Aman who is self-made and by his own exertions and untiring industry becomes a great man, often excels the mere student of the college in mental vigor as much as the hard fisted mechanic excels him physically.
The former, usually without the means and often without the advantages of paternal or maternal care, is compelled to become familiar with men and things, without a knowledge of which, the classics are a mere toy and the high branches of science only an ornament. With the never ending every day concerns of life where usefulness holds her dominion they have little to do. A man of letters who is unacquainted with the routine of business transactions is incapable of protecting his own interests—of course he cannot be useful to community until he goes through another and more important course of study. A great change is necessary in most of our colleges to make full men of students. Hence the blasted hopes of many a fond father who is led astray by the popular error—that colleges mould all their students intomen. A large majority of the most useful citizens of our country, from its first settlement to the present time, never enjoyed a collegiate education. Especially was this the case with many of the sages and heroes of the Revolution whose memory we delight to honor and perpetuate.
Such was the case of Benjamin Franklin, born at Boston on 17th of January 1706—exactly ninety years before the writer. His father was among the Puritans who fled from persecution and sought repose in the wilds of Massachusetts. His parents were poor but honest and respectable. This may seem paradoxical to the aristocracy of the present day—but is unquestionably true. The timewaswhen poverty was not acrimenor wealth a mask for corruption. Honesty and industry wereformerlythe brightest stars on the escutcheon of fame.
At an early age Benjamin Franklin exhibited a mind of superior cast and a strong desire for improvement. His pious parents advanced his education as far as their limited means would enable them being anxious to see this son prepared for the pulpit. At the age of ten years his father was compelled to take him from school to aid him in the chandler business. This did not arrest the onward course of his genius. Original in every trait of his character, eccentric in his manner, the child of bold experiment, he commenced the study of natural philosophy in the midst of candle wicks, tallow and soap. He first ascertained the precise quantity of sleep and food requisite to sustain nature and the kind ofaliment most conducive to health. At that early age he adopted a system of temperance, frugality and economy, worthy the imitation of men. He accustomed himself to meet every disappointment without a murmur. He continued to improve his mind by reading during every hour he was not at labor. Nothing passed by him unnoticed. His expanding intellect drew philosophy from nature, things and men. He reasoned, analyzed, moralized and improved from everything he saw. Hence the vast and rapid expansion of his towering genius that ultimately commanded the awe of kings and the admiration of the world—comprehending the philosophy of mind, nature, science, art, government—all the relations of creation from the dust under his feet—the myriads of animalculæ in a drop of water, up to the bright seraphs in the skies and up to Nature's God.
A mind like his would not long be confined in a chandler shop. Open and honest at all times and under all circumstances, he apprised his father of his wish to change his occupation. He was bound to his brother to learn the art of printing. His industry enabled him to master his profession rapidly. All his leisure moments were employed in study, thus preparing himself for a useful and glorious career through future life—leaving a bright example worthy the imitation of every apprentice in our country.
So intently bent on the acquisition of knowledge—he often preferred his book to his meal and studied whole nights—defying the commands of Morpheus. He was paid a weekly sum for his board and adopting a simple vegetable diet was enabled to save money for the purchase of books. He selected them with reference to substantial usefulness. He studied with enthusiasm the Memorabilia of Xenophon and found a model in Socrates which he delighted in imitating.
About this time he was seized with the scribbling mania. Committing the usual error of youthful authors—he offered his first sacrifice to Calliope the goddess of heroic poetry. The production was applauded but his father turned his rhyming propensity into ridicule and encouraged him to write prose. Fearing the shafts of criticism, he had several articles published in the paper edited by his brother, in so clandestine a manner that the author was not suspected. Finding that they were admired, he says his vanity did not long keep the world ignorant of the writer.
Flattery from others caused him to assume an air of importance that soon resulted in an open rupture between him and his brother. For some time he endured a course of harsh treatment and at length resolved to free himself from the chains of bondage. He embraced the firstopportunity for New York. Not being able to obtain business there he proceeded to Philadelphia on foot and alone. On his arrival he had but one dollar—was a stranger only seventeen years of age and knew not where to go. On entering Market street his eccentric appearance excited the gaze of the multitude as much as his gigantic talents subsequently did the gaze of the world. He had a roll of bread under each arm and proceeded to the margin of the Delaware river and partook of his bread and pure water. His pockets were enormously enlarged with the various articles of his wardrobe rendering him a fair representation of old Boniface.
There were then but two printing offices in Philadelphia. In one of these he obtained the situation of compositor. He now reduced his theories of economy to successful practice maintaining himself at a trifling expense—pursuing a correct and industrious career which gained for him the esteem of all his acquaintances. Among others, his talents attracted the attention of Sir William Keith, then Governor of the province, who invited him to his house and treated him with great kindness. The Governor was a man whose liberality inpromiseswent beyond the dust in his purse. Anxious to see his young friend placed in more prosperous circumstances by his benefaction he proposed to set him up in business. He at once gave him letters to London. On his arrival there, Franklin found that no pecuniary arrangements had been made for him by histonguebenefactor. He was in a strange land, without money to pay his return passage. He took a new lesson in the school of experience in which he delighted to study. Disappointment did not deject him. He soon obtained employment and gained the confidence and esteem of his new acquaintances. At the end of eighteen months he embarked for Philadelphia. On his passage he digested a set of rules for future action substantially as follows. I resolve to be frugal—to speak truth at all times—never to raise expectations not to be realized—to be sincere, industrious, stable—to speak ill of no man—to cover rather than expose the faults of others and to do all the good I can to my fellow man.
Upon this foundation, formed of the unadulterated materials ofprimitiveChristianity, he raised a superstructure, more beautiful and as enduring as the proudest memorials of Greece and Rome. When the whole human family shall adopt and fully exemplify these rules, we may hope to see millennial glory eclipse the meridian sun and cover the earth with one broad sheet of celestial light.
He arrived at Philadelphia on the 11th of October 1726 and became the clerk of the merchant who owned the goods brought over by theship in which he took his passage. His proverbial industry made him as successful in the counting house as at the press—showing a rare versatility of talent. His future prospects in this new sphere of action brightened as time rolled on but were suddenly blasted by the death of his employer. He then returned to the types—worked a few months for his old patron where he found a partner with more money than skill and with him commenced a lucrative business. His industry and artistic talents were now put in full requisition. He manned his wheel-barrow in collecting material for business—put nature on short allowance and by punctuality and perseverance gained many valuable friends and money enough to purchase the interest of his partner who had become worthless and embarrassing to the firm.
Up to this time Franklin had been fortune's foot-ball. His life had been a complete checker board of changing vicissitudes, blasted hopes and keen disappointments. Amidst all the stormy trials that had tossed his youthful bark on the surges of misfortune—surrounded by the foaming breakers of vice in all its delusive and borrowed forms—he never became tarnished by corruption or the commission of a bad or mean action. The moral and religious principles deeply planted in his mind during childhood by parental instruction—were as lasting as life—a happy illustration of the faithfulness of parents towards their children. Fathers and mothers think of this and govern yourselves accordingly.
Having become liberated from his business partner, he felt the necessity and propriety of choosing one that would fill up the vacuum in his side and share with him the joys and sorrows flesh is heir to. In 1730, he entered into partnership for life with a widow lady whose maiden name was Read, for whom he had contracted an attachment previous to her first marriage. In him she found a kind husband—in her he found an agreeable and discreet companion.
Philanthropy predominated in the heart of Franklin. To better the condition of his fellow men gave him exquisite pleasure. The rules governing the "Junto" formed by him and now merged in the "Philosophical Society," exhibit a superior knowledge of human nature—illustrating clearly the duty of man to the creature and Creator. They breathe universal charity, kindness, benevolence and good will to all mankind. Among them is one for the suppression of intemperance—a prophetic prelude to the exertions of the present day in this noble cause. He had profited by the experience of the past which enabled him to steer clear of the rocks and quicksands of error on which many are ruined and lost. His bark had outrode many a storm—prosperity was his future lot. His new partner smiled upon him, his friendsesteemed him, a life of usefulness was before him—in the pleasures of the present, past pains were lost.
In 1732 he commenced the publication of the "Poor Richard's Almanac" which he continued up to 1737, circulating 10,000 copies annually. Although under a humble title it was a work of great merit and usefulness—being replete with maxims and rules calculated for everyday use in the various relations of life—rules and maxims of the highest importance to be known and practised but not learned in high seminaries. So highly was it prized in Europe that it was translated into several languages. He also commenced the publication of a newspaper which was conducted with great ability—free from all personal abuse and scurrility—a messenger of truth and wholesome instruction. Would to God the same could be said ofallthe present public prints.
Franklin continued to pursue his studies—mastering the French, Italian, Spanish and Latin languages. By the "Junto" a small library was commenced which was the nucleus to the present large collection in the city of Philadelphia. He wrote and published a highly interesting pamphlet on the necessity of paper currency. He added to his literary fame by the production of essays on various subjects written in his peculiar style. He filled successfully the office of state printer, of clerk to the Assembly and of post-master in Philadelphia. He used unwearied exertions to perfect the municipal regulations of the city. He was the father and patron of the Philosophical Society, the Pennsylvania University and Hospital. All the enterprises in the city and province, of that time, were either originated by him or were advanced by his wisdom and counsel.
In 1741 he commenced the publication of a General Magazine filled with much useful matter but less acceptable than his former productions to many—probing, as it did, litigated points in theology. It was too universal in its charity to suit sectarians. Let these barriers be removed—then the gospel will have free course-run and be glorified.
The mechanic arts were also improved by him. He brought to their aid philosophy, chemistry and a combination of science, economy and the laws of nature. He improved chimneys—constructed a stove and proposed many useful and economical corrections in domestic concerns from the cellar to the garret—from the plough to the mill. Science bowed to his master spirit, the arts hailed him as a patron, the lightning obeyed his magic rod and nature was proud of her favorite son.
In 1744 he was elected to the Assembly and continued a member for ten consecutive years. Although not a popular speaker, his clearconceptions of correct legislation and the duties of a statesman gave to him an influence over that body before unknown. In all his propositions he was listened to with profound attention.
During the period he was serving his province in the Assembly he explored the fields of experimental philosophy—explaining many of the mysterious phenomena of nature which spread his scientific fame to the remotest bounds of the civilized world. His discoveries in electricity were sufficient to have immortalized his name. He is the first man on record who imparted magnetism to steel—melted metals—killed animals and fired gunpowder by means of electricity. He was the first who reduced to practice the method of conducting the electric fluid from the clouds to the points of steel rods and by them harmless to the ground. All the elements—fluids, air, sea and land with their millions of various substances, passed in review before him.
In 1753 he was sent to Carlisle, Pennsylvania, to conclude a treaty with the Indians. In 1754 he was a delegate to the Congress of Commissioners which met at Albany to devise means of defence against the anticipated hostilities of the French and savages. He then submitted a plan that was unanimously approved by the Congress but was too republican for the creatures of the king.
On the decease of the Deputy Postmaster-General of America, Franklin was appointed to fill the vacancy and raised the department from embarrassment to a fruitful source of revenue to the crown.
Difficulties arose between the proprietaries and government of the province of Pennsylvania, which were referred to the mother country for adjustment. Dr. Franklin was sent by the province to guard its interests and embarked for England in June 1757. He executed the duties of his mission with his usual ability and address—the difficulties were settled and in 1762 he returned. He was then variously employed—regulating the Post-Office Department—making treaties with the Indians and devising means of defence on the frontiers.
New troubles arose between the proprietaries and assembly and in 1764 Dr. Franklin again sailed for England, with instructions to obtain the entire abolishment of proprietary authority. On his arrival he was called upon to perform more important and perilous duties. The plan for taxing the colonies had been long agitated and was now matured by the British ministry. This project he had boldly opposed at the threshold and was now arraigned to answer numerous accusations brought against him by the enemies of liberty.
On the 3d of February 1766, he appeared before the House of Commons to undergo a public examination. He was found equal to thetask—his enemies were astounded at his boldness, logic, dignity and skill, whilst his friends were filled with admiration at the able manner he confuted every accusation and defended the rights and interests of his native country. Amidst the attacks of artifice and insolence of power he stood unawed—unmoved—firm as a granite rock. He remained in England eleven years as the agent of the colonies, opposing the encroachments of the ministry upon the rights of Americans. During the whole time the combined efforts of flattery, malice and intrigue could not intimidate or ensnare him. He well understood the etiquette, corruptions and devices of diplomacy. He never bowed his knee to Baal or kissed the hand of a king.
The relations between the two countries had now arrived at a point so significant that Franklin returned to his long neglected home. His person was not safe in England—his services were needed in his now suffering country. He arrived in Philadelphia early in May 1775. He was received with greatenthusiasmand immediately elected to the Continental Congress. To this august body he added fresh lustre and dignity. In England he had exhausted every source of prospective reconciliation between the two nations. He feared the colonies were too weak to achieve their Independence but his course was right onward with his colleagues—resolved onliberty or death.
The talents of Franklin were put in constant requisition. He was always selected to meet the agents of the crown who were at various times commissioned to offer terms of inglorious peace. He always proved himself the uncompromising advocate of Liberty—the shrewd and wary politician—the bold and zealous defender of the rights of his bleeding country—the unflinching friend of universalfreedom.
The disasters of the American army during the campaign of 1777, induced Congress to apply to France for aid. All eyes were turned on Franklin to execute this important mission. In October 1777 he embarked to perform this delicate embassy and succeeded in concluding a treaty of alliance with that nation on the 4th of February 1778, to the great joy of himself and his suffering countrymen. When the news of the alliance reached England, the ministry was much alarmed and despatched messengers to Paris to endeavor to induce Franklin to enter into a compromise with Great Britain. The terms rendered the effort too abortive to make him the bearer of even a message to Congress. To Mr. Hutton and others who came to him with the olive branch of peace, wreathed with scorpions, he replied—"I never think of your ministry and their abettors, but with the image strongly painted in my view of their hands red and dropping with the blood of my countrymen, friends and relations. No peacecan be signed with those hands unless you drop all pretensions to govern us—meet us on equal terms and avoid all occasions of future discord."
He met all their intrigues at the threshold and convinced them that the hardy yoemanry of America could not be dragooned, flattered or driven from the bold position they had assumed. During the several interviews he had with these commissioners, Franklin was cautioned by Mr. Heartley to beware of his personal safety which had been repeatedly threatened. He thanked his friend and assured him he felt no alarm—that he had nearly finished a long life and that the short remainder was of no great value and ironically remarked—"Perhaps the best use such an old fellow can be put to is to make a martyr of him."
If it required all the skill and energy of a Franklin tonegotiatea treaty of alliance with France, it required the combined skill of all Congress to preserve it. The French is the most effervescent nation known to history. A republican form of government is ever repugnant to kingly power. That the French officers and soldiers in the American army would drink freely at the fountain of liberal principles no one could doubt. That the thrones of Europe would be endangered on their return was truly predicted. By this very natural course of reasoning the British ministry exerted a powerful influence against the continuation of the alliance. Franklin and his colleagues anticipated all their dark intrigues—penetrated and frustrated them up to the time Great Britain was compelled to comply with the terms of an honorable peace and acknowledge the Independence of the United States of America by a definitive treaty of peace concluded at Paris on the 3d of September 1783.
Although anxious to be discharged from further public service it was not until 1785 that Franklin was permitted to return to his beloved country where he could breathe the pure air of republicanfreedom—no longer polluted by kingly power. During his stay he concluded treaties of commerce between the United States and the Kings of Sweden and Prussia. On his departure from Europe every mark of respect was paid to him by Kings, courts,literatiand by all classes of society whose adulation the loftiest ambition could desire. He was beloved by the millions—his departure was deeply regretted by all. His reputation was the personification of purity.
At the age of eighty years, borne down by disease, he returned to Philadelphia. He was hailed with enthusiastic joy, affection, esteem and veneration by all the friends of liberty—from the humblest citizen up to the illustrious Washington. He had been a pillar of fire to the American cause—a pillar of smoke to the enemies of human rights. As Thurgot truly observed—"He snatched the thunder bolt from Jove and the sceptre fromKings." He stood—theColossusof Liberty among the monarchs of Europe and wrung from them the homage due to a nation that dared to befree.
Notwithstanding his advanced age and his ardent desire for retirement, he was placed in the gubernatorial chair of Pennsylvania and in 1787 elected a delegate to the Convention that formed the Federal Constitution. Many of the bright trails of that important instrument received their finishing touch from his master hand. He was anxious to see his long nursed theory of a republican government reduced to as perfect system as its infancy would permit. He well knew, that for its manhood and old age additional provisions would be required. As necessary as this now is, so sacred has that instrument become that the mass would deem it sacrilege to disturb its long repose. It might be made to meet more fully the wants of an expanding country in some particulars but if once disturbed might be polluted by the apoplectic touch of party spirit and never recover from the shock. Caution is the parent of safety.
Early in 1790, Dr. Franklin was confined to his room by his infirmities but his mental powers remained in full vigor. Some of the strongest and most soul-stirring productions from his pen were written during his confinement. Early in April he began to fail more rapidly. He was fully sensible that he stood on the confines of eternity and that he should soon go to his final rest. On the 17th of April 1790, calm and resigned—cool and collected—peaceful and happy—he commended his spirit to Him who gave it—quitted this vale of tears with a full assurance of rising to a glorious immortality at the final resurrection and slumbered quietly and sweetly in the arms of death with a full assurance that his Lord and Master would rebind him in a new and more beautiful edition fully revised.
By his will he prohibited all pomp and parade at his funeral. He was anxious that the mournful obsequies of his burial should be marked with republican simplicity. He was laid in his grave on the 21st of April. It is in the northwest corner of Christ Church yard in the City of Philadelphia, where a plain marble slab—once even but now below the surface of the earth, shows where his ashes repose. By the side of his moulders the dust of his amiable wife.
His death was deeply lamented throughout the civilized world. Congress ordered mourning to be observed throughout the United States for thirty days. The event was solemnized in France and many eloquent eulogies pronounced. The national Assembly decreed that each of its members should wear a badge of mourning for three days. Thesensation produced there by his death was similar to that evinced by our country on the death of La Fayette.
In the recapitulation of the life of this great and good man we are charmed with a versatile richness that has no parallel on the historic page. He filled every sphere in which he moved to the remotest lines of its orbit. No matter how bright the galaxy around him he was a luminary of the first magnitude. He entered upon the stage of notion at a time when the world needed just such a man and continued upon it just long enough to complete all he had commenced. He was found equal to every work he undertook and always stopped at the golden point—when he had finished. He was emphatically the architect of his own fortune. No chartered college can claim him as a graduate—no patron rendered him gratuitous aid. Let the young men of our country imitate his examples that they may become useful—let our public men who have in charge our national destiny imitate them that they may be wise—let old men imitate them that they may be revered—let usallimitate them that we may do all the good we can to our fellow men in life and be happy in death.
Waris a calamity to be deprecated at all times. Its history, from its sanguinary embryo to the present time, has but a few bright spots on which the philanthropist can gaze with admiring delight. The back-ground of most of these is so vividly shaded with crimson that the eye grows dim and the heart sickens on too close a scrutiny. We have many among us who preach loudly against war without delineating the innate materials in human nature that cause it. We have anti-war societies that have originated from motives pure as heaven but are planted on the abstract foundation of ills—futile as the baseless vision. Its evils may be portrayed in colors clear as the sunbeams of living light and enforced by all the arguments of human logic and Holy Writ without removing the smallest particle from thecausethat produces this fearful calamity. This and the best remedy are not fully defined by the preamble, constitution or by-laws of any society within my knowledge and where partially explained are not always practically carried out by the members.Theysometimes engage in a fierce personal war.
The cause exists in the nature of man influenced by the baser passions. Retaliation is among the first developments of the child. Self is a relentless tyrant. Revenge is as natural as our respiration. Anger, envy, jealousy, malice—all combine to perpetuate a disposition for war and lead men from the sublime destiny of immortal bliss.
The only remedy exists in the universal sway of that love inculcated by our immaculate Redeemer. It is under the melting influences of the religion of the Cross, stripped of all dogmatical illusions, that sullied human nature must be brightened—its tarnished lustre renovated—its pugnacious character changed and man prepared for peace and heaven. Let broad and universal charity pervade the whole human family—then a blow will be struck against war that will resound through the wilderness of mind and cause it to bud and blossom as the rose.
The war of the American Revolution stands pre-eminent in point of justification. Among those who took a conspicuous part in its perils was Horatio Gates who was born in England in 1728. In early life he rose to the rank of major and was the aid of the British commander at the capture, of Martinico in 1747. In 1748 he was stationed at Halifax where he continued for a considerable time. He was relieved from the monotony of a garrison in time of peace by the French war which resulted in the conquest of Canada. Under Braddock he was captain of infantry and fought by the side of the illustrious Washington and was saved by him in the judicious retreat of the survivors of that memorable day. He was severely wounded and for a long time unfit for duty. In 1763 he visited England with a high military reputation. He returned and located on a plantation in Virginia. He had the esteem and confidence of Washington and was warmly recommended by him to Congress as worthy of a conspicuous station in the Continental army. He was appointed Adjutant General with the rank of Brigadier in 1775. The ensuing year he was invested with the command of the troops destined to act against Ticonderoga and Crown Point. In the spring of 1777 he and Gen. Schuyler were appointed to the command of the northern army. For a short time he was superceded by Gen. Schuyler. Burgoyne was then advancing with his victorious army. The Americans were driven from Ticonderoga, Fort Ann and Skeensborough. From that point obstacles were thrown in his way by Sinclair, Schuyler, Stark and their companions in arms. Bridges were demolished, the navigation of Wood Creek obstructed—the roads filled with fallen trees—the cattle and other supplies removed which caused the British army a delay of twenty-five days before reaching Fort Edward on the Hudson. Gen. Burgoynethen supposed his embarrassments at an end. His reckoning was wrong. St. Leger failed in capturing Fort Schuyler—many of the Indians and Canadian militia took their back track—scanty supplies were obtained with great difficulty—his army was decreasing—the Americans were rallying—every day made his condition more perilous—his prospects more gloomy. Everything was prepared to insure his capture.
At this fortunate juncture for him, Gen. Gates superceded the indefatigable Schuyler and took the command on the 21st of August 1777. Anticipating aid from Sir Henry Clinton at New York, Burgoyne passed the Hudson and encamped at Saratoga. Gates advanced to Stillwater determined to oppose the further progress of the enemy. The British general resolved to open a passage with the sword and bayonet and on the 17th of September the armies were only four miles distant from each other. On the 19th a pretty general engagement occurred, which resulted in a drawn battle. Seeing no prospect of assistance from New York and the impossibility of then retreating with his cannon, Burgoyne resolved to fortify his position and act on the defensive. On the 8th of October the Americans made a vigorous attack and repulsed the British in every charge, occupying a part of their lines. Burgoyne hastened to his former camp at Saratoga in the night and meditated a retreat without artillery or baggage. He found every avenue securely guarded—the lion was caged—retreat he could not. Knowing that the British army had but a short supply of provisions, Gen. Gates well knew an attack upon his well fortified position or a surrender must speedily take place. He was well prepared for either. Finding it only a waste of human life to further engage the Americans in battle, Burgoyne surrendered on the 16th of October. Over 5000 prisoners, a park of fine artillery, 7000 muskets, a large amount of clothing, with all the camp equipage and military stores and the evacuation of all the frontier fortresses—constituted the spoils of this victory. What was of more vital importance—it imparted fresh lustre to the American arms and gave a vigorous impetus to the languishing career of Independence. It destroyed British power in the north—encouraged France to close the treaty of alliance and greatly deranged the equanimity of mother Britain. If impartially analyzed, it will be found the most important victory during the war of Independence and in closer alliance with that of Trenton than the final triumph over Cornwallis.
Although Gen. Gates had escaped the hard service of that campaign, he was the fortunate commander at its termination and was crowned withthe laurels of a conquering hero in accordance with military usage and received the plaudits of his grateful country men—the thanks of Congress and a gold medal. As a further testimony of high esteem, he was placed at the head of the Board of War—a station next to that of commander-in-chief. He retired from that to his home in Virginia and for a time enjoyed domestic life. On the 15th of June 1780 he was put in command of the Southern army. The conquering troops of Cornwallis were sweeping over the Carolinas like a tornado—the few American soldiers were flying before them—towns were burning—everything seemed rapidly drawn towards the vortex of ruin. When Gen. Gates consented to go to the field an army of 15000 men, with complete supplies, was represented to him on paper, concentrating from the Carolinas and Virginia. When he arrived at head quarters he found about 1500 undisciplined troops, poorly armed, worse clad, with little food. Elated with his brilliant victory over the Northern army he was over anxious to meet the enemy and strike an effective blow. Contrary to the advice of those who better understood the country and the means of obtaining supplies on the march by taking a circuitous route—he selected a shorter road through a dismal district of pine thickets and swamps pregnant with disease and destitute of almost any kind of food except cattle occasionally found in the forest. Many of his men perished on the way—others were rendered unfit for duty by sickness. He ultimately reached Clermont from which Lord Rawdon had withdrawn and was joined by a few North Carolina militia and a small company under Capt. Potterfield. Troops continued to arrive from Virginia and other points until the army of Gen. Gates amounted to about 4000—mostly undisciplined militia unaccustomed to standing fire or steel. Rawdon and Cornwallis concentrated their troops at Camden amounting to less than 2000 men but all of the highest order of soldiers. Gen. Gates resolved on an attack. On the 16th of August the two armies met in mortal combat. The militia under Gen. Gates were quickly thrown into confusion—the regulars overwhelmed and the whole completely routed. This defeat of the Americans had no parallel during the war. Among those who did not trace effects to causes the fame of the Hero of Saratoga sank below zero. His error consisted in risking a battle with an army of British veterans opposed by the rawest kind of militia—not in any want of military skill in time of action. He was superceded on the 5th of the ensuing October—subjected to a court of inquiry—honorably acquitted and re-instated in 1782. The time had then passed for him to renovate his military laurels. The battles for Independence had been fought—the crowning victory won—libertyachieved—freedomsecured.
Gen. Gates retired to his plantation in Virginia where he remained seven years when he liberated his slaves and removed to the vicinity of the city of New York where he lived respected until the 10th of April 1806, when he threw off his mortal coil and slumbered in death.
In person Gen. Gates was well formed—in his manners, polished and urbane—in disposition, mild and amiable—in his intercourse, just and honorable. In 1800 he served in the New York Legislature and enjoyed the confidence and esteem of all around him. He was an ardent patriot, a good citizen, a perfect gentleman, an honest man.
Gamblinghas become a fearful scourge in our expanding country. It is practised upon the humblest watercraft that floats upon our canals—the frail flatboat that descends our streams—the majestic steamboat that traces our mighty rivers. It lurks in the lowest groggeries that curse community—is tolerated in some of the most fashionable hotels. Its victims are found in all classes from the hod carrier in his bespattered rags up to the members of Congress in their ruffles. The gambling room is the enchanted ground of destruction. Once within its serpentine coils—a centripetal force rushes its votary to the vortex of ruin. Interested friends may kindly warn—the tender wife may entreat with all the eloquence of tears—children may cry and sob for bread—if within the fatal snare the infatuated mortal is seldom extricated in time. He combines the deafness of the adder with the desperation of a maniac. At the gambling table men and youth have been prepared to commit deeds registered on the black catalogue of crime. In blazing capitals RUIN is marked over the outer door of every gambling den. On the inner door is written in bold relievo—castle of despair.Wrecks of fortune and demons made here.One of the wicket gates that leads thousands into this labyrinth of misery consists in fashionable circles where games are played as aninnocentamusement. It is there that many young men of talent, education and wealth, take the entered apprentice degree that leads them to the knight templars of destruction. Without any knowledge of a game but few would venture money at a gambling table. The gaming examples of men in high life have a baneful influence and practically sanction the high handed robberies of the finely dressed boa-constrictor black legs. The gambling hells tolerated and patronized in our cities are a disgrace to any nation bearing a Christian nameand would be banished from a Pagan community with a Vicksburg vengeance. To the honor of the members of the Continental Congress they placed a veto upon this heaven provoking, soul destroying, reputation ruining, wealth devouring, nation demoralizing vice.
Among those who abhorred this practice was Elbridge Gerry, born at Marblehead, Massachusetts, on the 17th of July 1744. His father was an enterprising merchant and bestowed upon this son a classical education. He graduated at Harvard University in 1762 with a high scholastic reputation. Judging the tree by its fruit, the seed from which it sprang must have been of the purest kind and its vegetation not retarded by the absorbing and poisonous weeds of vice. Its incipient pruning must have been performed by a master hand to produce a specimen of so much symmetry of proportion, beauty of form and richness of foliage.
After having completed his collegiate studies Mr. Gerry entered the counting house of his father and ultimately became one of the most enterprising and wealthy merchants of his native town. In his kind of business he was amongst the first to feel the weight of the impolitic and unconstitutional revenue system. From the nature of his composition he was amongst the first to meet oppression at the threshold. A man of deep reflection and philosophical investigation—he examined closely the extent of American rights and British wrongs. He made himself acquainted with the principle and structure of government, international, civil, common, statute and municipal law, political economy, home and foreign policy. No one was better informed upon the natural, legal and practical relations between the mother country and the colonies. He was prepared to act advisedly and firmly. His extensive influence, decision of character, sound discretion and exalted patriotism—made him a master spirit to guide the public mind. He participated in all the movements in favor of liberty.
On the 26th of May 1773 he commenced his official career as a member of the Assembly of Massachusetts Bay then called the General Court. That body and the royal governor took a strong issue upon rights and wrongs. The unconstitutional acts of parliament were sanctioned by the latter and fearlessly censured by the former. A standing committee was appointed to scan the proceedings of ministers and parliament and to correspond with the other colonies relative to the important concerns of the nation. Mr. Gerry had been in that body but two days when he was made a member of this important committee. He became one of the principal actors on the tragic stage of the revolution, the drama of peace and formation of the Federalgovernment. He walked shoulder to shoulder with Samuel Adams and John Hancock in the bold measures that roused the lion from his lair—the people to their duty. At the Boston tea party—in the opposition to the Port Bill—the impeachment of the crown judges—the controversy with Gov. Hutchinson—non-intercourse with Great Britain—Mr. Gerry stood firm as the granite shores of the Bay State. Nor did he waver when Gov. Gage took the helm with a military force to do his will and pleasure. When it was found that reason, appeal, remonstrance—all fell upon his adamantine soul like dew upon the desert of Sahara, the legitimate source of a righteous government was resorted to—the people—who nobly sustained their leaders in the hour of peril. Severe measures were adopted by parliament—the charter of Massachusetts was altered byex-partelegislation—illegal taxes were increased—the hirelings of the King became more insolent—the indignation of the people rose like a tornado—colonial blood flowed—the war cry was raised—the clash of arms commenced—the fury of battle raged—the struggle was terrific—the lion was conquered—America was free.
In all the thrilling scenes that passed in Massachusetts before his election to Congress, Mr. Gerry took a leading part. He was an efficient member of the Committee of Safety and Supplies that were for a time virtually the government. In April 1775 he narrowly escaped the grasp of his foes. The night previous to the battle of Lexington Messrs. Gerry, Lee and Orne were at Cambridge through which the British passed on their way to the opening scene of hostilities. When opposite the house where these gentlemen were in bed a file of soldiers were suddenly detached and approached it rapidly. The patriots barely escaped by the back way in their linen. After the military had left they returned for their over clothes and immediately roused the people to resistance. The night previous to the death of his intimate friend, the brave Warren, Mr. Gerry lodged with him. The anxiety they felt for their country induced them to concert plans for future action rather than sleep. The lamented hero of Bunker Hill appears to have had a presentiment of his premature fate as indicated by the last words he uttered as they parted. "It is sweet to die for our country."
In July 1775 the government of Massachusetts adopted a new form of government. A legislature was organized and a judiciary established. Mr. Gerry was appointed Judge of the Court of Admiralty but declined that he might do more active service. On the 18th of January 1776 he was elected to the Continental Congress. Fearless, cautious, prudent—he was the kind of man to meet the momentouscrisis of that eventful era. Standing on a lofty eminence of public reputation he was hailed as an able auxiliary in the cause of freedom. He had a place upon the most important committees and performed his duties strictly. To speculators and peculators that prowled around the public offices and army he was a terror during the war. He introduced into Congress many salutary guards against dishonest men who prey upon government like promethean vultures. With its age and experience our republic is now occasionally tapped at the jugular and gets a cut under the fifth rib—producing a laxity of the sinews of power.
When the Declaration of Independence was proposed in Congress the soul of Mr. Gerry was enraptured in its favor. He had long been prepared for the measure and gave it his ardent support. When the thrilling moment arrived for final action upon this important question he sanctioned it by his vote and signature and rejoiced in the fulfilment of prophecy—A nation shall be born in a day. He was continued in Congress and faithfully discharged his duties with unabated zeal. The committee rooms and the house were alike benefitted by his intelligence and extensive experience in general business. He rendered efficient aid in reducing to system every branch of the new government. He took a conspicuous part in the debates upon the Articles of Confederation and was listened to with great attention. He spoke well, reasoned closely—demonstrated clearly. He was truly republican and opposed to everything that did not bear the impress of sound sense, practical usefulness—equality of operation. For these reasons he opposed a resolution of thanks to his bosom friend, John Hancock, for his services as President of Congress. He said his friend Hancock had done no more than to ably perform his duty—all the members had done the same. It would be a singular entry upon the journal to record a vote of thanks to each. Etiquette prevailed over sound logic—the vote of thanks was passed—introducing a custom in the new government that has long since lost all efficacy by too frequent use on occasions of minor importance. Mr. Gerry was on the committee that devised the plan of operations for the Northern army that resulted in the capture of Burgoyne. He was upon the one to obtain supplies for army and visited the camp of Washington in the winter of 1777. These multiform duties strictly discharged are stronger encomiums upon his talents, energy and patriotism than a volume of panegyric from the most accomplished writer.
It has afforded me great pleasure to be able to frequently refer to the religious and moral character of the members of the Continental Congress. The fact is illustrated in the history of the men and corroborated by the records of that body and responded to by the States. In 1778 a resolution was passed in Congress recommending them to adopt decisive measures against "theatrical entertainments, horse racing, gaming and such other diversions as are productive of idleness, dissipation and a general depravity of principles and manners." Another resolution strictly enjoined upon the officers of the army—"to see that the good and wholesome rules provided for the discountenancing of profaneness and vice and the preservation of morals among the soldiers are duly and punctually preserved." A third one was passed that would be a sweeper if revived at the present day. It arose from a disposition on the part of a few officers to disregard the one first cited and was a supplement to that. "Resolved—That any person holding an office under the United States who shall act, promote, encourage or attend such plays—shall be deemed unworthy to hold such office and shall be accordingly dismissed."
Mr. Gerry supported and voted for all these resolutions and for those recommending days of fasting, humiliation and prayer. Sectarianism never polluted the members of the Continental Congress. Charity was the bright star in their diadem of fame. He was upon the grand committee of one from each State to examine foreign affairs and the conduct of foreign commissioners particularly that of Mr. Deane. This committee used the probe freely and recommended Congress to use the amputating knife upon every limb affected by the gangrene of political corruption. O! Jupiter! what a slaughter such an operation would make at the present time. On the 14th of October 1779 Mr. Gerry proposed the expedition against the Indians which was successfully executed by Gen. Sullivan. He proposed a resolution designed to guard against inducements to corrupt influence—"No candidates for public office shall vote in or otherwise influence their own election—that Congress will not appoint any member thereof during its time of sitting or within six months after he shall have been in Congress, to any office under the States for which he or any other for his benefit may receive any salary, fees or emolument." It was then lost but he revived and carried it in 1785. The principle has since been partly adopted under the Federal Constitution. As a member of the Committee of Finance he stood next to Robert Morris. In 1780 he retired from Congress after an arduous and faithful service of five years. In all situations and at all times he was energetic, zealous and active in the cause of liberty. When his duties called him to the army if there was any fighting on the tapis whilst he was in camp he always took an activepart. In the battle ofChestnutHill he shouldered a musket and entered the ranks. When Gen. Kniphausen engaged the American army at Springfield Mr. Gerry took his station by the side of Washington who invested him with a volunteer command during his stay.
The second year after his retirement he again took his seat in Congress. The business of the nation was then more perplexing than in the heat of the war. An empty treasury, a prostrate credit, an enormous debt presented a fearful aspect. To aid in bringing order out of chaos he was of great service. Committee labors were piled upon his shoulders as if he was an Atlas to carry the world or an Atalanta in the celerity of business. The local feelings and interests of the states had become effervescent. The half pay for life guaranteed to all officers who remained in the army during the war was satisfactory to but a few. This was settled by compounding the annuity for five years full pay. In 1784 he was on the important Committee of Foreign Relations—on the one to revise the Treasury Department. The same session he presented a resolution for the compensation of Baron Steuben who had rendered immense services by introducing a system of military tactics and discipline into the American army by which it was governed and which was strictly adhered to long after the Revolution. It was warmly supported by Mr. Jefferson and others but was lost, charity would suggest, in consequence of the embarrassed state of the finances. In 1785 Mr. Gerry closed his services in Congress and retired to Cambridge near Boston, with all the honors of a pure patriot crowned with the sincere gratitude of a nation of freemen.
Time soon developed to the sages of the Revolution that the Articles of Confederation that bound the colonies together when impending dangers and one common interest created a natural cement—were not sufficient to secure the liberty they had achieved. Local interests engendered jealousies, these produced dissatisfaction and this threatened to involve the government in anarchy. To remedy these evils Mr. Madison made a proposition that each state send delegates to a convention which convened in May 1781 at Philadelphia and framed the Federal Constitution in which Mr. Gerry took a very active part. He was amongst those who did not sanction or sign that instrument. For this act, dictated by his conscience, he was liberally abused by out door cynical partisans—not by the noble minded statesmen who differed with him in opinion—all honest in their views and patriotic in their motives. They soared above the acrimonious scurrility of venal party spirit. After the constitution was adopted no one adhered to it more strictly than Mr. Gerry—always holding sacred the great republican principle—the majority must rule and be obeyed. He was a member of the first Congress under it and did much toward raising the beautiful superstructure now towering sublimely upon its broad basis. He served four years and again sought retirement. This was transient.
In 1797 the relations between our country and France had assumed a portentous aspect. President Adams determined on sending an able embassy to that government—to make a strong effort to conclude an amicable arrangement of difficulties before appealing to arms. Gen. Pinckney was then there. Mr. Gerry and Mr. Marshall, since Chief Justice of the United States, were appointed to join him, each empowered to act collectively or separately as a sound discretion should dictate. On their arrival the French Directory refused to recognize them. To prevent an immediate rupture—prudence and patriotism were necessary. After many fruitless attempts to enter upon a negotiation Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall were peremptorily ordered home and Mr. Gerry recognized as the official organ of the United States. By his discreet, firm and manly course he effected a settlement and prevented a war that seemed inevitable.
In 1805 he was a member of the electoral college. Although his state was decidedly federal he was elected governor in 1810 by the republican party by a large majority—conclusive evidence of his great popularity. He never entered into partisan feelings. In his first message he lucidly portrayed the danger of high toned party spirit. He felt and acted for his whole country. For many years he had anxiously desired to be excused from public duties but no excuse was accepted. In 1813 he was inaugurated Vice President of the United States. He discharged the duties of the office with great ability and dignity. His impartiality, correctness and candor gained for him the esteem of the elevated body over which he presided to the last day of his eventful and useful life—teaching by example his favorite precept—"It is the duty of every citizen though he may have but one day to live to devote that day to the service of his country." At the city of Washington a beautiful monument is erected to his memory with an inscription as follows.
The tomb ofELBRIDGE GERRY,Vice President of the United States,who died suddenly in this city on his way to theCapitol, as President of the Senate,November 23d, 1814,Aged 70.
In the review of the life of Elbridge Gerry the pure patriot finds much to admire—the Christian nothing to condemn. Partisans may censure because he kept aloof from high toned party spirit—the maelstrom of nations that once were but now are not. His examples of devotedness to the good of his country, his untiring industry, his intelligence, his moral worth—are all worthy of imitation and shed a rich unfading lustre upon his character. He discharged all the duties of private life with the strictest fidelity. He was useful in every station where duty called, no perils retarded his onward course towards the goal ofright. His purposes were deliberately formed and boldly executed. He was an honor to our country, the cause of freedom and enlightened, philanthropic and liberal legislation. He was a noble specimen of unalloyed patriotism—a patriotism that must be widely diffused among the increasing masses of our expanding country—then our UNION will be preserved—our land continue to be what it now is—the land of the brave—the home of the free.
Thehistory of the American Revolution will be read with intense interest through all time whether presented as a ponderous whole or in sections. Its most attractive form to the impatient and romantic reader is the delineation of noble and god like individual action. Numerous bold exploits were performed—hair-breadth escapes made by the private soldier that had an exciting ephemeral history worthy of record which is now buried with the meritorious actor and his immediate acquaintances. Some thrilling stories will have a more protracted existence in the annals of tradition but will ultimately lose their freshness, wither and die. Truthful living tradition belongs to the red man—not to us. In all nations—from the barbarous up to the refined civilized, the glory of the battle field has been awarded to the leaders who planned—not to the soldiers who executed. In our republican land of professed equality partial inroads upon this rule have been made. In our common militia and volunteer companies the soldier is often equal and sometimes superior to his commanding officer in point of talent and weight of character. This can rarely be the case among an oppressed people and still more rarely would the existing fact be admitted. During the revolution merit was clothed with its true dignity more than now. Many who stood upon this first legitimate stepping stone to office ascended from the ranks of the army to high commands—fromthe retired walks of life to the legislative halls and posts of honor in the various departments of government. The frame-work of the most liberal military system is adverse to the recognition of individual merit below the officer. The case must be very extraordinary to be officially announced. Hence large standing armies bind in the fetters of ignorance a vast amount of intellect that would be brought into mellow life and usefulness in a free enlightened republican government like our own.
Among the Heroes of the American Revolution whose merit brought him into notice was Nathaniel Greene, born at the town of Warwick, Rhode Island, in 1741. His parents were respectable members of the Society of Friends—of course opposed to the profession of arms. His father was an anchor manufacturer and gave his son a limited chance to obtain a common education. With this the mind of Nathaniel was not content. He pursued his studies every leisure hour and with his extra earnings purchased books. He mastered the Latin with but little aid from an instructor. The history of military chieftains he read with great delight. When he arrived at manhood he was a good mechanic and a bright scholar. For a time he followed the business of making anchors for vessels but was soon called to the more important work of aiding in the construction of the sheet anchor offreedom. At an early age he was elected a member of the legislature where he became a conspicuous advocate of equal rights and boldly opposed the usurpations of mother Britain. His course obtained for him an expulsion from the Society of Friends and the esteem of every patriot. I respect the Quakers but not this paradox in their creed. They profess to love liberty—but few of them are willing to pay its price in coin—none of them can bear arms without excommunication.
On his return from the Assembly Nathaniel enrolled himself a private in a military corps that was suggested and formed by himself and chartered under the title of theKentish Guards. It was placed under the command of Gen. Varnum. In 1775 the little patriotic state of Rhode Island raised three regiments—in all sixteen hundred rank and file—officered by the most distinguished military characters of the colony. No one could have been more surprised than young Greene on receiving the commission of Brigadier General. He was put in command of this small brigade and immediately marched them to head quarters at Cambridge, Mass. He applied himself closely to the study of military tactics and soon became an excellent disciplinarian—an able officer. For correctness of evolution, subordination and good order—his was a model brigade. His merits were quickly discovered by the acute Washington who oftenconsulted him with confidence in cases of doubt and difficulty. This confidence he communicated to Congress. It arose from two strong points—Greene had superior talents and was a Christian. On the 26th of August 1776 Greene was commissioned a Major General of the regular army of the United States and put forth his noblest exertions to promote the interests of his bleeding country. At the battles of Trenton and Princeton he exhibited great skill and judicious conduct. At the battle of Germantown he commanded the left wing of the army and received the unqualified approbation of Washington for his coolness and bravery. In March 1778 he accepted the appointment of Quarter Master General retaining his rank and right to command in time of action according to the seniority of his commission. At the victorious battle of Monmouth he commanded the right wing of the army and led his troops to the onset with the terrific force of an avalanche.
In the siege of the British garrison at Newport, R.I. he served under Gen. Sullivan. When it was found necessary to retreat in consequence of the dispersion of the French fleet by a storm which prevented it from rendering the contemplated aid, the army was greatly indebted to the judgment and skill of Gen. Greene in extricating it from a perilous position.
The British power being measurably paralyzed in the north Lord Cornwallis turned his attention to the south where the defences were less—the plunder more. On the 26th of December 1779 he commenced his movement and landed thirty miles from Charleston, S.C. on the 11th of February ensuing. He then commenced the work of destruction and brutality with increased rigor. No respect was paid to private property, religious sanctity or defenceless females. After a spirited defence Charleston was compelled to surrender. The British carried dismay, victory and death in their whole course. Plunder, rapine and murder were the order of the day.Bootyandbeautywere the watch words of his most Christian majesty's officers and soldiers.
Under these heart rending circumstances Washington directed Gen. Greene to take command of the Southern army. In company with the brave Morgan he arrived at Charlotte on the 2d of December 1780. The so called army numbered 970 regulars—1013 militia, destitute of military stores, unpaid, nearly naked, poorly fed and no government supplies nearer than two hundred miles. Opposed was a powerful army rich in plunder, flushed with victory, liberally paid, abundantly fed, well clothed and amply supplied with military stores of every kind. The front view of the picture was dark and gloomy—on the back ground Greene and Morgan saw the rays of hope shedding their cheering beams on thespire of Liberty. Gen. Greene went to work for dear life. By his amiable deportment he gained the love and confidence of his soldiers—the esteem and respect of the inhabitants. From the surrounding country he gained short supplies and raised a few recruits. He despatched Gen. Morgan with a small force to the western part of the state which gave fresh courage to the patriots of that section. By a falling into the ranks the force of Morgan increased so much that Cornwallis ordered Col. Tarleton to disperse this band of rebels and put all to the sword who did not surrender at discretion. On the 17th of January 1781, Tarleton came up to this rough and ready party at the Cowpens. Although his force was inferior in numbers and two-thirds raw militia, Gen. Morgan determined to stand fire. Sure of an easy victory the proud Britons rushed on to action and were as much astonished to meet with an unbroken line streaming with fire as if they had been brought up all standing against an unperceived wire fence across the high way. Tarleton roared, foamed, raved and commanded his men tocharge. Again the blazing streams of fire illuminated the lines of Morgan whose troops rushed upon the broken ranks of the enemy with the fury of a tornado. The struggle was short, the victory complete, the amazement of Tarleton paralyzing. Besides the killed, over five hundred of the enemy were taken prisoners and a convenient amount of the munitions of war fell into the hands of the victors. Supposing he had crushed the rebel power in the south Cornwallis was astounded at the result of this hasty recreative expedition. He immediately marched in pursuit of Morgan determined to rescue the prisoners and wipe out the disgrace Tarleton had brought upon the British arms. The hero of the Cowpens was too old a fox to be easily caught. He could do some things as well as others. He was as skilful in retreat as he was desperate in battle. He knew when, where and how to fight. He was courageous, not rash—bold, not imprudent and as watchful as an Argus. He effected a junction with Gen. Greene on the 7th of February. The chagrined Cornwallis advanced rapidly determined to annihilate the little American army at one fell swoop. Greene retreated into Virginia where he added to his numbers and supplies. So confident was the British general of overtaking him that he destroyed his heavy baggage to accelerate his movements. The patriots were not thus encumbered. Many of them had only their arms and remnants of tattered garments, being obliged to place tufts of moss on their shoulders to prevent the friction of the cartouch straps. To the pursuing enemy the Americans seemed anignis fatuus—often to be seen but never reached. The chase was abandoned. In turn Greene annoyed Cornwallis by cutting off his supplies, capturing foraging parties andconstantly watching all his movements. His situation became perilous, his numbers were constantly growing less by capture, desertion and disease. His supplies cost blood as well as treasure—the force of Greene was constantly augmenting—the tables were turned—he retreated to Hillsborough where he endeavored to raise new recruits by liberal offers of British gold. The yellow dust had lost its magic charm on Americans—patriotism was the more current coin.
Unwilling to be long separated from the noble lord, Green paid him a visit on the 15th of March. The interview took place at Guilford court house between one and two o'clock P. M. and continued nearly two hours. Owing to the militia that formed the front line flying at the sight of the red coats the Americans were obliged to give ground and make it a drawn battle—but the meeting was a sad one for Cornwallis. His loss was 532 killed, wounded and missing, among whom were several of his most distinguished officers. So crippled was the British army that aprecipitateretreat to Wilmington was ordered leaving those of the wounded who were not able to march. The loss of Gen. Greene was about 400 killed and wounded. Cornwallis claimed the victory—one not very auspicious to his military glory or royal master. Gen. Greene commenced offensive operations. He determined on attacking Lord Rawdon who was strongly fortified at Camden S. C. with 900 men. The American forces amounted to only 700 and encamped within a mile of the British lines cutting off all supplies from the enemy. Anticipating a reinforcement to the little army of Gen. Greene and being on short allowance his lordship made a sally on the 25th of April and boldly attacked the offending invaders. For some time victory perched upon the brow of Greene—his cavalry had taken over two hundred prisoners. One of his regiments made a move which compelled him to retreat with a loss of about 200 killed, wounded and prisoners. The loss of Lord Rawdon was 258. So flushed was the British general with this dear victory that he fled from Camden leaving his sick and wounded to the care of those who he knew would care for them. The back handed victories of Guilford and Camden so paralyzed the enemy that they soon abandoned a number of small fortifications—large quantities of military stores and concentrated a considerable force at the strong garrison of Ninety Six. On the 22d of May Greene commenced a siege upon that place but modestly retired to give place to three regiments of strangers fresh from England. Before doing this he made an unsuccessful assault at a cost of about 150 men. But for the reinforcements the garrison would have shortly surrendered.
During the ensuing two months nothing but skirmishing occurred. On the 9th of September the army of Gen. Greene had increased to 2000 men. The division of the British army under Col. Stewart was posted at Eutaw Springs. An immediate attack was made by the Americans in the following order. As he approached the enemy Gen. Greene formed his troops in two lines—the first composed of Carolina militia under Generals Marion, Pickens and Col. de Malmedy. The second was composed of regulars under Gen. Sumpter, Lieut. Col. Campbell and Col. Williams. Lieut. Col. Lee covered the right flank with his legion—Lieut. Henderson covered the left with the state troops. The cavalry under Col. Washington and the Delaware troops under Capt. Kirkwood were held in reserve. Scarcely was the line of battle completed when the British rapidly advanced. The Americans met the onset with the bravery of veterans but were compelled to give way. The battle raged with fearful fury. All depended on a sudden and desperate movement. Gen. Greene ordered the Virginia and Maryland regulars to advance with trailed arms—facing a shower of musket and grape shot. The order was instantly obeyed—they broke the lines of the British and drove them some distance to a thicket of trees and brick houses where they rallied and took a stand. The Americans took over 500 prisoners and remained on the field of battle. Under cover of night Col. Stewart retreated towards Charleston leaving 70 of his wounded and 1000 stand of arms. His total loss in men was near 1200—that of Greene 500 in killed and wounded. The English had the largest force in action. For this display of skill and bravery Congress presented Gen. Greene with a British standard and gold medal. What was dearer to him than all else—he received the high approbation of Washington and his country. From that time the torch of kingly power rapidly decreased until its last flickering light expired. For a time Charleston was occupied by the crown troops—offensive operations they dare not undertake only by small and transientbootyandbeautysquads.
It may seem mysterious to the young readers why soldiers fought so valiantly who were poorly paid, scantily fed and scarcely clothed. Hundreds of them were entirely naked at the Eutaw battle. Their loins were galled severely by their cartouch boxes. It was considered a great favor to obtain a folded rag to lay on the scarified part. Their food was often a scanty supply of rice or a few roasted potatoes. The officers suffered alike with the common soldiers. Gen. Greene was in the southern field seven consecutive months without taking off his clothes to retire for a night.Love of liberty and love of their leadinggeneral and his brave officerskept these soldiers together and rendered them desperate on the field of battle. This removes the mystery. If all could be made to realize the price of our Liberty, political asperity and party spirit would hide their polluting forms under the mantle of shame and retire to the peaceful shades of oblivion. Reader—never forget the blood, treasure and anguish your Liberty cost.
Finding that the wary Greene could not be conquered by force of arms British gold was once more put in requisition by the enemy. Several native foreigners had deserted to the English and were induced to form a plan to deliver up Gen. Greene and his principal officers. A sergeant and two domestics attached to the person of the General were bribed and in correspondence with the British. A time was fixed to deliver him and every officer of rank to the enemy. As usual a guardian angel was there. A female heard some unguarded expressions from the sergeant and promptly informed Gen. Greene. The troops were at once ordered on parade—the sergeant was arrested—confessed his guilt, was condemned and shot. When led to execution he warned all not to sully their glory or forego the advantages they would speedily realize from the successful termination of the war and if a thought of desertion was in their bosoms to banish it at once and for ever. He acknowledged the justice of his sentence—distributed his little all among his comrades—gave the signal and paid the penalty of his crime. Thus was a base and cowardly plot detected by angelic woman—the ringleader executed and the southern army saved from probable destruction. Not a singlenative Americanwas concerned in this conspiracy.
Another circumstance occurred shortly after this that marred the happiness of Gen. Greene for a little time. The appointment of Col. Laurens to a command in their little army gave great umbrage to the officers generally who immediately tendered their resignation to the General. He affectionately recommended them to appeal to Congress for redress and not desert the noble cause of Liberty prematurely. They seemed determined in their course—he reluctantly received their commissions. On being separated from him their attachment was fully revealed to them. They found it impossible to leave their beloved General—again took their commissions and followed his advice. No officer could gain the affections of those under him more fully than did Gen. Greene. Kindness and even handed justice to all were amongst his marked characteristics. He shared the hardship and glory of the field with his soldiers. He did all in his power to supply their wants and alleviate their distress. By example and precept he taught hismen to meet calamity with heroic fortitude, pointing to the goal of liberty as a final rest from the toils of war—to realms of bliss beyond the skies as the eternal rest of the virtuous and good.
Early in October the last lion was caged at Yorktown. There the struggle closed—there the victorious Cornwallis—the pride of mother Britain, was humbled, the shouts of victory and the clarion of freedom sounded and the sons of Columbia crowned with laurels of enduring fame. The battles of Gen. Greene were finished. He had served his country long and faithfully. He had surmounted the mighty barriers that opposed him—he had contributed largely in breaking the chains of slavery—Liberty had triumphed over despotism—his country was free, and was acknowledged independent by the power that had long sought to enslave it. Gentle peace shed fresh lustre on the care-worn countenances of the sages and heroes and diffused her refulgent rays from the shores of the broad Atlantic to the silver lakes of the far west.
On his way home Gen. Greene was hailed with grateful enthusiasm in every town through which he passed. On his arrival at Princeton Congress was in session there. As a testimony of respect for his valuable services that body presented him with two pieces of ordnance taken from the British army. The state of Georgia presented him with a valuable plantation near Savannah. The State of South Carolina conveyed to him a large tract of rich land which he sold to enable him to pay debts contracted to obtain supplies for his soldiers. In the autumn of 1785 he removed to his plantation in Georgia anticipating all the enjoyment of domestic felicity. This was of short duration. On the 12th of June 1786 he was attacked with inflammation upon his brain caused by a stroke of the sun and on the 19th of that month his spirit returned to the bosom of his God. Thus closed the brilliant career of one of the most distinguished sons of the Revolution. From his childhood to his grave he was the pride of his friends, a shining light to his country—a blessing to our nation. He was a prudent and brave general, an accomplished gentleman, a good citizen, an honest man, a consistent Christian. His character was pure as the crystal fountain—his fame enduring as the records of time. His examples are models for imitation, his history is full of instruction, his merits worthy of our highest admiration. His faults were completely eclipsed by the brilliancy of his superior worth.