1085.Veram huius sacri rationem inter veteres ii viderunt quorum sententiam ita refert Festus ‘equum hostiae loco Marti bellico deo sacrari’ (de Feriis, p. x).
1085.Veram huius sacri rationem inter veteres ii viderunt quorum sententiam ita refert Festus ‘equum hostiae loco Marti bellico deo sacrari’ (de Feriis, p. x).
1086.See underMarch 14and19.
1086.See underMarch 14and19.
1087.Wissowa thinks it was originally the 15th (Ides); but Mommsen dissents in his note on Oct. 15 (C. I. L.332). It is the only feast-day in the calendar which is anevennumber. Perhaps it was changed because of the popularity of the revels, &c., on the Ides.
1087.Wissowa thinks it was originally the 15th (Ides); but Mommsen dissents in his note on Oct. 15 (C. I. L.332). It is the only feast-day in the calendar which is anevennumber. Perhaps it was changed because of the popularity of the revels, &c., on the Ides.
1088.Charisius, p. 81; Marq. 435.
1088.Charisius, p. 81; Marq. 435.
1089.This point of the parallel was first noticed by Wissowa, who, as just noted, believes the day of Equirria to have been in each case the Ides.
1089.This point of the parallel was first noticed by Wissowa, who, as just noted, believes the day of Equirria to have been in each case the Ides.
1090.An apt illustration of this aspect of Mars, in combination with the older primitive form of ritual, is supplied by the strange sacrifice by Julius Caesar of two mutinous soldiers, recorded by Dio Cassius, 43. 24. They were offered to Mars in the Campus Martius by the Flamen Martialis in the presence of the Pontifices,and their heads were nailed up on the Regia. (Hence Marq. infers that it was this flamen who sacrificed the October horse.) Caesar was in Rome inOctoberof the year to which D. C. attributes this deed,B.C.46.
1090.An apt illustration of this aspect of Mars, in combination with the older primitive form of ritual, is supplied by the strange sacrifice by Julius Caesar of two mutinous soldiers, recorded by Dio Cassius, 43. 24. They were offered to Mars in the Campus Martius by the Flamen Martialis in the presence of the Pontifices,and their heads were nailed up on the Regia. (Hence Marq. infers that it was this flamen who sacrificed the October horse.) Caesar was in Rome inOctoberof the year to which D. C. attributes this deed,B.C.46.
1091.L. L.6. 62. Cp. Festus, 19 ‘Armilustrium festum erat apud Romanos, quo res divinas armati faciebant ac dum sacrificarent tubis canebant.’ See onMarch 19and23.
1091.L. L.6. 62. Cp. Festus, 19 ‘Armilustrium festum erat apud Romanos, quo res divinas armati faciebant ac dum sacrificarent tubis canebant.’ See onMarch 19and23.
1092.Liv. 37. 33. 7. Cp. Polyb. 21. 10. 12.
1092.Liv. 37. 33. 7. Cp. Polyb. 21. 10. 12.
1093.Marq. 437, note 1. The suggestion was Huschke’s,Röm. Jahr, 363.
1093.Marq. 437, note 1. The suggestion was Huschke’s,Röm. Jahr, 363.
1094.Charisius, pp. 81. 20 (Keil), forlustratioin March. The word Armilustrium, used for this day, speaks for itself.
1094.Charisius, pp. 81. 20 (Keil), forlustratioin March. The word Armilustrium, used for this day, speaks for itself.
1095.L. L.5. 153.
1095.L. L.5. 153.
1096.We have a faint indication that they reached thepons sublicius, which was quite near to the Circus maximus. See Marq. 433, note 8.
1096.We have a faint indication that they reached thepons sublicius, which was quite near to the Circus maximus. See Marq. 433, note 8.
1097.Rustic calendars: ‘Sementes triticariae et hordiar[iae].’ Varro,R. R.1. 34.
1097.Rustic calendars: ‘Sementes triticariae et hordiar[iae].’ Varro,R. R.1. 34.
1098.Mommsen inC. I. L.i. 2, 333.
1098.Mommsen inC. I. L.i. 2, 333.
1099.Friedländer inMarq.499; Liv. 23. 30.
1099.Friedländer inMarq.499; Liv. 23. 30.
1100.See the table inC. I. L.i. 2, 335.
1100.See the table inC. I. L.i. 2, 335.
1101.Probably these notes belong to the Ides. In the Arval calendar the entry is opposite the 14th, but from its position may be really meant as an additional note to the Ides. There is no other example of religious rites on a dayafterIdes. (Henzen,Arv.240;C. I. L.i. 2, 296.) The same was the case with all ‘dies postriduani.’
1101.Probably these notes belong to the Ides. In the Arval calendar the entry is opposite the 14th, but from its position may be really meant as an additional note to the Ides. There is no other example of religious rites on a dayafterIdes. (Henzen,Arv.240;C. I. L.i. 2, 296.) The same was the case with all ‘dies postriduani.’
1102.See under Cerialia and Floralia.
1102.See under Cerialia and Floralia.
1103.Liv. 1. 30. Roman merchants were seized by the Sabines in this market (Dion. Hal. 3. 32).
1103.Liv. 1. 30. Roman merchants were seized by the Sabines in this market (Dion. Hal. 3. 32).
1104.Steuding inLex.s. v. Feronia; Liv. 26 11. I cannot see any reason to connect her with Novembersowing, as Steuding does, p. 1480.
1104.Steuding inLex.s. v. Feronia; Liv. 26 11. I cannot see any reason to connect her with Novembersowing, as Steuding does, p. 1480.
1105.Serv.Aen.8. 564.
1105.Serv.Aen.8. 564.
1106.Liv. 22. 1.
1106.Liv. 22. 1.
1107.The cutting of the hair, and putting on of the pileus. See Robertson Smith,Religion of Semites, p. 307.
1107.The cutting of the hair, and putting on of the pileus. See Robertson Smith,Religion of Semites, p. 307.
1108.Serv.Aen.l. c. The myth must be Graeco-Etruscan.
1108.Serv.Aen.l. c. The myth must be Graeco-Etruscan.
1109.Liv. 29. 36. The dedication was 194B.C.(Liv. 34. 53).
1109.Liv. 29. 36. The dedication was 194B.C.(Liv. 34. 53).
1110.R. R.1. 35. 2; Colum. 2. 8. 2.
1110.R. R.1. 35. 2; Colum. 2. 8. 2.
1111.xi. 2.
1111.xi. 2.
1112.Cp. Hor.Od.3. 18, 9-12. Ovid (Fasti, 3. 57) says of December—Vester (i. e. Faustuli et Larentiae) honos veniet, cum Larentalia dicam;Acceptus Geniisilla December habet.Is this only an allusion to Larentia and Faustulus, or also to the general character of the month and its festivals?
1112.Cp. Hor.Od.3. 18, 9-12. Ovid (Fasti, 3. 57) says of December—Vester (i. e. Faustuli et Larentiae) honos veniet, cum Larentalia dicam;Acceptus Geniisilla December habet.
Is this only an allusion to Larentia and Faustulus, or also to the general character of the month and its festivals?
1113.Plut.Cic.19; Dio Cass. 37. 35.
1113.Plut.Cic.19; Dio Cass. 37. 35.
1114.Cic.ad Att.1. 12, and 15. 25.
1114.Cic.ad Att.1. 12, and 15. 25.
1115.Cic.de Harusp. resp.17. 37 ‘fit per Virgines Vestales, fit pro populo Romano, fit in ea domo quae est in imperio.’ In 62B.C.it was in Caesar’s house, and apparently in the Regia, if as pontifix maximus he resided there. See Marq. 346, note 1; 250, note 2.
1115.Cic.de Harusp. resp.17. 37 ‘fit per Virgines Vestales, fit pro populo Romano, fit in ea domo quae est in imperio.’ In 62B.C.it was in Caesar’s house, and apparently in the Regia, if as pontifix maximus he resided there. See Marq. 346, note 1; 250, note 2.
1116.Fest. 245publica sacraare ‘quaepublico sumptupro populo fiunt.’ See my article ‘Sacra’ inDict. of Antiquities.
1116.Fest. 245publica sacraare ‘quaepublico sumptupro populo fiunt.’ See my article ‘Sacra’ inDict. of Antiquities.
1117.Juvenal, 2. 86.
1117.Juvenal, 2. 86.
1118.2. 83 foll.; 6. 314 foll.
1118.2. 83 foll.; 6. 314 foll.
1119.Probus on Virg.Georg.1. 10 ‘In Italia quidam annuum sacrum, quidam menstruum celebrant.’
1119.Probus on Virg.Georg.1. 10 ‘In Italia quidam annuum sacrum, quidam menstruum celebrant.’
1120.The word is ‘odore,’ i.e. sweet herbs of the garden (Marq. 169 and note).
1120.The word is ‘odore,’ i.e. sweet herbs of the garden (Marq. 169 and note).
1121.See on Lupercalia, p.312.
1121.See on Lupercalia, p.312.
1122.Lev. 33. 42.
1122.Lev. 33. 42.
1123.The earliest hint of the connexion of Faunus with Evander and the Palatine legend is found in a fragment of Cincius Alimentus, who wrote at this time (H. Peter,Fragm. Hist. Lat.41, from Servius,Georg.1. 10).
1123.The earliest hint of the connexion of Faunus with Evander and the Palatine legend is found in a fragment of Cincius Alimentus, who wrote at this time (H. Peter,Fragm. Hist. Lat.41, from Servius,Georg.1. 10).
1124.Dion. Hal. 1. 31; Suet.Vitell.1. Cp. for a more truly Italian view, Virgil,Aen.8. 314 foll.
1124.Dion. Hal. 1. 31; Suet.Vitell.1. Cp. for a more truly Italian view, Virgil,Aen.8. 314 foll.
1125.Aen.7. 45 foll. The order was Saturnus, Picus, Faunus, Latinus.
1125.Aen.7. 45 foll. The order was Saturnus, Picus, Faunus, Latinus.
1126.Wissowa inLex.s. v. Faunus, 1458: who, however, does not sufficiently explain the contrast. Silvanus becametutor finium, andcusios hortuli(cp.Gromatici Veteres.p. 302). It was probably this turn given to his cult which saved him from the fate of Faunus. He takes over definite duties to the cultivator, while Faunus is still roaming the country in a wild state.
1126.Wissowa inLex.s. v. Faunus, 1458: who, however, does not sufficiently explain the contrast. Silvanus becametutor finium, andcusios hortuli(cp.Gromatici Veteres.p. 302). It was probably this turn given to his cult which saved him from the fate of Faunus. He takes over definite duties to the cultivator, while Faunus is still roaming the country in a wild state.
1127.Bouché-Leclercq,Hist. de la Divination, iv. 122.
1127.Bouché-Leclercq,Hist. de la Divination, iv. 122.
1128.AdGeorg.1. 10.
1128.AdGeorg.1. 10.
1129.Schwegler,Röm. Gesch.i. 351.
1129.Schwegler,Röm. Gesch.i. 351.
1130.Varro,L. L.7. 36 ‘Faunos in silvestribus locis traditum est solitos fari futura.’ Servius identifies Faunus and Fatuus; adAen.6. 775.
1130.Varro,L. L.7. 36 ‘Faunos in silvestribus locis traditum est solitos fari futura.’ Servius identifies Faunus and Fatuus; adAen.6. 775.
1131.‘Versibus quos olim Fauni vatesque canebant.’ Ennius in Varro,L. L.7. 36. See Nettleship,Essays in Latin Literature, p. 50 foll.
1131.‘Versibus quos olim Fauni vatesque canebant.’ Ennius in Varro,L. L.7. 36. See Nettleship,Essays in Latin Literature, p. 50 foll.
1132.Mannhardt,A. W. F.113 foll.
1132.Mannhardt,A. W. F.113 foll.
1133.L. L.7. 36.
1133.L. L.7. 36.
1134.Georg.1. 10. The introduction of the Greek Dryads may be thought to throw suspicion upon the Latinity of these Fauni of Virgil. But inAen.8. 314, the similar conjunction of Fauni and Nymphae is followed by words which seem to mark a true Italian conception.
1134.Georg.1. 10. The introduction of the Greek Dryads may be thought to throw suspicion upon the Latinity of these Fauni of Virgil. But inAen.8. 314, the similar conjunction of Fauni and Nymphae is followed by words which seem to mark a true Italian conception.
1135.Lex.s. v. Faunus, 1454.
1135.Lex.s. v. Faunus, 1454.
1136.Aen.8. 314.
1136.Aen.8. 314.
1137.Cp. Ovid,Fasti, 3. 315 ‘Di sumus agrestes et qui dominemur in altis Montibus,’ &c. Cp. Preller, i. 386.
1137.Cp. Ovid,Fasti, 3. 315 ‘Di sumus agrestes et qui dominemur in altis Montibus,’ &c. Cp. Preller, i. 386.
1138.Monumenti Antichi, vol. v. (Barnabei). Von Duhn, translated inJournal of Hellenic Studies, 1896, p. 120 foll.
1138.Monumenti Antichi, vol. v. (Barnabei). Von Duhn, translated inJournal of Hellenic Studies, 1896, p. 120 foll.
1139.Röm. Myth.i. 104 foll.
1139.Röm. Myth.i. 104 foll.
1140.Virg.Aen.8. 601, and Serv.’s note: ‘Prudentiores dicunt eum esse ὑλικὸν θÎον, hoc est deum ὕλης.’ Silvanus may have been a true tree-spirit; Mannhardt,A. W. F.118 foll.; Preller, i. 392.
1140.Virg.Aen.8. 601, and Serv.’s note: ‘Prudentiores dicunt eum esse ὑλικὸν θÎον, hoc est deum ὕλης.’ Silvanus may have been a true tree-spirit; Mannhardt,A. W. F.118 foll.; Preller, i. 392.
1141.Vol. i. 335, ed. Hauthal.
1141.Vol. i. 335, ed. Hauthal.
1142.See above, p.126. It may be noticed that the Bona Dea, whose solemn rite occurs also at the beginning of this month, was identified with Fauna, the female form of Faunus (R. Peter, inLex.s. v. Fauna); i. e. their powers for good and evil were thought to be much alike.
1142.See above, p.126. It may be noticed that the Bona Dea, whose solemn rite occurs also at the beginning of this month, was identified with Fauna, the female form of Faunus (R. Peter, inLex.s. v. Fauna); i. e. their powers for good and evil were thought to be much alike.
1143.Preller, i. 381 and reff.
1143.Preller, i. 381 and reff.
1144.See under Lupercalia, p.320.
1144.See under Lupercalia, p.320.
1145.Ovid,Fasti, 3. 291 foll. I am glad to see that Wissowa accepts this story as genuine Italian (Lex.s. v. 1456).
1145.Ovid,Fasti, 3. 291 foll. I am glad to see that Wissowa accepts this story as genuine Italian (Lex.s. v. 1456).
1146.Cic.de Div.1. 101; Livy, 2. 7 (Silvanus), and Dion. Hal. 5. 16 (Faunus) of the battle by the wood of Arsia.
1146.Cic.de Div.1. 101; Livy, 2. 7 (Silvanus), and Dion. Hal. 5. 16 (Faunus) of the battle by the wood of Arsia.
1147.Fasti, 4. 649 foll.
1147.Fasti, 4. 649 foll.
1148.Aen.7. 81 foll.
1148.Aen.7. 81 foll.
1149.Calpurnius,Ecl.1. 8 foll.
1149.Calpurnius,Ecl.1. 8 foll.
1150.Cp. Tylor,Primitive Culture, i. 341 foll.; Sir A. Lyall,Asiatic Studies, ch. 2.
1150.Cp. Tylor,Primitive Culture, i. 341 foll.; Sir A. Lyall,Asiatic Studies, ch. 2.
1151.Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 152.
1151.Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 152.
1152.See the cuts of two bronze statuettes which Wissowa, following Reifferscheid, believed to represent the un-Graecized Italian Faunus, at the end of the article ‘Faunus’ inLex.1460. But it is at least very doubtful whether Reifferscheid was right in his opinion.
1152.See the cuts of two bronze statuettes which Wissowa, following Reifferscheid, believed to represent the un-Graecized Italian Faunus, at the end of the article ‘Faunus’ inLex.1460. But it is at least very doubtful whether Reifferscheid was right in his opinion.
1153.By an error Silvius has entered it on the 12th.
1153.By an error Silvius has entered it on the 12th.
1154.For Inuus see on Lupercalia, and Livy, i. 5.
1154.For Inuus see on Lupercalia, and Livy, i. 5.
1155.de Feriis, xii. His other argument, that Inuus is not a nomen, but a cognomen, is less satisfactory. Can we always be sure which is which? (e. g. Saturnus, Janus).
1155.de Feriis, xii. His other argument, that Inuus is not a nomen, but a cognomen, is less satisfactory. Can we always be sure which is which? (e. g. Saturnus, Janus).
1156.Festus, p. 340.
1156.Festus, p. 340.
1157.de Mensibus, p. 118, ed. Bekk.; quoted by Mommsen,C. I. L.i 2,. 336.
1157.de Mensibus, p. 118, ed. Bekk.; quoted by Mommsen,C. I. L.i 2,. 336.
1158.L. L.v. 41.
1158.L. L.v. 41.
1159.Ibid. vi. 24.
1159.Ibid. vi. 24.
1160.Antistius Labeo, ap. Festum, 348: ‘Septimontio, ut ait Antistius Labeo, hisce montibus feriae. Palatio, cui sacrificium quod fit Palatuar dicitur. Veliae, cui item sacrificium, Fagutali, Suburae, Cermalo, Oppio, Cispio monti.’ Before ‘Cispio’ the MS. has ‘Caelio monti,’ which must be a copyist’s blunder. The Subura is by courtesy amons; also apagus(Festus, 309), aregio(ib.), and atribus(ib.).
1160.Antistius Labeo, ap. Festum, 348: ‘Septimontio, ut ait Antistius Labeo, hisce montibus feriae. Palatio, cui sacrificium quod fit Palatuar dicitur. Veliae, cui item sacrificium, Fagutali, Suburae, Cermalo, Oppio, Cispio monti.’ Before ‘Cispio’ the MS. has ‘Caelio monti,’ which must be a copyist’s blunder. The Subura is by courtesy amons; also apagus(Festus, 309), aregio(ib.), and atribus(ib.).
1161.Staatsrecht, iii. 112. O. Gilbert has made a great to-do about the development of these communities;Gesch. u. Topogr.i. 39 foll. But where else will he find three distinct settlements in a space as small as that of the Palatine? The discoveries at Falerii and Narce would have saved him the labour of much web-spinning. Plutarch,Q. R.69, has (accidentally perhaps) expressed the matter rightly.
1161.Staatsrecht, iii. 112. O. Gilbert has made a great to-do about the development of these communities;Gesch. u. Topogr.i. 39 foll. But where else will he find three distinct settlements in a space as small as that of the Palatine? The discoveries at Falerii and Narce would have saved him the labour of much web-spinning. Plutarch,Q. R.69, has (accidentally perhaps) expressed the matter rightly.
1162.Monumenti Antichi, vol. v. p. 15 foll.
1162.Monumenti Antichi, vol. v. p. 15 foll.
1163.Mon. Ant.p. 110 foll. (Barnabei).
1163.Mon. Ant.p. 110 foll. (Barnabei).
1164.Cic.de Domo, 28. 74.
1164.Cic.de Domo, 28. 74.
1165.At Ariminum, and Antioch in Pisidia (Mommsen,Staatsrecht, iii. 113, note).
1165.At Ariminum, and Antioch in Pisidia (Mommsen,Staatsrecht, iii. 113, note).
1166.Festus, 348, cp. 245.
1166.Festus, 348, cp. 245.
1167.Preller, i. 414.
1167.Preller, i. 414.
1168.Q. R.69. Plutarch does not say in what parts of the city the vehicles were forbidden. The feast existed in his day, and indeed long afterwards (Tertull.Idololatr.10). It seems to have become a general feast of the whole people.
1168.Q. R.69. Plutarch does not say in what parts of the city the vehicles were forbidden. The feast existed in his day, and indeed long afterwards (Tertull.Idololatr.10). It seems to have become a general feast of the whole people.
1169.Macrob. i. 10. 2.
1169.Macrob. i. 10. 2.
1170.See below on Saturnalia, p.271.
1170.See below on Saturnalia, p.271.
1171.Macrob. 1. 10. 2. Macr. tells us that after the change some people in error held the festival on the 19th, i. e. on the day which was now xiv K. Ian.
1171.Macrob. 1. 10. 2. Macr. tells us that after the change some people in error held the festival on the 19th, i. e. on the day which was now xiv K. Ian.
1172.Hartmann,Der Röm. Kalender, p. 203 foll., thinks it was originally one of theferiae conceptivae, like the Compitalia, Paganalia, &c., and only became fixed (stativae) when it was reorganized in 217B.C.But if so, why is it marked in the calendars in large letters? And Hartmann himself points out (p. 208) that Dec. 17 is the first day of Capricornus, i. e. the coldest season, which in the oldest natural reckoning would be likely to fix the day (Colum. 11. 2. 94).
1172.Hartmann,Der Röm. Kalender, p. 203 foll., thinks it was originally one of theferiae conceptivae, like the Compitalia, Paganalia, &c., and only became fixed (stativae) when it was reorganized in 217B.C.But if so, why is it marked in the calendars in large letters? And Hartmann himself points out (p. 208) that Dec. 17 is the first day of Capricornus, i. e. the coldest season, which in the oldest natural reckoning would be likely to fix the day (Colum. 11. 2. 94).
1173.Macr. l. c.; Cic.Att.13. 52.
1173.Macr. l. c.; Cic.Att.13. 52.
1174.Mommsen,C. I. L.i. 337.
1174.Mommsen,C. I. L.i. 337.
1175.Frazer,Golden Bough, ii. 172; Brand,Popular Antiquities, ch. 13; Usener,Religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen, 1. 214 foll. See for Italy,Academy, Jan. 20, 1888.
1175.Frazer,Golden Bough, ii. 172; Brand,Popular Antiquities, ch. 13; Usener,Religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen, 1. 214 foll. See for Italy,Academy, Jan. 20, 1888.
1176.C. I. L.i. 48. But Prof. Gardner tells me that the reading Saet. is not certain.
1176.C. I. L.i. 48. But Prof. Gardner tells me that the reading Saet. is not certain.
1177.Macrob. 1. 10. 19 foll.; 1. 7. 24 and 25; Marq. p. 11 note 3. The conjunction of Ops with him in this function is rejected (rightly, I think) by Wissowa,de Feriis, iv. But see below on Opalia.
1177.Macrob. 1. 10. 19 foll.; 1. 7. 24 and 25; Marq. p. 11 note 3. The conjunction of Ops with him in this function is rejected (rightly, I think) by Wissowa,de Feriis, iv. But see below on Opalia.
1178.Jordan’s note on Preller, ii. 10.
1178.Jordan’s note on Preller, ii. 10.
1179.e. g. Virg.Aen.8. 321.
1179.e. g. Virg.Aen.8. 321.
1180.See, however, Schwegler,R. G.i. 223 foll.
1180.See, however, Schwegler,R. G.i. 223 foll.
1181.Varro,L. L.5. 42; Dion. Hal. i. 34 (cp. 6. 1); Fest. 322; Solinus, 1. 13; Servius,Aen.2. 115; Middleton,Rome in 1885, p. 166.
1181.Varro,L. L.5. 42; Dion. Hal. i. 34 (cp. 6. 1); Fest. 322; Solinus, 1. 13; Servius,Aen.2. 115; Middleton,Rome in 1885, p. 166.
1182.R. Peter, s. v. Dis inLex.1181; Macr. 1. 11. 48.
1182.R. Peter, s. v. Dis inLex.1181; Macr. 1. 11. 48.
1183.Lucan, 3. 153; Middleton, op. cit. 167.
1183.Lucan, 3. 153; Middleton, op. cit. 167.
1184.Preller, ii. 13; i. 182.
1184.Preller, ii. 13; i. 182.
1185.The temple was traditionally datedB.C.497 (Livy, 2. 21); cp. Aust,de Aedibus sacris, p. 4: so too the festival, though both had an older origin (Ambrosch.Stud.149). The latter was reorganized in Greek fashion in obedience to a Sibylline oracle inB.C.217 (Livy, 22. 1).
1185.The temple was traditionally datedB.C.497 (Livy, 2. 21); cp. Aust,de Aedibus sacris, p. 4: so too the festival, though both had an older origin (Ambrosch.Stud.149). The latter was reorganized in Greek fashion in obedience to a Sibylline oracle inB.C.217 (Livy, 22. 1).
1186.Plut.Q. R.34 notes the cult of such gods when all fruits have been gathered.
1186.Plut.Q. R.34 notes the cult of such gods when all fruits have been gathered.
1187.Macr. 1. 8. 3 and 1. 16. 30 (also, but probably in error, attributed to Jupiter). Plut.Q. R.42, andPoplic.12, states it distinctly; but there is no indication of the source from which he drew.
1187.Macr. 1. 8. 3 and 1. 16. 30 (also, but probably in error, attributed to Jupiter). Plut.Q. R.42, andPoplic.12, states it distinctly; but there is no indication of the source from which he drew.
1188.Cp. the legendary connexion of both with ship-building and the coining of money; though it is of course possible that this was simply suggested by the Janus-head and the ship of early Roman coins.
1188.Cp. the legendary connexion of both with ship-building and the coining of money; though it is of course possible that this was simply suggested by the Janus-head and the ship of early Roman coins.
1189.Seneca,Ep.18. 1. Martial is full of Saturnalian allusions; e. g. 12. 62.
1189.Seneca,Ep.18. 1. Martial is full of Saturnalian allusions; e. g. 12. 62.
1190.Popularized, of course, by the poets: Virg.Georg.ii. 538; Tibull. i. 3. 35; &c.
1190.Popularized, of course, by the poets: Virg.Georg.ii. 538; Tibull. i. 3. 35; &c.
1191.Was this one of the reasons why Christmas was fixed at the winter solstice? Cp. John Chrysostom, tom. iii. 497e: quoted by Usener, op. cit. p. 217.
1191.Was this one of the reasons why Christmas was fixed at the winter solstice? Cp. John Chrysostom, tom. iii. 497e: quoted by Usener, op. cit. p. 217.
1192.Varro,R. R.1. 35. 2 ‘Dum in xv diebus ante et post brumam ut pleraque ne facias.’ Columella, 2. 8. 2, seems to follow Varro. Virg.Georg.1. 211 extends the time ‘usque sub extremum brumae intractabilis imbrem’ (cp. Serv. ad loc.).
1192.Varro,R. R.1. 35. 2 ‘Dum in xv diebus ante et post brumam ut pleraque ne facias.’ Columella, 2. 8. 2, seems to follow Varro. Virg.Georg.1. 211 extends the time ‘usque sub extremum brumae intractabilis imbrem’ (cp. Serv. ad loc.).
1193.Sat.i. 10. 19 and 22, and Dion. Hal. 3. 32; Plut.Q. R.34.
1193.Sat.i. 10. 19 and 22, and Dion. Hal. 3. 32; Plut.Q. R.34.
1194.See Marquardt’s excellent summary inStaatsverwaltung, iii. 357, and Preller, ii. 15 foll.
1194.See Marquardt’s excellent summary inStaatsverwaltung, iii. 357, and Preller, ii. 15 foll.
1195.Dion. Hal. 6. 1. Fasti Amit. Dec. 17. We do not know who was the sacrificing priest; perhaps the Rex Sacrorum, or a magistrate.
1195.Dion. Hal. 6. 1. Fasti Amit. Dec. 17. We do not know who was the sacrificing priest; perhaps the Rex Sacrorum, or a magistrate.
1196.Macrob. 1. 10. 18.
1196.Macrob. 1. 10. 18.
1197.Martial, 14. 1; at least this seems to be the inference from ‘Synthesibus dum gaudet eques dominusque senator.’ Cp 6. 24.
1197.Martial, 14. 1; at least this seems to be the inference from ‘Synthesibus dum gaudet eques dominusque senator.’ Cp 6. 24.
1198.Livy, 22. 1. 19 ‘lectisternium imperatum et convivium publicum.’
1198.Livy, 22. 1. 19 ‘lectisternium imperatum et convivium publicum.’
1199.Tertull.Apol.42.
1199.Tertull.Apol.42.
1200.Odes, 3. 17. Cp. Martial, 14. 70. The pig-offering indicates an earth-deity: Henzen,Acta Fratr. Arv.p. 22; Marq. 173.
1200.Odes, 3. 17. Cp. Martial, 14. 70. The pig-offering indicates an earth-deity: Henzen,Acta Fratr. Arv.p. 22; Marq. 173.
1201.Martial, bk. 14, is thelocus classicusfor all this.
1201.Martial, bk. 14, is thelocus classicusfor all this.
1202.Brand,Pop. Ant.183.
1202.Brand,Pop. Ant.183.
1203.Macr. i. 10. 24; 11. 49. In the latter passage he says ‘quae homines pro se atque suis piaculum pro Dite Saturno facerent.’
1203.Macr. i. 10. 24; 11. 49. In the latter passage he says ‘quae homines pro se atque suis piaculum pro Dite Saturno facerent.’
1204.Brand, 180.
1204.Brand, 180.
1205.Marq. 192, and the passages there quoted.
1205.Marq. 192, and the passages there quoted.
1206.Sat.1. 7. 37. For later evidence see Marq. 588.
1206.Sat.1. 7. 37. For later evidence see Marq. 588.
1207.p.50, and note 13.
1207.p.50, and note 13.
1208.C. I. L.i 2. 337.
1208.C. I. L.i 2. 337.
1209.O. Gilbert (1. 247 note) holds this latter view.
1209.O. Gilbert (1. 247 note) holds this latter view.
1210.Ephem. Epigr.1. 37. Wissowa (de Feriis, v) points out that all such entries, in which the god’s name in the dative is followed by the place of sacrifice, apply to consecrated temples only—and the Regia was not one.
1210.Ephem. Epigr.1. 37. Wissowa (de Feriis, v) points out that all such entries, in which the god’s name in the dative is followed by the place of sacrifice, apply to consecrated temples only—and the Regia was not one.
1211.Aust,de Aedibus sacris Populi Romani, p. 40. Wissowa, l. c., who should not, I think, write of an aedesin foro.
1211.Aust,de Aedibus sacris Populi Romani, p. 40. Wissowa, l. c., who should not, I think, write of an aedesin foro.
1212.Varro,L. L.6. 23 ‘Angeronalia ab Angerona, cui sacrificium fit in curia Acculeia et cuius feriae publicae is dies.’ Pliny,N. H.3. 5. 65 ‘Nomen alterum dicere [nisi] arcanis caerimoniarum nefas habetur; ... non alienum videtur hoc loco exemplum religionis antiquae ob hoc maxime silentium institutae; namque diva Angerona, cui sacrificatur a.d. xii Kal. Ian., ore obligato obsignatoque simulacrum habet.’ Macr.Sat.i. 10 ‘xii (Kal. Ian.) feriae sunt divae Angeroniae, cui pontifices in sacello Volupiae sacrum faciunt; quam Verrius Flaccus Angeroniam dici ait, quod angores ac sollicitudines animorum propitiata depellat.’
1212.Varro,L. L.6. 23 ‘Angeronalia ab Angerona, cui sacrificium fit in curia Acculeia et cuius feriae publicae is dies.’ Pliny,N. H.3. 5. 65 ‘Nomen alterum dicere [nisi] arcanis caerimoniarum nefas habetur; ... non alienum videtur hoc loco exemplum religionis antiquae ob hoc maxime silentium institutae; namque diva Angerona, cui sacrificatur a.d. xii Kal. Ian., ore obligato obsignatoque simulacrum habet.’ Macr.Sat.i. 10 ‘xii (Kal. Ian.) feriae sunt divae Angeroniae, cui pontifices in sacello Volupiae sacrum faciunt; quam Verrius Flaccus Angeroniam dici ait, quod angores ac sollicitudines animorum propitiata depellat.’
1213.See Wissowa, s. v. Angerona,Lex.350.
1213.See Wissowa, s. v. Angerona,Lex.350.
1214.Civ. Dei, 4. 8.
1214.Civ. Dei, 4. 8.
1215.Macrob.Sat.1. 10. 11; Fest. 119; and Lact.Inst.1. 20. 4 mention the Larentalia.
1215.Macrob.Sat.1. 10. 11; Fest. 119; and Lact.Inst.1. 20. 4 mention the Larentalia.
1216.Röm. Forschungen, vol. ii. p. 1 foll. See also Roscher, s. v. inLex.5.
1216.Röm. Forschungen, vol. ii. p. 1 foll. See also Roscher, s. v. inLex.5.
1217.Cp. Ovid,Fasti, 3. 55.
1217.Cp. Ovid,Fasti, 3. 55.
1218.L. L.6. 23. The passage is in part hopelessly corrupt.
1218.L. L.6. 23. The passage is in part hopelessly corrupt.
1219.Gellius,N. A.7. 7; for the Flamen Quir. cf. Gilbert, 1. 88. Cic.Ep. ad Brut.1. 15. 8. Varro, l. c. says vaguely ‘sacerdotes nostri.’ Plut.Romulus, 4, gives ὠτοῦ ἌÏεος ἱεÏεÏÏ‚, wrongly.
1219.Gellius,N. A.7. 7; for the Flamen Quir. cf. Gilbert, 1. 88. Cic.Ep. ad Brut.1. 15. 8. Varro, l. c. says vaguely ‘sacerdotes nostri.’ Plut.Romulus, 4, gives ὠτοῦ ἌÏεος ἱεÏεÏÏ‚, wrongly.
1220.‘Sacerdotes nostri publice parentant’ (Varro, l. c.).
1220.‘Sacerdotes nostri publice parentant’ (Varro, l. c.).
1221.Cic.de Legibus, 2. 21. 54; Plut.Q. R.34.
1221.Cic.de Legibus, 2. 21. 54; Plut.Q. R.34.
1222.Plutarch is often led on in this work from one question to another by something he finds in the book he is consulting for the first.
1222.Plutarch is often led on in this work from one question to another by something he finds in the book he is consulting for the first.
1223.Livy, 31. 21; 34. 53. The MSS have ‘deo Iovi’ in the former passage, and ‘Iovis’ in the second; but it is almost certain that Vediovis is the deity referred to. See Mommsen inC. I. L.i. 2. 305 for the confusion in these passages, and in Livy, 35. 41. (Cp. Ovid,Fasti, i. 291-3.)
1223.Livy, 31. 21; 34. 53. The MSS have ‘deo Iovi’ in the former passage, and ‘Iovis’ in the second; but it is almost certain that Vediovis is the deity referred to. See Mommsen inC. I. L.i. 2. 305 for the confusion in these passages, and in Livy, 35. 41. (Cp. Ovid,Fasti, i. 291-3.)
1224.Livy,Epit.11, and 10. 47; Preller, ii. 241; Plut.Q. R.94; Jordan, inComm. in hon. Momms.p. 349 foll.
1224.Livy,Epit.11, and 10. 47; Preller, ii. 241; Plut.Q. R.94; Jordan, inComm. in hon. Momms.p. 349 foll.
1225.See underMay 21. Deecke,Falisker, 96.
1225.See underMay 21. Deecke,Falisker, 96.
1226.Livy, 33. 42, 34. 53; Jordan, l. c.
1226.Livy, 33. 42, 34. 53; Jordan, l. c.