In 1786 his worthy friend, Col. Howard, conveyed to him a square of ten lots in the city of Baltimore near the site of the public buildings, on condition of his locating there. He accepted the proposition and changed his residence to that city. This square is bounded by Eutaw, Lexington, Fayette and Paca streets. The mansion-house built by Mr. Chase is still owned by his descendants. In 1788 he was appointed Chief Justice of the new criminal court organized for the county of Baltimore. The same year he was a member of the Maryland Convention that ratified the Federal Constitution. In 1791 he was appointed Chief Justice of the General Court of Maryland. In 1796 he was appointed an Associate Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States by President Washington which dignified station he filled with great ability to the time of the illness which terminated his life. He was considered one of the ablest judges upon the bench. When he presided in the lower courts his decisions, when carried up to the higher legal tribunals, were seldom reversed. His expositions of law and charges to juries were plain, learned, luminous, logical, profound. His manner was forcible, impressive, commanding. With all this lustre clustering around him, encircled by the sacred halo of great and acknowledged services in the cause of Independence, still green and fresh in the memory of millions—Judge Chase was placed in the crucible of unrelenting ostracism prompted by political animosity created by the lofty independence of thought and expression constitutional with him and which prompted him to act a bold and conspicuous part when the vials of British wrath were poured out upon our bleeding country. As I shall attempt carrying him through his persecutions unscathed the critical attention of the reader is requested. He was a federalist—I am an old school democrat and go for the compromises and our UNION.
In January 1804, John Randolph obtained the passage of a resolution in the House of Representatives of the United States instituting an inquiry into the official conduct of Judge Chase. As a hypocritical salvo the name of Judge Peters was joined with his. No one was more competent and no one could be more persevering than was Mr. Randolph in his gigantic efforts to destroy Judge Chase. The committee to which the resolution was referred reported on the 6th day of the ensuing March, acquitting Judge Peters and recommending theimpeachment of Judge Chase, the real object of political revenge. On the 26th of the same month articles of impeachment were reported based upon the following premises.
In 1800 Judge Chase presided on the bench of the U. S. Circuit Court at Philadelphia, assisted by Judge Peters of the District Court of Pennsylvania when and where John Fries was put upon his trial a second time for high treason against the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, owing to some informality in his previous trial before JudgesIredelland Peters. Having been fully informed of the points of law at issue and of the proceedings at the first trial, Judge Chase had prepared an elaborate exposition of the law upon treason without referring to a single fact in the case. With the approval of Judge Peters he furnished a copy to the counsel for defendant, the District Attorney and reserved one for the jury after the trial should be completed. Messrs. Lewis and Dallas, counsel for the prisoner, affected to consider this a pre-judgment of the case and permitted Fries to be tried without the aid of counsel—unquestionably intending and successfully succeeding in creating a general sympathy that procured his pardon immediately after conviction. Fries subsequently called on Judge Chase and thanked him for his impartial and generous course upon the trial. The whole matter was then looked at in its true light—aruseof ingenious counsel. No one attributed bad motives to the bench. The approval of honest clear-headed Judge Peters is conclusive proof that Judge Chase was judicially right—prima facieevidence that his motives were pure. He had written an opinion upon thelaw—not upon thefactsof the case. This he had frankly furnished to the counsel—not to the jury before the trial. He was bound to explain the law to the grand jury before they should proceed to their business—to the traverse jury when he gave them their charge. This constituted the first charge in the articles of impeachment.
Shortly after the trial of Fries he presided at Richmond, Virginia, when and where one Callendar was tried under the Sedition Law for publishing a libel upon the President. During the trial Judge Chase refused the admission of certain testimony offered on the part of the prisoner which exasperated those who were opposed to the law in question. He honestly believed the law salutary as a check upon the venality of the press—others thought differently. Right or wrong—his oath of office bound him to actunderthe law so long as it remained in force. That his decision was legally correct must be presumed from the fact that under the great excitement then existing no writ oferror was taken in the case. This formed the foundation of the second charge.
From Richmond he proceeded to New Castle, Delaware, where he presided, aided by Judge Bedford. In his charge to the grand jury he gave his views frankly upon the Sedition Law that they might fully understand what constituted a breach of its provisions, knowing that one or more cases of its violation would come before them. As an illustration he alluded to certain matter published in a high-toned party paper printed in that district that violated the provisions of this law. This gave great offence to the opposite party. The allusion to the paper was legal under any circumstances by way of explanation but may be considered uncourteous until we understand that it went immediately into the hands of the grand jury as testimony which made it in all respects a legitimate document to be alluded to by him. Ingenuity could notthennor with its prolific growth could itnowconstrue the act into a pre-judgment of the case. The publication was before him—he alluded tothatbut to no individual. It was clearly a violation of the meaning and intent of the law—who published it was left for the jury to determine if they could. This constituted the ground of the third article of impeachment.
In delivering his charge to the grand jury in 1803, Judge Chase made sundry remarks upon the polities of the day reflecting upon certain acts of the democratic party. This was a surplusage of duty but not cause for impeachment. It resulted from his sanguine temperament, the great political excitement of that period—not from any impurity of motive. He believed laws had been passed for party purposes that were unconstitutional. Ifhewas in error then, his position has often been verified since. Freedom of speech is a constitutional privilege—he used the same liberty practised by his opponents and which was not then trammelled by the obnoxious Sedition Law. It was not a proper time or place to read a political lecture but it does not follow that his designs were corrupt or his conduct criminal. The ermine of a judge is not beautified by being powdered with the farina of politics—his right to think and speak upon the subject none will question. If he speaks at an improper time and place it is an error—not a crime. He animadverted upon the change of the right of suffrage in the constitution of his own state to which he had strong objections. With him many of the devoted patriots of the revolution deemed the elective franchise unsafe with ignorant men who did not fully comprehend and appreciate their rights. The reasons for this opinion grow less as intelligence increases. In some of the states a property qualificationis still necessary to entitle a man to vote and in others he must be a freeholder to entitle him to hold certain town offices. An anxiety to preserve the government pure unquestionably pervaded the bosom of Judge Chase.
In concluding his charge he spoke strongly against the changes that had been made in the judiciary system of the United States. He attributed them to party politics—deemed them personal in their object and not conducive to public good in their operations. As these related to his official duties they were legitimate points for remark. It was a matter of course that a man like him should comment freely and severely upon what he conceived a personal and public wrong. He never dined at the half-way house. In all that has been presented I can find nothing to impugn the honesty of his intentions or the purity of his motives.
Upon these premises six articles of impeachment were framed at first and at the next session of Congress two more were added—the natural increase of a year. On the 2d of January 1805 Judge Chase was arraigned before the Senate of the United States. A majority of the members were politically opposed to him but amongst them were men who loved justice more than party. The herculean powers of John Randolph were brought to bear upon him in the full plenipotence of their force. The trial continued until the first of March except a short recess. A portion of this time the Judge was confined by illness. He was ably and successfully defended by Messrs. Martin, Hopkinson, Harper and Key. Of five of the charges he was acquitted by a majority of the Senate. A constitutional number could not be obtained to convict him on the others—he stood approved, acquitted, triumphant over his enemies at the highest tribunal of his country—looking upon hiscolossalvanquished political foes, with mingled pity and contempt. He had never doubted the favorable result and properly regarded the prosecution as a political bagatelle.
From that period to the time of his last illness his peace was undisturbed. He continued to be an ornament to the judiciary, an honor to his country, the faithful friend of human rights and equal justice. On the 19th of June 1811, surrounded by his family and friends, he bade a last farewell to sublunary things and died peaceful and happy. A large number of relatives, an extensive circle of friends and a grateful nation mourned his loss.
In the character of this great and good man we find no corruption to condemn—many strong and brilliant traits to admire. As a revolutionary patriot he stood on a lofty eminence—as a statesman he rendered many and important services—as a lawyer he enjoyed a high reputation—as ajudge he sustained an exalted position. All the charges against him have been faithfully spread before the reader. The result of their investigation caused his powerful enemies to weave for him a higher eulogium than language can express. I find no evidence of guile in his heart. He felt strongly—expressed his opinions freely and acted sincerely so far as we can judge from the record.
Against his private character slander and malice never directed an arrow. He was in all respects above suspicion. He was a kind husband, an affectionate father, a warm friend—an open, honorable, scarifying opponent. His sanguine temperament was calculated to gain strong friends and violent enemies. He handled his political opposers with great severity which accounts for the mighty effort made to ostracise him from the Bench. He possessed a noble and benevolent disposition—was a friend to the poor and needy, to education and to everything that enhanced the happiness of those around him and the human family. Under his benefaction the celebrated William Pinkey was educated and made a man. He often referred gratefully to his benefactor in after life. He was an active member of St. Paul's church and did much to promote practical piety, sound morals and social order. His force, vigor, decision of character and stern integrity were well calculated for the period in which he lived. If he sometimes offended by soaring above the non-committal system of technical politics, it resulted from the strong combination of conflicting circumstances that uniformly attend the period of a revolution, the formation of a new government and the asperity of high toned party feeling operating upon the sensitive feelings of an ardent, patriotic, honest, independent mind.
Alarge proportion of the most substantial and useful men who have filled the measure of their country's glory and enrolled their names on the scroll of fame, were not ushered into public notice under the streamer of a collegiate diploma fluttering in the fickle wind of popularity. A clear head, strong common sense, an investigating and analyzing mind, with a judgment matured in the school of experience, are the grand requisites to prepare a man for sterling usefulness. Without these you vainly pour upon him the classic stream. It is like water poured upon the interminable sand—it invigorates for a moment, then sinks and leaves the surface dry and unproductive. If there is no substratum to retain the appliances of irrigation, the soil is not worth thelabor. I do not undervalue high seminaries of learning and highly appreciate a liberal education. I only wish to correct the opposite extreme that is gaining rapidly among us, of placing toohigha value upon them, making a classical course the grand requisite of prospective usefulness. I also wish to encourage those who have talent and only a good English education, to expand their wings of usefulness and imitate the examples of Franklin, Sherman, Abraham Clark and others who have graced the theatre of human action without the aid of a collegiate education. If they do not soar like eagles they may still be useful for there is more good to be achieved and more need of labor in low life than high. An humble bird saved Rome.
Abraham Clark was born at Elizabethtown, Essex county, New Jersey on the 15th of February 1726. He was the only son of Thomas Clark who held the office of Alderman, at that time a dignified station filled by men of merit. He was a farmer, a man of strong common sense and instilled into the mind of his son the enduring principles of moral rectitude that governed his actions through life. He received a good English education and was designed for the ennobling pursuit of agriculture. Of a slender frame and feeble constitution he was unable to endure hard labor but continued to superintend the improvement of the paternal domain left him by his father. He was an accomplished mathematician and was extensively employed in surveying and conveyancing. He was also an elementary lawyer and a safe gratuitous counsellor. He often saved his friends from the vexatious labyrinth of litigation by assuaging the angry elements of passion and leading them to the pure fountain of equal justice. He was called the poor man's counsellor and did much to allay disputes and promote harmony among his neighbors. He enjoyed the blessing pronounced on peace makers. His decisions were based on correct legal principles and impartial justice. He was often selected an arbitrator in different counties to settle disputed land titles. His knowledge and legal acquirements, united by an acute judgment, became so highly appreciated, that he was appointed by the Assembly to settle the claims to undivided commons. He filled the office of sheriff—was appointed clerk of the Legislature—doing credit to himself and dignifying every station he occupied. As he became known to the public his talents were more highly appreciated—not because they kindled to a blaze calculated to excite the huzzas of the multitude one day and possibly receive their execrations the next—but because they exemplified unwavering rectitude, strict justice, moral worth and disinterested patriotism.
When the vials of oppression were poured upon his native colony bythe mother country Mr. Clark was among the first to contend for liberal principles and equal rights. Cool, reflective and deliberate—he had the confidence of his fellow citizens and exercised a wise and salutary influence over them. His actions flowed from the pure fountain of a good heart guided by a clear head and a mature judgment. He weighed impartially and felt most keenly British injustice towards the colonies. He was an active and bold leader in primary meetings firmly opposing the unreasonable claims of the crown. He was a prominent member of the Committee of Safety and did much to consolidate that phalanx of sages and heroes which stood firm and unbroken amidst the storms of wrath poured on them for seven years. He had a peculiar talent to rouse his fellow citizens to action on all proper occasions, always moving within the orbit of sound discretion.
In June 1776 he took his seat in the continental Congress where he fully sustained his previous high reputation for patriotism and good sense. To such men as him we owe the liberty we now enjoy. Revolution is too often the offspring of faction. When so, the successful actors, after annihilating the power assailed often plunge into tenfold corruption. Demagogues may rouse the angry passions of the multitude to a curling flame but it requires such men as Franklin, Sherman and Clark to ride upon the whirlwind, direct the tornado and rule the storm of passion. They could guide the liquid streams of mental fire and conduct them harmless in their course.
Although the American Revolution did not originate in fanaticism—the centrifugal zeal of many of its able advocates carried them beyond the orbit of prudence. Upon such men Mr. Clark exercised a happy influence. Although they may not be able to make a flowery speech of three hours or three days at the expense of thousands to our nation—yet it is to such men we must look for the perpetuity of our UNION. It is for them to steer the ship of State clear from the rocks and shoals of error and avoid the breakers of rashness, intrigue and corruption. They are the neutralizers of the inflammatory gases that fly from the fiery craniums of many of our legislators who are more classical than discreet—more in the forum than in the committee room—more anxious to advance theirpartythan the good of their country.
Mr. Clark was warmly in favor of the Declaration of Independence. For this strong and important measure he had long been prepared from a strong conviction that no reasonable or honorable terms would be sanctioned by the ambitious and haughty ministry of Great Britain. He believed that abject slavery awaited the colonists unless the gordian knot of allegiance was cut at one bold stroke. On the 4thof July 1776, his affirmative vote and signature upon the chart of Liberty proved his sincerity and gained for him the approval of his conscience and the approbation of admiring millions.
He was continued in Congress for seven consecutive years, except spending one session in the state legislature. Owing to his naturally strong and highly cultivated mind, great industry and extensive fund of practical knowledge, he was one of the most useful members of the national legislature. From 1783 to 1788 he was a member of the legislature in his own state. So great was his influence that every act that excited public attention was attributed to him.
Mr. Clark was a strong advocate for the Convention that framed the Federal Constitution. He was appointed a member but extreme illness prevented his attendance. In 1788 he was again elected to Congress. At the next congressional election he was defeated for the first time. This reminds me of the law of Ostracism in the Republic of Athens under which many of its citizens were banished by the same demagogue party spirit that has banished many of our best men from the political arena. Mr. Clark was then appointed to the important station of commissioner to settle the state accounts with the general government. At the ensuing election the people, upon a sober second thought, again elected him to Congress of which he remained a member up to the time of his death. He died in June1794from the effects ofcoup desoleil[a stroke of the sun] in two hours from the time he was taken ill.
Mr.Clarkwas truly pious, a pure patriot and an honest man. He was a faithful public sentinel, a kind and affectionate friend, an honorable and generous opponent. His death was deeply mourned by our nation and most keenly felt by his numerous personal friends. His fame is worthy of the highest encomiums—his example should be more closely imitated.
Learningmakes the man, is an adage too old to be used as a quotation but which time or angels can never stamp with truth. Unless themanis made by the Creator of all good, learning cannot do it. The mental powers of man are as diversified as the soils of earth and as well deserve classification. Upon the minds of some we may pour a continued stream from the fountain of knowledge but like the desert of Sahara they are barren of fruit or flower. Upon other mindslaborious efforts produce an improvement but never enrich them. Their upper crust is too light—their substratum too porous to retain the fructifying substances lavished upon them. Others yield a liberal harvest by good culture and become valuable by use. Like the alluvial prairies, others are adorned with fruits and flowers. They only require the introduction of seed to afford all the rich varieties of products that may be desired. Expose them to the genial rays of the sun of science—the germs of genius will immediately spring up—the embryo forms will bud and blossom like the rose.
The mental powers of George Clymer were composed of a deep and prolific mould capable of producing the richest fruits. Fortunately for our country it was not appropriated entirely to ornamental flowers and blooming shrubbery but to the substantial fruits that invigorate and support life. He was born in Philadelphia, Pa. in 1739. His father removed to that city from Bristol, England and died when George was but seven years old. William Coleman, his maternal uncle, took him into his family, treated him as a son and made him heir to most of his property. Being a literary man he gave his nephew every facility for the acquirement of a good education. He had an extensive library and rejoiced to see it explored by young George who manifested an early taste for reading and investigated critically every subject that came before him. He traced it through all its meanderings to its primeval source. This trait in his character rendered him vastly useful in the momentous concerns of his subsequent life. He dug deep and laid firmly the foundations of his education—the superstructure was on a firm basis.
From the seminary George went into the counting-house of his uncle and became thoroughly acquainted with the mercantile business in which he finally embarked. This calling was too precarious to suit his equipoised mind. He was opposed to sudden gains or losses—the one elated the mind too much—the other depressed it too low—destroying the divine equilibrium calculated to impart the greatest happiness to man and assimilate him to his Creator. He believed a virtuous equality in life more conducive to the prosperity of a nation than to have the majority of wealth wielded by a favored few. The former tended to republicanism—the latter to aristocracy. He was in favor of equal rights, a patriot of the Roman school, a philanthropist of the first water—opposed to all monopolies. His genius was of that original order, that, like some comets, visit our world only at long intervals. It traversed the circuit of human nature, metaphysics, philosophy, physiology, ethics and general science without an apparenteffort—drawing from each conclusions peculiarly its own. He was avirtuoso, an amateur, a deep logician and an acute mathematician. A love of liberty was innate with him. His mind was richly stored with the history of other times and nations—he was well versed in the principles of law and government—he understood the chartered rights of his country and felt, most keenly, the increasing infringements upon them by the very power that was bound by the laws of nature, man and God to respect them. He was among the first to resist the oppressors of his country and proclaim to his fellow-citizens the principles of freedom. At thetea meetingheld by the people of Philadelphia on the 16th of Oct. 1773, his powerful reasoning, deep sincerity, ardent zeal and enthusiastic patriotism—commanded the admiration of all who heard him. Free from pedantry and naturally retiring—his powers of mind were known only to his immediate friends. From that time his talents were claimed as public property. He was compelled to surrender possession without the formality of amandamus, quo warranto certiorarior appeal.
When the final crisis arrived—when the shrill war-cry came rushing through the air from the heights of Lexington, Mr. Clymer took command of a company under Gen. Cadwalader and repaired to the tented field. He was a member of the Council of Safety and had served on most of the committees to prepare petitions, remonstrances and other measures of redress. On the 29th of July 1775 Congress called him from the camp to aid Michael Hillegas in managing the public treasury. He subscribed liberally to the loan raised for the public service and placed all the specie he could raise into the public chest and took in return ephemeral paper. His examples and influence caused many to rush to the rescue regardless of consequences. In July 1776 he was elected to Congress after the 4th and on taking his seat placed his name upon the Declaration of Independence. A part of the preceding delegation from Pennsylvania, finding the Declaration of Rights would be adopted, were seized with crown fits and nothing but absquatulating powders promised any relief to the spasmodic attack. As security for the payment of this medicine they put in leg bail and vanished. The people promptly filled their places with men who dared to be free.
In September of that year Messrs. Clymer and Stockton were sent by Congress to visit the northern army and confer with Gen. Washington upon future arrangements. In December of the same year Congress retired to Baltimore in consequence of the approach of the enemy, then devastating New Jersey. Mr. Clymer was one of thecommittee left to superintend the public interests and brave the perils that were rushing on like a tornado. He was re-elected to Congress and in April 1777 was again upon a visiting committee to the army to confer with Washington upon all subjects that required prompt attention which were neither few, small or far between. In the autumn of that year a fresh momentum was given to the patriotism of Mr. Clymer. He had removed his family and goods to Chester county. Immediately after the battle of Brandywine the tories led the British to his house who destroyed a large amount of his property. His family fled just in time to be saved the worse than savage tortures inflicted upon every prominent patriot's wife and mother they could seize. This sacrifice upon the altar of liberty strengthened him in the cause of freedom imparting fresh vigor to his exertions. Such conduct on the part of the British operated as a talisman in consolidating the colonies in one solid phalanx of unyielding opposition. Its eloquence soared above all words—it was action—action—action—demoniac action.
In December 1779 Mr. Clymer was one of a committee sent to Fort Pitt to induce the Indians to desist from hostilities. The mission consumed four months and was principally executed by him alone, narrowly escaping the tomahawk during his absence. It was found necessary to carry the war into the Indian settlements. During the year after his return he devoted his time in raising supplies for the army then in a very destitute condition. In 1780 he was again returned to Congress and served until November when he was associated with John Nixon in the organization of the Bank of North America which contributed largely in raising the prostrate credit of the government and yet stands upon a firm basis with fair prospects of surviving whilst our Republic continues. In May 1782 he was associated with Mr. Rutledge on a mission through the Southern States to induce them to meet more promptly the requisitions for supplies. During the entire period of the Revolution he devoted his whole time to the service of his country and discharged every duty faithfully. He stood high as an able and efficient co-worker in the vineyard of Liberty and when the harvest was past and the war ended, he retired from the field crowned with living honors enduring as the historic page.
When peace was proclaimed he removed to Princeton, N. J. for the purpose of resting from his toils and educating his children. The ensuing year he was persuaded to return to Philadelphia. He was immediately elected to the legislature and contributed largely in cutting from the old Constitution and laws of his native state the obnoxious branches of tyranny that still clustered around them. He stripped thepenal code of its inquisitorial features and originated and successfully advocated the abolishment of death in all cases except for murder in the first degree. He was the father of the salutary penitentiary system now in full force at Cherry Hill near the city of Philadelphia—solitary confinement and labor. It may not be known to every reader that prisoners were formerly compelled to labor in chains, often in public places. The superiority of solitary confinement over all other modes of punishment has been fully demonstrated and is in a slow course of adoption throughout the confines of civilized humanity.
The mind of Mr. Clymer was prolific and happy in plans of usefulness and utility. To benefit his country and better the condition of mankind was his constant aim. To effect this he saw the necessity of reducing every department of government to system and order. American Independence was achieved—to preserve it by reconciling conflicting interests, green-eyed jealousies, incongruous clamors and imaginary evils, was a herculean task only in embryo. He hailed with joy the convention to form the Federal Constitution and had the pleasure of being a member. The result of the labors of that body was charged with a deeper interest than the war-struggle for victory over the invading armies of England. It involved the fate of our infant Republic—then trembling on the verge of ruin. One more plunge and it would have been lost in the gulf of primeval chaos. The conflict was between members of the same family who had fought the enemy in one solid unbroken phalanx—now this band of brothers were separated by local interests and sectional jealousies. To bring the issue to a safe termination it required the deepest sagacity, the acutest wisdom, the most matured judgment, the profoundest legal learning, the most disinterested patriotism, the most exalted charity and the purest spirit of conciliation. Happily for our country and the cause of liberty these noble principles predominated—the glorious work was accomplished in which Mr. Clymer participated largely.
This noble patriot was elected to the first Congress that convened under the Federal Constitution. He was a stern republican in every thing. He was very properly opposed to tacking any titles to the name of any public man except that of the office which he held. Excellency, Honorable, &c., he considered to be what they really are—shadows of a shadow, too vain and imbecile for a freeman. He was wisely opposed to the right of instruction from his constituents because they must decide without hearing evidence or argument and were themselves uniformly directed by a few designing men actuated by motives based on prejudice or ignorance. He could not be made the passive tool of demagoguepower or the automaton of party spirit. We greatly need many more of the same sort at the present time. In the organization of the general government he took a very active part. Every subject presented to Congress he analyzed with the acumen of a sage, philosopher and statesman. He was continued a member until 1790, when he made an effort to close his public career. But this he was not permitted to do. Under the Act of Congress passed in 1791, imposing a duty on distilled spirits Mr. Clymer was appointed to enforce its collection in his own state. In Pennsylvania this law produced thewhiskey rebellionwhich required military force to restore order. No display of force could prevent Mr. Clymer from the performance of his duty. He appointed collectors in the different counties, advising the people to submit to the law whilst in force and pursue the constitutional remedy for its repeal if they believed it wrong. During the height of the excitement he mingled freely with the mobocracy when but few men would have been spared if clothed with the same office. When order was restored he resigned his situation. The last public service he consented to render was in conjunction with Colonels Pickens and Hasskins in negotiating a treaty with the Creek Indians which was consummated on the 29th of June 1796. He then retired to enjoy the fruits of his labors without any to disturb or make him afraid. He had periled his life, fortune and honor for his country—he had been her fearless advocate amidst the storms of revolution, civil discord and open rebellion—in his retirement he saw her peaceful, prosperous and happy with the illustrious Washington directing her destiny to fame and glory. The measure of his ardent desires was filled—he asked no more.
Although retired from the more prominent public arena, Mr. Clymer did not seek for inglorious ease—he remained active through life. He took a deep interest in every kind of improvement and to many extended his fostering care. He was a friend to the laboring classes and became familiar with the principles of agriculture and the mechanic trades. Among his private papers are many drawings of plans for bridges, canals, and various kinds of machinery and implements of husbandry with numerous recipes relative to the fine arts. Like Franklin he extended his researches to almost every subject within the grasp of man and extracted the essential oil from each. He always sought for solid substance that was of substantial use. He was opposed to pedantry, pomp and parade. He was what would now be called a plain blunt man. His bluntness was not of an offensive kind to common sense men. It consisted in laconic truth dressed in republican simplicity—a garb that was much admiredthenbut is quite out of fashionnow—a change ofrather doubtful utility. Although he originated many important measures in the national and state legislatures, he seldom spoke in the forum and was often unknown to the public when the author of wise and salutary propositions. He was ambitious only to do good and was not anxious that his name should be wafted on the breeze of popular applause or sounded in the high places of the earth. To be instrumental in benefiting the human family was theultimatumof his soul.
When the importance of a subject induced Mr. Clymer to rise indebatehe was listened to with profound attention. As a speaker his example is worthy of all imitation. Without any effort at refined eloquence he expressed in strong language what he strongly felt. He came directly to the point—adhered closely to it in a strain of keen, cutting, conclusive and laconic reasoning avoiding recrimination—was always brief, often casting into the shade in a few moments the labored and finely dressed speeches of his opponents that had cost them days, perhaps weeks to prepare and hours to deliver. He aimed his blows at the syllabus of their finely spun arguments and often demolished their ornamented superstructure at one bold stroke with the damask blade of sound logic drawn from the scabbard of plain common sense and wielded by the vigorous arm of lucid reason.
This useful man closed his earthly career at the residence of his son in Morrisville, Berks County, Pa., on the 23d of January 1813—most deeply mourned by those who knew him best. He was of the middle size, well formed, fair complexion, with a countenance attractive, intelligent, ingenuous, pleasing and expressive of a strong mind. In the private walks of life he was a model of human excellence. He was proverbial for punctuality in all things, if only to take a walk with a friend or present a promised toy to a child. In conversation he was agreeable and instructive—illuminating and enlivening the social circle with apothegms, aphorisms and pungent anecdotes—imparting pleasure and intelligence to all around him. In all this he was modest, chaste and discreet—avoiding any appearance of superiority, never making personal allusions even to his opponents. He spoke ill of no one and rebuked slander whenever he discovered it. His morals were of the purest order—his philanthropy of the loftiest kind. As a public servant, a private citizen, a kind husband, a faithful father, a warm friend, an honorable opponent and a noble patriot—George Clymer had no superior. He visited the widow and the fatherless in their distress and relieved them. He kept himself unspotted from the world and did all the good in his power. His were the fruits of primitive Christianity as taught by the Apostles. Let his examples be imitated by all—then our UNION is safe.
Frugalityis an old fashioned virtue that is deeply covered with the alluvion of modern extravagance. With a large proportion of the community—economy is no longer a governing principle. More generally is this the case with public bodies and associations. When we look at the enormous and worse than useless expense of public buildings a large proportion of them are marked with an extravagance far from republican simplicity—large expenditures without enlarging comfort or convenience, Girard College is an example in point. A large portion of the money expended on that too splendid structure, was diverted from its legitimate channel—the support and education of the poor orphan. It is a tolerated—not an excusable error. So with many other public buildings erected with money drawn directly and indirectly from the hard earnings of the people. As inconsistent as it is—professing Christians have adopted this error with a vengeance—although the great Author of Christianity was born in a stable—cradled in a manger and preached his thrilling soul-cheering sermons in the open air. As churches are now conducted—how great the change—how alarming the contrast. The landmarks of primitive Christianity are buried by the alluvion of human inventions. Millions are expended in building extravagant edifices—furnishing them with velvet, damask or other cushions—the congregation involved in debt—the poor necessarily excluded—when half the amount contracted would have been sufficient and the other half should have been expended to alleviate the wants of the suffering poor and in sending the Gospel of Peace to the destitute. Extravagant professed followers of the lowly Jesus—think of this when you rise from reposing—perhapssleepingon your gaudy church cushions. Think of the birth place of your Lord—of his life of poverty—his friendship to the poor—his constant efforts to do them good—of the habits and limited comforts of his disciples—and more—think how destitute you are of the very foundation of true religion—humility. How will you answer for these things at the searching tribunal of the great Jehovah? Even your funerals are marked with an extravagance that should be reduced to an amount that would leave a sum sufficient to make your poor neighbors comfortable for a long time. If you would honor the religion of the immaculate Redeemer—learn and practice frugality—enlarge your charity and adorn your conduct with consistency.
With thetruepatriots of the American Revolution frugality was proverbial. Independence Hall, built of plain brick and mortar, was deemedsufficiently splendid for the accommodation of the master spirits of that eventful era. A plain yard, with native forest trees for an ornament, was satisfactory. Now nothing but a marble structure, surrounded by extensive highly ornamented pleasure grounds, at an expense ofmillions, will answer for the legislators of this anti-republican era. The dear people are no longer consulted relative to the expenses of our government—topayis their only privilege. Imported extravagance—imported customs—apish imitations of European usages—are fast driving republican simplicity from our once happy land. If the people tamely submit to these gross innovations they will ultimately reap the bitter fruits of their culpable neglect of duty.
Among the sages of the American Revolution, John Dickinson figured conspicuously. He was born in Maryland in 1732. After acquiring a good education he read law and had a lucrative practice in the city of Philadelphia. He was elected to the legislature at an early age and became a prominent member—an eloquent speaker and ready writer. He was a member of the General Congress in 1765 when he boldly exposed the unwarranted conduct of crown officers urged on by corrupt ministers. In 1767 he published a series of letters—boldly exposing the unconstitutional features of sundry acts of parliament. They contributed largely towards preparing the people for that resistance which resulted infreedom.
Mr. Dickinson was a member of the important preliminary Congress of 1774 and wrote the lucid petition to the King that emanated from that body. He was the author of the declaration published by the Congress of 1775 which ably set forth the causes that impelled the down-trodden colonists to take up arms and resolve on victory or death. The second petition to the King was from his pen and adopted by Congress. All his writings were well suited to the occasions that induced them and were eminently calculated to advance the cause of the patriots. He was slow to believe England could not be brought to see and relinquish her suicidal course. He believed the Declaration of Independence premature and did not vote for it. He had great confidence in his own persuasive powers. His opposition to the Declaration of Rights caused his constituents to give him leave of absence. He subsequently sanctioned it and repented of his error. In 1779 he was again elected to Congress and became a zealous, active, useful member. The following extract from an address, adopted by Congress on the 26th of May 1779, is from his pen.
"Infatuated as your enemies have been from the beginning of this contest do you imagine they can flatter themselves with a hope of conquering you unless you are false to yourselves? When unprepared, undisciplined and unsupported—you opposed their fleets and armies in full conjoined force—then, if at any time, was conquest to be apprehended. Yet, what progress towards it have their violent and incessant efforts made? Judge from their own conduct. Having devoted you to bondage and after vainly wasting their blood and treasure in the dishonorable enterprise—they deigned at length to offer terms of accommodation with respectful addresses to that once despised body—the Congress—whose humble supplications, only for peace and safety, they had contemptuously rejected under pretence of its being an unconstitutional assembly. Nay more—desirous of seducing you into a deviation from the paths of rectitude from which they had so far and rashly wandered, they made most specious offers to tempt you into a violation of your faith given to your illustrious ally."
"Foiled again and stung with rage, embittered by envy—they had no alternative but to renounce the inglorious and ruinous controversy or to resume their former modes of prosecuting it. They chose the latter. Again the savages are stimulated to horrid massacres of women and children and domestics to the murder of their masters. Again our brave and unhappy brethren are doomed to miserable deaths in jails and prison-ships. To complete the sanguinary system—all the 'extremitiesof war' are denounced against you by authority. * * Rouse yourselves, therefore, that this campaign may finish the great work you have so nobly carried on for several years past. What nation ever engaged in such a contest under such a complication of disadvantages so soon surmounted many of them and in so short a period of time had so certain a prospect of a speedy and happy conclusion. We will venture to pronounce that so remarkable an instance exists not in the annals of mankind. * * * Consider how much you have done and how comparatively little remains to be done to crown you with success. Persevere and you insure peace,freedom, safety, glory, sovereignty and felicity to yourselves, your children and your children's children." * * *
"Fill up your battalions—be prepared in every part to repel the incursions of your enemies—place your several quotas in the constitutional treasury—lend money for public uses—sink the emissions of your several states—provide effectually for expediting the conveyance of supplies for your armies and fleets and for your allies—prevent the produce of your country from being monopolized—effectually superintend the behaviour of public officers (what a poser if the dear people should do this imperious duty now) diligently promote piety, virtue, brotherlylove, learning,frugalityand moderation and may you be approved before Almighty God—worthy of those blessings we devoutly wish you to enjoy."
Here is a bright specimen of the republican principles that governed the public officers and people of the Revolution. They are too simple for the present portentous era of imported extravagance and customs—too pure for the politicians of our time. They will be read with approving admiration—but few will put them in practice.
Mr. Dickinson filled the office of President of Pennsylvania and subsequently removed to the state of Delaware and there filled the same chair. His political writings were collected and published in 1810 making two volumes octavo. His famous "Farmer's Letters to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies" were so highly prized by the astute Franklin that he had them republished in London and sent a French translation to Paris. But few of the sages did as much with their pen as this patriot. He lived to enjoy the fruits of his labors to a good old age. He resided at Wilmington, Delaware, for a long time where he closed his earthly pilgrimage on the 15th of February 1808. He was a member of the Society of Friends. His private character was without reproach.
Contractsfairly entered into by parties competent to make and consummate them should be sacredly fulfilled in the minutest particulars. Individuals and social compacts from the common business firm up to the most exalted national engagements are bound by the laws of God, man and honor to keep inviolate their plighted faith. A deviation from the path of rectitude in this particular is uniformly attended with evil consequences and often with those most disastrous. The party that violates its obligations without a justifiable reason and especially if it attempts to advance its own interests regardless of, perhaps injurious to those of the other, comes to court with a bad cause. I have repeatedly remarked that the American Revolution resulted from a violation of colonial chartered rights by the mother country. To enter into a full exposition of the relations between the two high contracting parties would require more space than can be allowed in this work. Reference to some of the cardinal points in a single charter will give the reader a clue to them all. Some of a later date arerather more limited in privileges than that of Rhode Island to which I refer.
This charter secured religious freedom, personal liberty, personal rights in property—excluding the king from all interference with the local concerns of the colony and was virtually republican in its provisions. One of the early Acts of Parliament referring to Rhode Island contains the following language. "That no person within the said colony at any time hereafter shall be in any way molested, punished, disquieted or called in question for any difference of opinion in matters of religion that does not actually disturb the civil peace of said colony." The loyalty of the inhabitants up to the time oppressions commenced was unquestionable. The ancient records give full evidence of the fact. The addresses to the king begin thus. "The general Assembly judged it their duty to signify his majesty's gracious pleasure vouchsafed to us." Extract of a letter written to Sir Henry Vane in England. "We have long drunk of the cup of as great liberties as any people we can hear of under the whole heavens. We have not only been long free, together with all English, from the yokes of wolfish bishops and their popish ceremonies against whose grievous oppressions God raised up your noble spirit in parliament but we have sitten down quiet and dry from the streams of blood spilt by war in our native country. We have not known what an excise means. We have almost forgotten what tythes are, yea or taxes either to church or common weal."
In addition to other declaratory acts of Parliament sanctioning and continuing chartered privileges generally in all the colonies, one was passed in March 1663, involving the very hinge upon which the question of the Revolution turned. Extract—"Be it further enacted—That no taxes shall be imposed or required of the colonies but by the consent of the General Assembly"—meaning the General Assembly of each colony separably and including the whole. This single sentence of that declaratory act, based upon a cardinal point in the British constitution and guarded by the sanctity of charter contracts that could not be annulled but by the mutual consent of the high contracting parties, solves the problem of the Revolution. Having lived in the full enjoyment of chartered privileges which had become matured by the age of more than a century, the colonists would have been unworthy the name of men had they tamely submitted to their annihilation. To the unfading honor of their names—they did not submit. A band of sages and heroes rose in all the majesty of man—met the invaders of their rights and drove them from Columbia's soil.
Among them was William Ellery, born at Newport Rhode Island on the 2d of December 1727. His ancestors were from Bristol, England. He was the son of William Ellery a graduate of Harvard College and an enterprising merchant. He filled many public stations and became one of the first men in the colony. Pleased with the docility of his son he became his instructor and prepared him for college. He entered Harvard and became a close and successful student. He was delighted with the classics and was enraptured with the history of the ancient republics. So great was his veneration for ancient authors that he continued his familiarity with them to the moment of his death. He was one of the most lucid classic philologists of that age. He graduated at twenty and commenced the study of law. In that ever expanding field of labor he was all industry and was admitted to the bar with brilliant prospects before him. Located in one of the most delightful towns on the Atlantic, surrounded by a large circle of friends who desired his success, blessed with superior talents improved by a refined education, esteemed by all who knew him—his situation was truly agreeable. He possessed an amiable disposition, a strong mind, a large share of wit and humor, polished manners and a vivid animation in conversation that dispelled ennui from every circle in which he moved. With these accomplishments he spread his sails to the public breeze.
He commenced a successful practice at the bar of Newport and realized the fond anticipations of his friends. He was highly honorable in his course and had the confidence of the citizens, the respect of his professional brethren and the esteem of the courts. To make more complete his standing and importance in community he entered into partnership with a most estimable lady until death should them part. The firm proved prosperous and happy. Up to the time British oppression commenced, his days passed peacefully and quietly along with an accumulating fortune flowing in. When the revolutionary storm loomed up from the horizon he became roused. A new impetus was given to his mental and physical powers. His townsmen were the first who had dared to beard the British lion. On the 17th of June 1769, in consequence of the oppressive conduct of her captain, the revenue sloop Liberty belonging to his Britannic majesty was forcibly seized by a number of citizens in disguise who cut away her masts, scuttled her, carried her boats to the upper part of the town and committed them to the flames under the towering branches of a newly plantedLiberty Tree. This act was followed by another on the 9th of June 1772 in which blood was shed—that of seizing and burning the British schooner Gaspee. This was made a pretext for more severe measures by thehirelings of the crown who recommended to Parliament the disfranchisement of the colony. The revolutionary ball was in motion at Newport. In the midst of these turmoils Mr. Ellery was with the people and for freedom. He went for the preservation of rights that had become sacred and venerable by age and had the high sanction of the laws of man, of nature and of God. In 1774 he approved a suggestion made in a letter from Gen. Greene—that the colonies should declare themselves independent. This spirit took fast hold on the people of Rhode Island at the very inception of the Revolution.
In 1776 Mr. Ellery was elected to the Continental Congress. His constituents left him to act free as mountain air. He stood up to the post of duty boldly and became an active member. He was fully prepared to advocate and sanction the Declaration of Independence. An agreeable speaker, master of satire, sarcasm, logic and philosophy—he exercised a salutary and judicious influence. He was appointed on several important committees and rendered efficient service. Upon the marine committee he was the leading man. He was a strong advocate for the navy. Many of his constituents were bold mariners. He felt a just pride in referring to his fellow citizen—Commodore Ezek Hopkins, as the first commander of the little fleet of the infant republic. It was he who took New Providence by surprise—seized a large amount of war munitions amongst which were one hundred pieces of cannon—took the royal Governor, Lieutenant Governor and sundry others of his majesty's officers prisoners and gave an earnest of the future glory to be achieved by Yankee seamen.
When the time arrived for the final question upon the momentous instrument that was to be a warrant of death or the diploma of freedom, Mr. Ellery was at his post and fearlessly gave it his approving vote and sanctioning signature. With his usual vivacity he took his stand by the side of the Secretary, Charles Thomson, for the purpose of observing the apparent emotions of each member as he came up and signed the important document. He often referred to this circumstance in after life and said an undaunted resolution was observed on every countenance. He was continued a member of Congress until 1785—full evidence of the high estimation in which he was held by his constituents. In 1777 he was upon the committee that originated the plan of fitting out seven fire ships to annoy the British fleet and had the credit of suggesting and perfecting it.
When the enemy obtained possession of Newport their vengeance against this noble patriot was manifested by burning all his property within their reach. This did not move the equanimity of his mindonly to make him more zealous in the glorious cause of liberty. In 1778 he strongly advocated a resolution making it death for any citizen—aliastory who should betray or aid in delivering into the hands of the enemy any of the adherents of the cause of freedom or give any intelligence that should lead to their capture. He spent nearly his whole time in Congress and toiled incessantly. In 1779 he was on the committee of foreign relations which had the settlement of some very unpleasant difficulties between the United States and the foreign commissioners. He was chairman of a committee to provide provisions for the inhabitants of Rhode Island who were destitute of the necessaries of life. From year to year he was arduously employed on most of the standing and many other important committees. Marine difficulties occurred between the general government and some of the states arising from a difference of opinion relative to the powers conferred by the Articles of Confederation. A committee was appointed to define those powers of which Mr. Ellery was the leading member. This committee determined that all disputed claims were subject to appeal from the Court of Admiralty to Congress where the facts and law were to be fully settled. On all occasions and in all situations he was diligent and punctual. When he discovered any long faces or forlorn countenances in Congress the artillery of his wit and humor was sure to pour a broadside upon them and often dispelled the lowering clouds that hung gloomily over the minds of members.
In 1782 he was an efficient member of the committee on public accounts the duties of which were large and perplexing. Speculation and peculation had rolled their dark waves over the public business of the nation—to do justice to all who presented claims was a problematical matter. In 1784 he was upon the committee to act upon the definitive treaty with Great Britain. He was upon the committee to define the power of the Treasury Board—the one upon Foreign Relations and the one upon the War Office. To crown his brilliant labors in Congress with resplendent glory, he advocated the resolution of Mr. King to abolish slavery in the United States. His whole force was brought to bear upon this subject in a strain of forensic eloquence and powerful logic that added fresh lustre to the substantial fame he had long enjoyed.Thenthe subject was legitimate for Congress—nowit belongs to each state interested.
In 1785 Mr. Ellery retired from political life and repaired to his now peaceful home to replenish his ruined fortune and enjoy the blessings of the Independence he had so much aided in consummating. In the spring of 1786 Congress made him commissioner of the NationalLoan Office for Rhode Island. Shortly after he was elected Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of his native state. On his accession to the Presidential chair, Washington appointed him Collector of Customs for Newport which station he ably filled until he took his tranquil departure to a brighter world. The evening of his life was as calm and mellow as an Italian sunset. Universally esteemed—he enjoyed a delightful intercourse with a large circle of friends. Honest, punctual and correct—he had the confidence of the commercial community in his official station. During the thirty years he was Collector of Customs, a loss of only two hundred dollars upon bond accrued to government and upon that bond he had taken five sureties. He spent much of his time in reading classic authors and in corresponding with eminent men. But three weeks before his death he wrote an essay upon Latin prosody and the faults of public speakers. His bible was a favorite companion from which he drew and drank the living waters of eternal life. Always cheerful, instructive and amusing—his company was a rich treat to all who enjoyed it. His writings combined a sprightliness and solidity rarely found.
His death was as remarkable as it was tranquil and glorious. It was that of a Christian and philosopher. On the morning of the 15th of February 1820 he rose in usual health and seated himself in the flag-bottom chair which he had used for fifty years and which was a relic rescued from the flames when the enemy fired his buildings. He commenced reading Tully'sOfficiisin his favorite Latin without the aid of glasses the print being no larger than that of a pocket bible. During the morning the family physician called in and seeing him very pale felt his wrist and found his pulse had ceased. He administered a little wine which gave a transient impetus to the purple current. The physician spoke encouragingly to whom Mr. Ellery replied—"It is idle to talk to me in this way. I am going off the stage of life and it is a great blessing that I go free from sickness, pain and sorrow." Becoming extremely weak his daughter helped him on the bed where he sat upright and commenced readingCicero de Officiiswith the same composure as if in the full vigor of life. In a few moments his spirit left its tenement of clay without a motion, groan or sigh—his body still erect with the book under his chin as if asleep. William Ellery was dead—relations and friends wept—our nation mourned.
Thus usefully lived and happily died one of the brightest specimens of human excellence. His whole career presents a rare and rich picture upon which the imagination may feast, with increasing delight and which cannot be rendered more beautiful or interesting by thefinest touches of the pencil of fancy dipped in the most brilliant color of romance. He was of the middle stature, well formed, with a large head; an intelligent and expressive countenance, moderate in his physical movements and with all his vivacity generally had a grave aspect. He was temperate, plain and uniform in his habits and dress and could seldom be induced to join in chase after theignis fatuus—fashion. For many years before his death his wardrobe was of an order belonging to a by-gone generation. His courtesy and hospitality were always conspicuous—the whole frame-work of his character was embellished with all the rich varieties of amiable and good qualities—uniting beauty with strength which ever gain esteem in life and tranquillity in death. Reader contemplate this bright picture until its impress is so deeply fixed upon your mind that nought but death can erase it.
Lexicographersdefine ambition to be an earnest desire of power, honor, preferment, pride. Some who study party politics more than philosophy, physiology or ethics, call all the laudable desires of the heartambition—aiming to strip the monster of its deformity that they may sail under false colors and play the pirate whenever an opportunity offers. The power that is gained by ambition is held by a slender tenure—often a mere rope of sand. Its hero may receive the homage of the multitude one day and be the victim of their fury the next. The summit of vain ambition is often the depth of misery. Based on a volcanic foundation it is in constant danger of an eruption. Inflated by a gaseous thirst for power, like a balloon with hydrogen, it is liable to an explosion from the very material that elevated it. Predicated on self—it spurns philanthropy, banishes charity, tramples on justice, despises patriotism, deals largely in the corrosive sublimate of falsehood, the elixir vitriol of revenge—the assafœtida of duplicity. Like a kite, it cannot rise in a calm and when up, is subject to fly from its fastenings and be rent by the cross currents ever in motion. The fulcrum of ignorance and the lever of party spirit form its magic power.
Some European writers have charged the patriots of the American Revolution with selfish ambition. They may be excused for this supposition from the fact that this is the motive power oftheiractions and they can understand no other. Very different was the fact. Private virtue, broad charity, genuine philanthropy, undisguised patriotismwere marked characteristics of those who achieved our Liberty. They were actuated by pure and honest motives—not by wild ambition and political frenzy. Noisy partisans and intriguing demagogues were not the favorites of the people at that trying period. The man of genuine worth and modest merit was the one they delighted to honor and trust.
In the character of William Floyd these qualities were happily blended. He was born at Suffolk county, Long Island, State of New York on the 17th of December 1734. He was the son of Mr. Nicoll Floyd and the grandson of Richard Floyd who came from Wales in 1680 and settled at Setauket, Long Island. During his childhood William was remarkable for frankness, truth, docility and pleasing manners. He was an industrious student and acquired a liberal education. During the prosecution of his studies he devoted a short period almost daily to his gun in pursuit of game which gave him healthful exercise and a strong frame. His father died before William arrived at his majority leaving him an ample fortune. This he managed with prudence and economy. From his youth he had been the advocate of liberal principles. At manhood he became a prominent opposer to the innovations of the British ministers upon the chartered rights of Americans. As oppression increased his patriotic feelings were more frequently and freely expressed. He was an active and zealous member of the Congress of 1774. He had the unlimited confidence of his constituents—the esteem of all who knew him. His cool deliberation and calm deportment were well calculated to preserve an equilibrium among those of a more fiery temperament and rashness in action. That Congress was remarkable for clear and unanswerable argument, calm and astute discussion, wise and judicious plans—reasonable but firm purposes. The course pursued operated powerfully and favorably upon the minds of reflecting men whose influence it was important to secure.
Mr. Floyd had command of the militia of the county in which he lived. When the British attempted to land at Gardner's Bay he promptly assembled the yeoman troops and repelled the invading foe. In 1775 he was again at his post in Congress and became one of its very efficient members. He was a working man and almost constantly engaged on important committees. During his absence the enemy obtained possession of Long Island and compelled his family to flee to Connecticut for safety. His property was materially injured—his house converted into a military barrack and for seven years he was deprived of all resources from his farm. In 1776 he was a warmadvocate of the Declaration and with great satisfaction placed his name upon that sacred instrument. In 1777 he was elected to the first Senate of the Empire State convened under the new order of things. He was a leading member and rendered important services in forming a code of republican laws.
In January 1779 he again took his seat in Congress and entered vigorously upon the work before him. In August of that year he resumed his seat in the New York Senate. Much important business was before the legislature, requiring experience, energy and unity of action. To raise the pecuniary credit of the state was of great importance. Mr. Floyd was at the head of a joint committee on this subject and reported a plan that proved him an able financier—a man of deep thought and investigation. It was based upon gradual, equal and just taxation. In October of that year he was one of three delegates appointed by his legislature to meet a convention of the Eastern States for the purpose of perfecting a system of furnishing supplies for the army without being compelled to suffer the enormous shaves of avaricious monopolists. On reading the account of the awful sufferings and privations of the army at certain periods of the Revolution and in view of the glory of the cause and the limited means of carrying on the unequal struggle, an honest man can scarcely believe men then existed who would speculate—yes more—peculateupon suffering humanity. So was the fact to an alarming extent—at least three millions a year. Avarice knows no mercy—seldom any honesty.
On his return from this convention he repaired to Congress. On the 3d of December he was elected one of the Board of Admiralty and on the 13th a member of the Treasury Board. By incessant application his health became impaired and in the ensuing April he obtained leave of absence. In June he took his seat in the New York Senate and was appointed upon a joint committee to act upon resolutions of Congress involving the important relations between the state and general government. He unsuccessfully opposed making bills of credit a legal tender but lived to see the law repealed. In September he was one of a committee of the senate to prepare a reply to the governor's message. To effect a proper organization of the general government was a desideratum with all the states. To this important subject the governor had specially referred. To confer upon Congress all necessary power clearly defined, was considered the only safe policy to insure future harmony and safety. This committee reported several resolutions upon this subject which were adopted and forwarded to Congress for consideration. They recommended the enactment of laws thatshould impose an equal responsibility on each of the states to bear itspro rataproportion of the war expenses in the way and manner prescribed by the general government.
In 1780 he again took his seat in Congress. An important and delicate duty devolved upon the New York and New Hampshire members under legislative acts—the subject of disputed territory comprising the present state of Vermont. The question was submitted to Congress, the members of each state advocating the claim for their constituents. In this matter Mr. Floyd rendered great service. During the same session he introduced a resolution for the cession of the western territories to the United States. On the 10th of August he nominated Robert L. Livingston to be Secretary of Foreign Affairs whose nomination was immediately confirmed. He was continued a member of Congress up to 1783 when he joined in the general soul-cheering peace and the freedom of his beloved country. He then retired and took possession of his once flourishing plantation amidst the sincere congratulations of his numerous friends, all animated by the resplendent glories ofLiberty. That he might repair the ruin of his home he declined the urgent solicitations of his friends to return to Congress. He continued to serve in the senate of his native state up to 1788 when he was elected to the first Congress under the Federal Constitution. Worn out in the service of his country he retired from the public arena at the end of the term.
Owning a large tract of valuable wild land upon the banks of the Mohawk river he commenced gradual improvements upon it and in 1803 removed there. He was often urged to return to Congress but declined all legislative labors. With the exception of serving one year in the state senate and in the convention for the revision of the New York Constitution in 1801, he kept aloof from the turmoils of political life. He was four times a member of the Electoral College of his state for the election of President and Vice President. So ardent were his feelings in his old age that he travelled two hundred miles in the dreary month of December 1806 to give his vote for his old companion and friend—Thomas Jefferson.
He continued to improve his new home until he became surrounded by happy neighbors all basking in the clear sunshine of that freedom he had largely aided in acquiring. In all things he was systematic and practical—free from pomp and vanity—strong in his purposes and persevering in their accomplishment. He was blessed with a clear head, vigorous mind, good heart, sound judgment, great experience and a close knowledge of men and things. As a politician he wasfree from selfish ambition and went for his country—his whole country and the UNION for ever. He spoke but seldom in public assemblies and rarely entered into debate. Brighter would be the prospects of our UNION if wenowhad more men like William Floyd who wouldtalkless andworkmore. Long and often electioneering speeches hang over our legislatures like an incubus and prevent thefewwho are well-disposed from doing the business of the people promptly.
General Floyd was of middle size, well-formed and commanding in his appearance. He was dignified in his deportment—affable in his manners. His physical powers were remarkable when in his prime. In all the relations of private life he was a model as worthy of imitation as that of his public career. He was warm in his friendship and rigidly honest. His morals were pure, his religion practical, his charity broad—his philanthropy co-extensive with the human family. For the last two years of his life his health was not good and on the 20th of August 1821 he was seized with general debility and on the 25th of that month, folded his arms quietly, closed his eyes peacefully and met the cold embrace of death with the fortitude of a sage, patriot and Christian.
Although Gen. Floyd did not possess the Ciceronean eloquence of a Lee or the Demosthenean powers of Adams and Henry, he was one of the most useful men of his day and generation. He marked out his path of duty from the reflections of his own mind and pursued it strictly and fearlessly. For more than fifty years he enjoyed the confidence of his fellow-citizens as a public man and but one year before his decease was made a member of the Electoral College. His example and his labors shed a lustre over his character as rich and enduring as those who were conspicuous in the forum. He was an important link in the golden chain of Liberty. He was a working man—working men werethenproperly appreciated. The congressional speakers of that day were also more highly appreciated than nine-tenths of them are now for the very good reason that they were laconic on all subjects. Long speeches were as uncommon as they are now frequent and useless. If we desire the prosperity of our country and the perpetuity of our UNION let us imitate the examples of the patriots whose actions we delight to rehearse and preserve in its pristine purity the rich boon oflibertythey have transmitted to us.