, and one rather of guardianship than of actual fatherhood. See above on Neptunalia.
954.Robertson Smith (Religion of the Semites, 42 foll.) seems to trace the idea back to an actual physical fatherhood. Mr. Farnell, on the other hand (Cults of the Greek States, i. 49), believes that in the case of Zeus it expresses ‘rather a moral or spiritual idea than any real theological belief concerning physical or human origins.’ In Italy, I think, the suffix pater indicates a special connexion with a particular stock, and one rather of guardianship than of actual fatherhood. See above on Neptunalia.
955.See Jordan’s note on Preller, i. 56.
955.See Jordan’s note on Preller, i. 56.
956.See my paper inClassical Review, vol. ix. 474 foll.
956.See my paper inClassical Review, vol. ix. 474 foll.
957.Wissowa,de Feriis, p. 6, in the true spirit of Italian worship, concludes that it was ‘non per iustum matrimonium, sed ex officiorum affinitate.’
957.Wissowa,de Feriis, p. 6, in the true spirit of Italian worship, concludes that it was ‘non per iustum matrimonium, sed ex officiorum affinitate.’
958.Bücheler,Umbrica; Bréal,Les Tables Eugubines.
958.Bücheler,Umbrica; Bréal,Les Tables Eugubines.
959.Tab.1 B. (Bücheler, p. 2, takes it as a temple or sacellum ofJuno).
959.Tab.1 B. (Bücheler, p. 2, takes it as a temple or sacellum ofJuno).
960.Grabovius is an epithet of Mars; Sancius of Fisius; Jovius or Juvius of more than one deity.
960.Grabovius is an epithet of Mars; Sancius of Fisius; Jovius or Juvius of more than one deity.
961.Farnell, op. cit. i. 50 and notes.
961.Farnell, op. cit. i. 50 and notes.
962.Mommsen,Unteritalische Dialekten, 341;Lex.637. The JupiterCacunusofC. I. L.6. 371 and 9. 4876 also points tohigh places, and there are other examples.
962.Mommsen,Unteritalische Dialekten, 341;Lex.637. The JupiterCacunusofC. I. L.6. 371 and 9. 4876 also points tohigh places, and there are other examples.
963.Aen.9. 567.
963.Aen.9. 567.
964.Wordsworth,Fragments and Specimens, p. 564.
964.Wordsworth,Fragments and Specimens, p. 564.
965.Sat.1. 15. 14.
965.Sat.1. 15. 14.
966.Deecke,Etruskische Forschungen, iv. 79 foll.
966.Deecke,Etruskische Forschungen, iv. 79 foll.
967.Lex.s. v. Iuppiter, p. 634.
967.Lex.s. v. Iuppiter, p. 634.
968.ServiusEcl.10. 27;Dict. of Antiquities(ed. 2), s. v. Triumphus.
968.ServiusEcl.10. 27;Dict. of Antiquities(ed. 2), s. v. Triumphus.
969.Farnell, i. 184 foll. See also Dion. Hal. 1. 21. 2; Deecke,Die Falisker, p. 88;Lex.s. v. Juno, 591; Roscher,Juno und Hera, 76.
969.Farnell, i. 184 foll. See also Dion. Hal. 1. 21. 2; Deecke,Die Falisker, p. 88;Lex.s. v. Juno, 591; Roscher,Juno und Hera, 76.
970.Lex.643.
970.Lex.643.
971.H. Jordan,Symbolae ad historiam religionum Italicarum alterae. Königsberg, 1885.
971.H. Jordan,Symbolae ad historiam religionum Italicarum alterae. Königsberg, 1885.
972.‘Orceria·Numeri·nationu·cratia·Fortuna·Diovo·filei·primocenia·donom dedi’ (C. I. L.xiv. 2863). There are later inscriptions in which she appears as ‘Iovis (or Iovi) puero,’ in the sense of female child (C. I. L.xiv. 2862, 2868). The subject is discussed by Mommsen inHermesfor 1884, p. 455, and by Jordan op. cit. See alsoLex.s. v. Fortuna, 1542 foll., and s. v. Iuppiter, 648.
972.‘Orceria·Numeri·nationu·cratia·Fortuna·Diovo·filei·primocenia·donom dedi’ (C. I. L.xiv. 2863). There are later inscriptions in which she appears as ‘Iovis (or Iovi) puero,’ in the sense of female child (C. I. L.xiv. 2862, 2868). The subject is discussed by Mommsen inHermesfor 1884, p. 455, and by Jordan op. cit. See alsoLex.s. v. Fortuna, 1542 foll., and s. v. Iuppiter, 648.
973.Symbolae, i. p. 8, and cp. 12. For the apparent parallel in the myth of the birth of Mars see on March 1.
973.Symbolae, i. p. 8, and cp. 12. For the apparent parallel in the myth of the birth of Mars see on March 1.
974.Hermes, 1884, p. 455 foll.
974.Hermes, 1884, p. 455 foll.
975.Gellius,N. A.5. 12; Ovid,Fasti, 3. 429 foll.; and see above on May 21. For Hercules, Jordan l. c. and his note on Preller, ii. 298. For Caeculus, Wissowa, inLex.s. v.
975.Gellius,N. A.5. 12; Ovid,Fasti, 3. 429 foll.; and see above on May 21. For Hercules, Jordan l. c. and his note on Preller, ii. 298. For Caeculus, Wissowa, inLex.s. v.
976.C. I. L.xiv. 2862 and 2868.
976.C. I. L.xiv. 2862 and 2868.
977.Thetria signaof Liv. 23. 19, placed ‘in aede Fortunae’ by M. Anicius after his escape from Hannibal, with a dedication, may possibly have been those of Fortuna and the two babes (Preller, ii. 192. note 1): but this is very doubtful.
977.Thetria signaof Liv. 23. 19, placed ‘in aede Fortunae’ by M. Anicius after his escape from Hannibal, with a dedication, may possibly have been those of Fortuna and the two babes (Preller, ii. 192. note 1): but this is very doubtful.
978.Jordan,Symbolae, 10;Lex.s. v. Fortunae, 1543; Fernique,Étude sur Préneste, 78.
978.Jordan,Symbolae, 10;Lex.s. v. Fortunae, 1543; Fernique,Étude sur Préneste, 78.
979.Gerhard,Antike Bildwerke, Tab. iv. no. 1, gives an example: the children here, however, are not babes, and the mother has her arms round their necks. It seems more to resemble the types of Leto with Apollo and Artemis as infants (Lex.s. v. Leto, 1973), as Prof. Gardner suggests to me.
979.Gerhard,Antike Bildwerke, Tab. iv. no. 1, gives an example: the children here, however, are not babes, and the mother has her arms round their necks. It seems more to resemble the types of Leto with Apollo and Artemis as infants (Lex.s. v. Leto, 1973), as Prof. Gardner suggests to me.
980.AdAen.7. 799.
980.AdAen.7. 799.
981.Lex.s. v. Iuppiter, 640.
981.Lex.s. v. Iuppiter, 640.
982.See Fernique,Étude sur Préneste, pp. 79-81.
982.See Fernique,Étude sur Préneste, pp. 79-81.
983.Fernique, op. cit. p. 79.
983.Fernique, op. cit. p. 79.
984.Fernique, 139 foll. Wissowa writes of Praeneste as ‘a special point of connexion between Latin and Etruscan culture’ (Lex.s. v. Mercurius, 2813).
984.Fernique, 139 foll. Wissowa writes of Praeneste as ‘a special point of connexion between Latin and Etruscan culture’ (Lex.s. v. Mercurius, 2813).
985.Plutarch,Parallela, 41.
985.Plutarch,Parallela, 41.
986.See at end of April, p.95.
986.See at end of April, p.95.
987.Liv. 1. 31. 3 ‘visi etiam audire vocem ingentem ex summi cacuminis luco, ut patrio ritu sacra Albani facerent.’
987.Liv. 1. 31. 3 ‘visi etiam audire vocem ingentem ex summi cacuminis luco, ut patrio ritu sacra Albani facerent.’
988.e. g. the vases of very primitive make (Henzen,Acta Fratr. Arv.30).
988.e. g. the vases of very primitive make (Henzen,Acta Fratr. Arv.30).
989.Liv. 27. 11 (B.C.209).
989.Liv. 27. 11 (B.C.209).
990.Niebuhr,Hist. of Rome, ii. 37. Strong arguments are urged against this view by Aust,Lex.696.
990.Niebuhr,Hist. of Rome, ii. 37. Strong arguments are urged against this view by Aust,Lex.696.
991.Paul. Diac. 87. The lucus is mentioned in the corrupt fragments of the Argean itinerary (see on May 15) in Varro,L. L.5. 50 (see Jordan,Topogr.ii, 242): where I am inclined to think the real reading is ‘Esquiliis cis Iovis lucum fagutalem’; ‘Iuppiter Fagutalis’ in Plin.N. H.16. 37; a ‘vicus Iovis Fagutalis,’C. I. L.vi. 452 (110A.D.).
991.Paul. Diac. 87. The lucus is mentioned in the corrupt fragments of the Argean itinerary (see on May 15) in Varro,L. L.5. 50 (see Jordan,Topogr.ii, 242): where I am inclined to think the real reading is ‘Esquiliis cis Iovis lucum fagutalem’; ‘Iuppiter Fagutalis’ in Plin.N. H.16. 37; a ‘vicus Iovis Fagutalis,’C. I. L.vi. 452 (110A.D.).
992.For Iuppiter Viminius and his ara, Fest. 376.
992.For Iuppiter Viminius and his ara, Fest. 376.
993.Liv. 1. 10; Dionys. 2. 34; Propert. 5. (4.) 10.
993.Liv. 1. 10; Dionys. 2. 34; Propert. 5. (4.) 10.
994.For other examples of this practice see Bötticher,Baumkultus, pp. 73 and 134; Virgil,Aen.10. 423, and Servius, ad loc.; Statius,Theb.2. 707.
994.For other examples of this practice see Bötticher,Baumkultus, pp. 73 and 134; Virgil,Aen.10. 423, and Servius, ad loc.; Statius,Theb.2. 707.
995.Corn. Nep.Atticus, 20; cf. Mommsen,Res Gestae Divi Augusti, p. 53; Dion. Hal. 2. 34. 4. This is apparently what Livy alludes to in 1. 10, attributing it, after Roman fashion, to Romulus: ‘Templum his regionibus, quas modo animo metatus sum, dedico sedem opimis spoliis.’ For a discussion of the shape of this temple see Aust, inLex.s. v. Iuppiter, 673. He is inclined to attribute it (679) to the A. Cornelius Cossus who dedicated the secondspolia opimainB.C.428 (Liv. 4. 20).
995.Corn. Nep.Atticus, 20; cf. Mommsen,Res Gestae Divi Augusti, p. 53; Dion. Hal. 2. 34. 4. This is apparently what Livy alludes to in 1. 10, attributing it, after Roman fashion, to Romulus: ‘Templum his regionibus, quas modo animo metatus sum, dedico sedem opimis spoliis.’ For a discussion of the shape of this temple see Aust, inLex.s. v. Iuppiter, 673. He is inclined to attribute it (679) to the A. Cornelius Cossus who dedicated the secondspolia opimainB.C.428 (Liv. 4. 20).
996.The meaning of the cult-title is obscure;Lex.s. v. Iuppiter, 673.
996.The meaning of the cult-title is obscure;Lex.s. v. Iuppiter, 673.
997.Paul. Diac. 92; Serv.Aen.12. 206.
997.Paul. Diac. 92; Serv.Aen.12. 206.
998.Aust, inLex.676. The idea is that of Helbig in hisItaliker in der Poebene, 91 foll. Cp. Schwegler,Röm. Gesch.i. 681, and Preller, i. 248 foll. H. Nettleship,Essays in Latin Literature, p. 35, and Strachan-Davidson (Polybius,Prolegomena, viii) discuss the oathper Iovem lapidemusefully. Nettleship saw that the passage of Servius is the only one which ‘gives any real support’ to the notion that the god was represented by a stone; and Strachan-Davidson notes the aetiological method of Servius.
998.Aust, inLex.676. The idea is that of Helbig in hisItaliker in der Poebene, 91 foll. Cp. Schwegler,Röm. Gesch.i. 681, and Preller, i. 248 foll. H. Nettleship,Essays in Latin Literature, p. 35, and Strachan-Davidson (Polybius,Prolegomena, viii) discuss the oathper Iovem lapidemusefully. Nettleship saw that the passage of Servius is the only one which ‘gives any real support’ to the notion that the god was represented by a stone; and Strachan-Davidson notes the aetiological method of Servius.
999.Cp. his note on the ‘sceptrum’ (Aen.12. 206), which he explains as being the substitute for a ‘simulacrum’ of Jupiter. Was this ‘simulacrum’ a stone? If so he would have said so. Obviously he knew little or nothing about these cult-objects.
999.Cp. his note on the ‘sceptrum’ (Aen.12. 206), which he explains as being the substitute for a ‘simulacrum’ of Jupiter. Was this ‘simulacrum’ a stone? If so he would have said so. Obviously he knew little or nothing about these cult-objects.
1000.de Civ. Dei2. 29. S. Augustine couples it with the focus Vestae, as something well known: and this could not be said at that time of any object in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius. The epithet Capitolinus would suit the stone of Terminus far better; and this is, in fact, made almost certain by Servius’ language when speaking of Virgil’s ‘Capitoli immobile saxum’ (Aen.9. 448), which he identifies with the ‘lapidem ipsum Termini.’ Doubtless if we could be sure that such a stone existed, we might guess that it was an aerolite (Strachan-Davidson, p. 76, who quotes examples).
1000.de Civ. Dei2. 29. S. Augustine couples it with the focus Vestae, as something well known: and this could not be said at that time of any object in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius. The epithet Capitolinus would suit the stone of Terminus far better; and this is, in fact, made almost certain by Servius’ language when speaking of Virgil’s ‘Capitoli immobile saxum’ (Aen.9. 448), which he identifies with the ‘lapidem ipsum Termini.’ Doubtless if we could be sure that such a stone existed, we might guess that it was an aerolite (Strachan-Davidson, p. 76, who quotes examples).
1001.So Nettleship, l. c.: and Strachan-Davidson, l. c.
1001.So Nettleship, l. c.: and Strachan-Davidson, l. c.
1002.He quotes Plin.N. H.37. 135 ‘cerauniae nigrae rubentesque et similes securibus.’
1002.He quotes Plin.N. H.37. 135 ‘cerauniae nigrae rubentesque et similes securibus.’
1003.Communicated to Mr. Strachan-Davidson, and mentioned by him in a note (op. cit. p. 77). An instance in Retzel,History of Mankind, vol. i. p. 175. The other suggestion, that it was a meteoric stone, is also quite possible: for Greek examples, see Schömann,Griech. Alterthümer, ii. 171 foll.
1003.Communicated to Mr. Strachan-Davidson, and mentioned by him in a note (op. cit. p. 77). An instance in Retzel,History of Mankind, vol. i. p. 175. The other suggestion, that it was a meteoric stone, is also quite possible: for Greek examples, see Schömann,Griech. Alterthümer, ii. 171 foll.
1004.Liv. 30. 43.
1004.Liv. 30. 43.
1005.We may compare the ‘orbita’ of the cult of Jupiter Sancius at Iguvium: Bücheler,Umbrica, 141. See above, p.139.
1005.We may compare the ‘orbita’ of the cult of Jupiter Sancius at Iguvium: Bücheler,Umbrica, 141. See above, p.139.
1006.It may be as well to say, before leaving the subject, that I certainly agree with Mr. Strachan-Davidson that the ordinary oath, ‘per Iovem lapidem,’ where the swearer throws the stone away from him (described by Polybius, 3. 25), has nothing to do with the ritual of the Fetials.
1006.It may be as well to say, before leaving the subject, that I certainly agree with Mr. Strachan-Davidson that the ordinary oath, ‘per Iovem lapidem,’ where the swearer throws the stone away from him (described by Polybius, 3. 25), has nothing to do with the ritual of the Fetials.
1007.Festus, p. 2. Cp. 128, where this stone is distinguished from the other, which was the ‘ostium Orci.’ Serv.Aen.3. 175.
1007.Festus, p. 2. Cp. 128, where this stone is distinguished from the other, which was the ‘ostium Orci.’ Serv.Aen.3. 175.
1008.Serv. l. c. Marquardt, and Aust following him, add the matrons with bare feet and the magistrates without their praetexta: but this rests on the authority of Petronius (Sat.44), who surely is not writing of Rome, where the ceremony was only a tradition, to judge by Fest. p. 2.
1008.Serv. l. c. Marquardt, and Aust following him, add the matrons with bare feet and the magistrates without their praetexta: but this rests on the authority of Petronius (Sat.44), who surely is not writing of Rome, where the ceremony was only a tradition, to judge by Fest. p. 2.
1009.Varro,L. L.6. 94.
1009.Varro,L. L.6. 94.
1010.O. Gilbert, ii. 154: adopted by Aust, 658, who adds some slight additional evidence: e. g. the ‘Iovem aquam exorabant’ of the passage from Petronius.
1010.O. Gilbert, ii. 154: adopted by Aust, 658, who adds some slight additional evidence: e. g. the ‘Iovem aquam exorabant’ of the passage from Petronius.
1011.Tylor,Prim. Cult.ii. 235-7: for the Greek Zeus, Farnell,Cults, i. 44 foll.
1011.Tylor,Prim. Cult.ii. 235-7: for the Greek Zeus, Farnell,Cults, i. 44 foll.
1012.Preller, i. 190. I cannot say that I find evidence earlier than the passage of Tibullus, 1. 7. 26 (Jupiter Pluvius).
1012.Preller, i. 190. I cannot say that I find evidence earlier than the passage of Tibullus, 1. 7. 26 (Jupiter Pluvius).
1013.Note that the Flamen Dialis is not mentioned along with the Pontifices by Servius, l.c.
1013.Note that the Flamen Dialis is not mentioned along with the Pontifices by Servius, l.c.
1014.See onMay 15.
1014.See onMay 15.
1015.Golden Bough, i. 11 foll.; Grimm,Teutonic Mythology, 595 foll.; abundant examples in the works of Mannhardt, see indices.
1015.Golden Bough, i. 11 foll.; Grimm,Teutonic Mythology, 595 foll.; abundant examples in the works of Mannhardt, see indices.
1016.FromSamoa, by G. Turner, p. 145.
1016.FromSamoa, by G. Turner, p. 145.
1017.Compare together Nonius, 547. 10; 559. 19 (s. v. trulleum), from Varro; Festus, 128, s. v. ‘manalis lapis,’ from Verrius Flaccus. The suggestion that the stone was hollow is O. Gilbert’s.
1017.Compare together Nonius, 547. 10; 559. 19 (s. v. trulleum), from Varro; Festus, 128, s. v. ‘manalis lapis,’ from Verrius Flaccus. The suggestion that the stone was hollow is O. Gilbert’s.
1018.Aust,Lex.657, who believes the Romans to have been mistaken. Thelocus classicusis Ovid,Fasti, 3. 285 foll.; a more rational account in Liv. 1. 20; Plin.N. H.2. 140. Note the position of the altar of this Jupiter, i. e. the Aventine.
1018.Aust,Lex.657, who believes the Romans to have been mistaken. Thelocus classicusis Ovid,Fasti, 3. 285 foll.; a more rational account in Liv. 1. 20; Plin.N. H.2. 140. Note the position of the altar of this Jupiter, i. e. the Aventine.
1019.Germania, 9.
1019.Germania, 9.
1020.7. 3.
1020.7. 3.
1021.Festus, 55.
1021.Festus, 55.
1022.InRöm. Chronologie, p. 175 foll. Preller (i. 258) had already seen that the ceremony was a religious one, but believed it to be annual, and used for the reckoning of time.
1022.InRöm. Chronologie, p. 175 foll. Preller (i. 258) had already seen that the ceremony was a religious one, but believed it to be annual, and used for the reckoning of time.
1023.‘An sich hat der Nagel gewiss mit dem Jahre nichts zu thun, sondern steht in seiner natürlichen und wohlbekannten Bedeutung der Schicksalsfestung, in welcher er als Attribut der grausen Nothwendigkeit (saeva Necessitas), der Fortuna, der Atropos bei römischen Schriftstellern und auf italischen Bildwerken begegnet.’ Mommsen, op. cit. 179. He alludes, of course, to Horace,Od.1. 35, and 3. 24, and to the Etruscan mirror mentioned by Preller (p. 259): see Gerhard,Etr. Spiegel, i. 176. But the interpretation of this mirror, as given by Preller, seems to me very doubtful.
1023.‘An sich hat der Nagel gewiss mit dem Jahre nichts zu thun, sondern steht in seiner natürlichen und wohlbekannten Bedeutung der Schicksalsfestung, in welcher er als Attribut der grausen Nothwendigkeit (saeva Necessitas), der Fortuna, der Atropos bei römischen Schriftstellern und auf italischen Bildwerken begegnet.’ Mommsen, op. cit. 179. He alludes, of course, to Horace,Od.1. 35, and 3. 24, and to the Etruscan mirror mentioned by Preller (p. 259): see Gerhard,Etr. Spiegel, i. 176. But the interpretation of this mirror, as given by Preller, seems to me very doubtful.
1024.C. I. L.i 2. 281.
1024.C. I. L.i 2. 281.
1025.Varro,R. R.1. 34. Pliny,N. H.18. 315: ‘Vindemiam antiqui nunquam existimavere maturam ante aequinoctium, iam passim rapi cerno.’ Sec. 319 ‘Iustum vindemiae tempus ab aequinoctio ad Vergiliarum occasum dies xliii.’
1025.Varro,R. R.1. 34. Pliny,N. H.18. 315: ‘Vindemiam antiqui nunquam existimavere maturam ante aequinoctium, iam passim rapi cerno.’ Sec. 319 ‘Iustum vindemiae tempus ab aequinoctio ad Vergiliarum occasum dies xliii.’
1026.See above, p.97.
1026.See above, p.97.
1027.Pliny,N. H.14. 88 ‘Vino rogum ne respargito.’ Cp. 18. 24.
1027.Pliny,N. H.14. 88 ‘Vino rogum ne respargito.’ Cp. 18. 24.
1028.Kulturpflanzen, &c., p. 65.
1028.Kulturpflanzen, &c., p. 65.
1029.1. 21. Dion. Hal. 2. 75. The significance of this covered vehicle seems to be unknown.
1029.1. 21. Dion. Hal. 2. 75. The significance of this covered vehicle seems to be unknown.
1030.Many passages might be collected to bear out Dionysius’ remarks: the reader may refer to Preller, i. 250 foll.
1030.Many passages might be collected to bear out Dionysius’ remarks: the reader may refer to Preller, i. 250 foll.
1031.Pliny,N. H.xi. 250. So ‘dextram fidemque dare.’
1031.Pliny,N. H.xi. 250. So ‘dextram fidemque dare.’
1032.Wissowa, inLex.s. v. Fides, Preller. i. 251. Serv.Aen.1. 292 and 8. 636: but Serv. in the latter note says ‘Quia fides tecta esse debet et velata.’
1032.Wissowa, inLex.s. v. Fides, Preller. i. 251. Serv.Aen.1. 292 and 8. 636: but Serv. in the latter note says ‘Quia fides tecta esse debet et velata.’
1033.Libanius,Decl.19; Photius, s. v. κροκοῦν (Bötticher,Baumkultus, p. 43) οἱ μύσται ὡς φασὶ κρόκῃ τὴν δεξιὰν χεῖρα καὶ τὸν πόδα ἀναδοῦνται.
1033.Libanius,Decl.19; Photius, s. v. κροκοῦν (Bötticher,Baumkultus, p. 43) οἱ μύσται ὡς φασὶ κρόκῃ τὴν δεξιὰν χεῖρα καὶ τὸν πόδα ἀναδοῦνται.
1034.Hor.Od.1. 35. 21.
1034.Hor.Od.1. 35. 21.
1035.The authorities for this and the altars connected with it are Livy, 1. 26; Dion. Hal. 3. 22; Festus, 297 and Paul. 307; Aur. Vict. 4. 9;Schol. Bob. ad Cic.p. 277 Orelli; Lydusde Mensibus, 4. 1.
1035.The authorities for this and the altars connected with it are Livy, 1. 26; Dion. Hal. 3. 22; Festus, 297 and Paul. 307; Aur. Vict. 4. 9;Schol. Bob. ad Cic.p. 277 Orelli; Lydusde Mensibus, 4. 1.
1036.Kiepert u. Huelsen,Formae urbis Romae antiquae, p. 92 and map 1; Jordan,Topogr.ii. 100.
1036.Kiepert u. Huelsen,Formae urbis Romae antiquae, p. 92 and map 1; Jordan,Topogr.ii. 100.
1037.So Roscher, inLex.s. v. Ianus, 21; Gilbert,Topogr.1. 180, who would make it the ‘porta Ianualis’ of Macrob. 1. 19. 17, wrongly.
1037.So Roscher, inLex.s. v. Ianus, 21; Gilbert,Topogr.1. 180, who would make it the ‘porta Ianualis’ of Macrob. 1. 19. 17, wrongly.
1038.It is always in the singular, e. g. ‘Transmisso per viam tigillo,’ Livy, l. c. Dionys. writes as if it were originally aiugum, i. e. two uprights and a cross-beam, but does not imply that it was so in his day.
1038.It is always in the singular, e. g. ‘Transmisso per viam tigillo,’ Livy, l. c. Dionys. writes as if it were originally aiugum, i. e. two uprights and a cross-beam, but does not imply that it was so in his day.
1039.The altars are mentioned by Festus, Dionys, andSchol. Bob.
1039.The altars are mentioned by Festus, Dionys, andSchol. Bob.
1040.Lex.s. v. Janus, 21; quoting Grimm,Deutsche Myth.(E. T. 1157, with quotation from White’sSelborne).
1040.Lex.s. v. Janus, 21; quoting Grimm,Deutsche Myth.(E. T. 1157, with quotation from White’sSelborne).
1041.Marquardt, 584.
1041.Marquardt, 584.
1042.Macrob. 1. 9. 16 ‘[Ianum] Iunonium quia non solum mensis Ianuarii sed mensium omnium ingressum tenentem: in dicione autem Iunonis sunt omnes Kalendae.’
1042.Macrob. 1. 9. 16 ‘[Ianum] Iunonium quia non solum mensis Ianuarii sed mensium omnium ingressum tenentem: in dicione autem Iunonis sunt omnes Kalendae.’
1043.This Juno may be the ‘Weibliche Genius einer Frau,’ as Roscher suggests (s. v. Janus, 22; s. v. Juno. 598, he seems to think otherwise). But as she is connected with Janus, I should doubt it. For an explanation of ‘Ianus Curiatius’ cp. Lydus, l. c. ἔφορος εὐγενῶν.
1043.This Juno may be the ‘Weibliche Genius einer Frau,’ as Roscher suggests (s. v. Janus, 22; s. v. Juno. 598, he seems to think otherwise). But as she is connected with Janus, I should doubt it. For an explanation of ‘Ianus Curiatius’ cp. Lydus, l. c. ἔφορος εὐγενῶν.
1044.Curriti Arv.: Q[uiriti] Paul.
1044.Curriti Arv.: Q[uiriti] Paul.
1045.p.223.
1045.p.223.
1046.Paulus, 123; Varro,L. L.6. 21.
1046.Paulus, 123; Varro,L. L.6. 21.
1047.Henzen,Act. Fr. Arv.pp. 11, 12, 14.
1047.Henzen,Act. Fr. Arv.pp. 11, 12, 14.
1048.L. L.vi. 22. Cp. Festus, 85.
1048.L. L.vi. 22. Cp. Festus, 85.
1049.Cic.N. D.iii. 20.
1049.Cic.N. D.iii. 20.
1050.Preller, i. 176.
1050.Preller, i. 176.
1051.Henzen,Acta Fr. Arv.146. The deities to whompiaculaare here to be sacrificed are deities of the grove of the Brethren: hence I should conclude that this Fons simply represented a particular spring there.
1051.Henzen,Acta Fr. Arv.146. The deities to whompiaculaare here to be sacrificed are deities of the grove of the Brethren: hence I should conclude that this Fons simply represented a particular spring there.
1052.de Feriis, &c., p. xi. To me this explanation does not seem quite satisfactory, though it seems to be sanctioned by Mommsen (C. I. L.i. 2. 332, note on Id. Oct. sub fin.). It is however undoubtedly preferable to the view I had taken before reading Wissowa’s tract, that the omission was due to an aristocratic neglect of usages which only survived among the common people and had ceased to concern the whole community.
1052.de Feriis, &c., p. xi. To me this explanation does not seem quite satisfactory, though it seems to be sanctioned by Mommsen (C. I. L.i. 2. 332, note on Id. Oct. sub fin.). It is however undoubtedly preferable to the view I had taken before reading Wissowa’s tract, that the omission was due to an aristocratic neglect of usages which only survived among the common people and had ceased to concern the whole community.
1053.Polyb. xii. 4b.
1053.Polyb. xii. 4b.
1054.Ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τινὶ κατακοντίζειν ἵππον πολεμιστὴν πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐν τῷ κάμπῳ καλουμένῳ. This is quoted from “τὰ περὶ Πυρρόν.”
1054.Ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τινὶ κατακοντίζειν ἵππον πολεμιστὴν πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐν τῷ κάμπῳ καλουμένῳ. This is quoted from “τὰ περὶ Πυρρόν.”
1055.Fest. 178 ‘October equus appellatur, qui in campo Martio mense Oct. immolatur quotannis Marti, bigarum victricum dexterior. De cuius capite non levis contentio solebat esse inter Suburanenses et Sacravienses, ut hi in regiae pariete, illi ad turrim Mamiliam id figerent; eiusdemque coda tanta celeritate perfertur in regiam, ut ex ea sanguis distillet in focum participandae rei divinae gratia, quem hostiae loco quidam Marti bellico deo sacrari dicunt,’ &c. Then follow three examples of horse-sacrifices. Paul. 179 adds no fresh information. Paul. 220 ‘Panibus redimibant caput equi immolati idibus Octobribus in campo Martio, quia id sacrificium fiebat ob frugum eventum, et equus potius quam bos immolabatur, quod hic bello, bos frugibus pariendis est aptus.’ (The meaning of these last words will be considered presently.) Cp. Plutarch,Qu. Rom.97; probably from Verrius, perhaps indirectly through Juba. Plut. by a mistake puts the rite on the Ides of December.
1055.Fest. 178 ‘October equus appellatur, qui in campo Martio mense Oct. immolatur quotannis Marti, bigarum victricum dexterior. De cuius capite non levis contentio solebat esse inter Suburanenses et Sacravienses, ut hi in regiae pariete, illi ad turrim Mamiliam id figerent; eiusdemque coda tanta celeritate perfertur in regiam, ut ex ea sanguis distillet in focum participandae rei divinae gratia, quem hostiae loco quidam Marti bellico deo sacrari dicunt,’ &c. Then follow three examples of horse-sacrifices. Paul. 179 adds no fresh information. Paul. 220 ‘Panibus redimibant caput equi immolati idibus Octobribus in campo Martio, quia id sacrificium fiebat ob frugum eventum, et equus potius quam bos immolabatur, quod hic bello, bos frugibus pariendis est aptus.’ (The meaning of these last words will be considered presently.) Cp. Plutarch,Qu. Rom.97; probably from Verrius, perhaps indirectly through Juba. Plut. by a mistake puts the rite on the Ides of December.
1056.See note in Preller’sRegionen der Stadi Rom, p. 174. They are placed by Kiepert and Hülsen (map 2) close to the Tiber and near the Mausoleum of Augustus, and a long way from the old ara Martis. Perhaps the position of the latter had changed as the Campus came to be built over.
1056.See note in Preller’sRegionen der Stadi Rom, p. 174. They are placed by Kiepert and Hülsen (map 2) close to the Tiber and near the Mausoleum of Augustus, and a long way from the old ara Martis. Perhaps the position of the latter had changed as the Campus came to be built over.
1057.Livy, 35. 10; 40. 45 (the censors after their election sat in Campo on their curule chairs ‘ad aram Martis’). Roscher,Lex.s. v. Mars, 2389.
1057.Livy, 35. 10; 40. 45 (the censors after their election sat in Campo on their curule chairs ‘ad aram Martis’). Roscher,Lex.s. v. Mars, 2389.
1058.What this was is not known: some think a kind of peel-tower. Possibly a tower inquadriviis: cf. definition ofcompituminSchol. Pers.4. 28.
1058.What this was is not known: some think a kind of peel-tower. Possibly a tower inquadriviis: cf. definition ofcompituminSchol. Pers.4. 28.
1059.Ovid,Fasti, 4. 731 foll.; Prop. 5. (4.) 1. 19. See on Parilia and Fordicidia.
1059.Ovid,Fasti, 4. 731 foll.; Prop. 5. (4.) 1. 19. See on Parilia and Fordicidia.
1060.Preller, 1. 366; Marquardt, 334; Schwegler,Röm. Gesch.ii. 46; Roscher,Apollo und Mars, 64 foll.
1060.Preller, 1. 366; Marquardt, 334; Schwegler,Röm. Gesch.ii. 46; Roscher,Apollo und Mars, 64 foll.
1061.Mythologische Forschungen, 156-201.
1061.Mythologische Forschungen, 156-201.
1062.de Feriis, ix.
1062.de Feriis, ix.
1063.I add this (see on Vestalia). Mannhardt had not handled it.
1063.I add this (see on Vestalia). Mannhardt had not handled it.
1064.Levit. 23 fin.
1064.Levit. 23 fin.
1065.Had they referred to the crops of the next season we might have expected ‘obbonumfrugum eventum.’
1065.Had they referred to the crops of the next season we might have expected ‘obbonumfrugum eventum.’
1066.So Wissowa,de Feriis, ix. He thinks that it was only an attempt to explain thepanes: but he is wrong in insisting that the Vestalia (where, as we saw, the same decoration occurs) hadnothingto do with ‘frugum eventus.’
1066.So Wissowa,de Feriis, ix. He thinks that it was only an attempt to explain thepanes: but he is wrong in insisting that the Vestalia (where, as we saw, the same decoration occurs) hadnothingto do with ‘frugum eventus.’
1067.To me it looks as if some words had dropped out of the text, perhaps after the wordeventum; see the passage quoted above, p.242, note 1.
1067.To me it looks as if some words had dropped out of the text, perhaps after the wordeventum; see the passage quoted above, p.242, note 1.
1068.Given in Mannhardt’s next section, p. 169.
1068.Given in Mannhardt’s next section, p. 169.
1069.See underMay 15(Argei).
1069.See underMay 15(Argei).
1070.Mannhardt has not suggested what seems not impossible, that the horse represented Mars himself—in which case we might allow that Mars was, among other things, a vegetation deity.
1070.Mannhardt has not suggested what seems not impossible, that the horse represented Mars himself—in which case we might allow that Mars was, among other things, a vegetation deity.
1071.See his language at the top of p. 164.
1071.See his language at the top of p. 164.
1072.He ingeniously suggests that these cases of decapitation may be explained by the old custom of cutting off the corn-ears so as to leave almost the whole of the stalk. (See hisKorndämonen, p. 35.) That this method existed in Latium seems proved by a passage in Livy, 22. 1 ‘Antii metentibus cruentas in corbem spicas cecidisse.’
1072.He ingeniously suggests that these cases of decapitation may be explained by the old custom of cutting off the corn-ears so as to leave almost the whole of the stalk. (See hisKorndämonen, p. 35.) That this method existed in Latium seems proved by a passage in Livy, 22. 1 ‘Antii metentibus cruentas in corbem spicas cecidisse.’
1073.Dion. Hal. i. 33, who compares an Arcadian Hippokrateia.
1073.Dion. Hal. i. 33, who compares an Arcadian Hippokrateia.
1074.Op. cit. p. 182.
1074.Op. cit. p. 182.
1075.SeeGolden Bough, i. 68 foll., and Mannhardt,A. W. F.214 foll.
1075.SeeGolden Bough, i. 68 foll., and Mannhardt,A. W. F.214 foll.
1076.Mannhardt,A. W. F.l. c.
1076.Mannhardt,A. W. F.l. c.
1077.Mannhardt,Baumkultus, 167.
1077.Mannhardt,Baumkultus, 167.
1078.p. 185 foll. The tail in Roman ritual was ‘offa penita.’ Marq. 335, note 1.
1078.p. 185 foll. The tail in Roman ritual was ‘offa penita.’ Marq. 335, note 1.
1079.In Silesia, &c., the word isZâl,Zôl, which I suppose = tail.
1079.In Silesia, &c., the word isZâl,Zôl, which I suppose = tail.
1080.Golden Bough, ii. 65. Jevons, Introduction to Plut.Q. R.p. lxix. He quotes an example from Africa.
1080.Golden Bough, ii. 65. Jevons, Introduction to Plut.Q. R.p. lxix. He quotes an example from Africa.
1081.Robertson Smith,Religion of the Semites, Lect. ix. In this case, according to M., it was the life of the Corn-spirit—so of generation in general.
1081.Robertson Smith,Religion of the Semites, Lect. ix. In this case, according to M., it was the life of the Corn-spirit—so of generation in general.
1082.Schwegler,R. G.i. 739; Ambrosch,Studien, 200 foll.
1082.Schwegler,R. G.i. 739; Ambrosch,Studien, 200 foll.
1083.Evidence for this in Liv. i 2; Serv.Aen.9. 274.
1083.Evidence for this in Liv. i 2; Serv.Aen.9. 274.
1084.See e. g. Crooke’sFolklore of Northern India, vol. ii. pp. 176 and 321. Crooke looks on these fights (he should have said, the possession of the object which is the cause of the fight) as charms for rain or fertility. So in the plains of N.-W. India, ‘plenty is supposed to follow the side which is victorious.’
1084.See e. g. Crooke’sFolklore of Northern India, vol. ii. pp. 176 and 321. Crooke looks on these fights (he should have said, the possession of the object which is the cause of the fight) as charms for rain or fertility. So in the plains of N.-W. India, ‘plenty is supposed to follow the side which is victorious.’