Falsehonor like false religion is worse than none. They both lead to destruction and are deprecated by all good men. The one is a relic of the barbarous ages—the other is older, having first been imposed on mother Eve amidst the amaranthine bowers of Eden. Inconsistency is an incubus that assumes numerous forms. In some shape it hangs over every nation and most individuals. It is human nature to err—but some errors are so plainly a violation of reason and common sense that it is passing strange sound men do not avoid them. Yet we often see those of high attainments rush into the whirlpool of inconsistency with a blind infatuation that the fine spun rules of the acutest sophistry cannot justify.
One of the fallacious and opprobrious inconsistencies that now disgraces our nation is duelling. Many in this country boast of our intellectual light and mourn over the ignorance of the poor untutored red man. In turn he can point us to a dark spot on our national character that never tarnished the name of a western or eastern Indian. This bohun upas thrives only in communities that claim civilization. In no country has it been tolerated with so much impunity as in our own. By our law it is murder. In no instance has this law been enforced. Widows may mourn, orphans languish, hearts bleed, our statesmen perish and the murderer still run at large and be treated by many with more deference than if his hands were not stained with blood. This foul stigma upon the American name should be washed out speedily and effectually. Let the combined powers of public opinion, legislative, judicial and executive action be brought to bear upon it with the force of a rushing avalanche. Flagrant crimes are suppressed only by strong measures.
Among the victims of this barbarous practice was Button Gwinnett, a man of splendid talents and a patriot of the American Revolution. He was born in England in 1732. His parents were respectable but not wealthy. Being a boy of promise they bestowed on him a good education. At his majority he commenced a successful mercantile career at Bristol in his native country. Surrounded by a large family he resolved on changing his location and came to Charleston S. C. in 1770, where he pursued merchandizing two years. He then sold out his store, purchased a plantation on St. Catharine Island, Georgia, to which he removed and became an enterprising agriculturist. He possessed an active mind and was a close observer of passing events. Having resided in England during the formation of the visionary and impolitic plan of taxing the colonies, he understood well theframe-workof the British cabinet. From the course he promptly pursued it is plain he was a Whig in England. The subject of raising revenue from the colonies of the new world had been fully and ably discussed in Great Britain. Many of her profound statesmen had portrayed, with all the truth of prophecy, the result of the blind unjust course of ministers towards the Americans. The most sagacious English statesman then in Parliament, Lord Chatham, exerted his noblest powers to bring the cabinet to a sense of common justice—the only path of safety. Mingling with intelligent men at Bristol, Mr. Gwinnett had become well informed upon the litigated points in controversy and was well acquainted with the relative feelings and situation of the two countries. When the question of liberty or slavery was placed before the people of his adopted land he declared in favor of freedom. Knowing the superior physical force of Great Britain and the weakness of the colonies, a successful resistance seemed to him problematical. His doubts upon the subject were removed by the enthusiasm of the patriots generally and especially by the lucid demonstrations of Lyman Hall, a bold and fearless advocate of equal rights with whom he became intimate. Convinced of the justice and possible success of the cause he at once became a champion in its favor. He had counted the cost, he had revolved in his mind the dangers that would accumulate around him and truly predicted his property would be destroyed by the devastating enemy—yet he nobly resolved to risk his life, fortune and honor in defence of chartered rights and constitutional franchises.
He enrolled his name among the leaders of the patriotic movements—became a member of several committees and conspicuous at public meetings. In her colonial capacity Georgia was the last to come to the rescue. Some of her noblest sons had become shining lights in the glorious cause. Patriotism was extending—oppression increasing, eyes opening, ears listening, minds working, hearts beating and those who were perching on the pivot of uncertainty were fast losing their balance. At length the cry of blood was heard from Lexington. The work was done. Georgia started from her lethargy like a lion roused from his lair and prepared for the conflict. Like green wood—she was slow to take fire but gave a permanent heat when ignited.
On the 2d of February 1776 Mr. Gwinnett was appointed to the Continental Congress and took his seat on the 20th of May ensuing. Although his constituents were determined to maintain their rights at allhazards most of them looked upon the plan of Independence as a project of visionary fancy—ideal, not to be hoped for or attempted. It gained strength by discussion and emerged from its embryo form. At this juncture a colleague of Mr. Gwinnett, the Rev. Mr. Zubly with a Judas heart, wrote a letter to the royal governor of Georgia, disclosing the contemplated measure, a copy of which was in some way obtained and placed in the hands of Mr. Chase who immediately denounced the traitor on the floor of Congress. The Iscariot at first attempted a denial by challenging the proof but finding that the betrayer had been betrayed he fled precipitately for Georgia in order to place himself under the protection of the governor who had just escaped from the enraged patriots on board a British armed vessel in Savannah harbor and had enough to do to protect himself without rendering aid or comfort to a traitor. He was followed by Mr. Houston one of his colleagues. Swift was the pursuit but swifter the flight. On the wings of guilt he flew too rapidly to be overtaken.
When the proposition came before Congress for a final separation from the mother country Mr. Gwinnett became a warm advocate for the measure. When the trying hour arrived, big with consequences, he gave his approving vote and affixed his name to the important document that standsacknowledgedby the civilized world the most lucid exposition of human rights upon the records of history—the Declaration of American Independence. In February 1777 he took a seat in the convention of his own state convened to form a constitution under the new government. He at once took a leading part and submitted the draft of a constitution which was slightly amended and immediately adopted. Shortly after this he was elevated to the Presidency of the Provincial Council, then the first office in the state—rising in a single year from private life to the pinnacle of power in Georgia. At this time an acrimonious jealousy existed between the civil and military authorities. At the head of the latter was Gen. McIntosh against whom Mr. Gwinnett had run the previous year for Brig. General and was unsuccessful. His elevation and influence annoyed the General. The civil power claimed the right to try military officers for offences that Gen. McIntosh contended came only under the jurisdiction of a court martial. Mr. Gwinnett had planned an expedition against East Florida and contemplated having the command. Gen. McIntosh conferred it upon a senior lieutenant-colonel. The expedition was a failure. The General publicly exulted over his hated enemy and gloried in the misfortune. Under the new constitution a governor was to be elected on the first Monday of the ensuing May. Mr. Gwinnett became a candidate. His competitor was a man far inferior to him in point of talents and acquirements but was elected.Gen. McIntosh again publicly exulted in the disappointments that were overwhelming his antagonist. A challenge from Mr. Gwinnett ensued—they met on the blood stained field of false honor—fought at four paces—both were wounded, Mr. Gwinnett mortally and died on the 27th of May 1777, the very time he should have been in Congress. Comment is needless—reflection is necessary.
Aside from this rash error the escutcheon of Mr. Gwinnett was without a blot. He was a splendid figure, commanding in appearance, six feet in height, open countenance, graceful in his manners and possessed of fine feeling. He was a kind husband, an affectionate father, a good citizen and an honest man.
Decisiongives weight to character when tempered with prudence and discretion. The individual who is uniformly perched on the pivot of uncertainty and fluttering in the wind of indetermination can never gain public confidence or exercise an extensive influence. To be truly beneficial decision must receive its momentum from the pure fountain of our own matured judgment and not depend upon others to point us to the path of duty. When the child becomes a man he should think and act as a man and draw freely from the resources of his own immortal mind. He may enjoy the reflective light of others but should depend upon the focus of his own, made more clear by reflectives. The man who pins his faith upon the sleeve of another and does not keep the lamp of his own understanding trimmed and burning, is a mere automaton in life and never fills the vacuum designed by his creation. When he makes his final exit from the stage of action he leaves no trace behind—no rich memento to tell that he once lived, moved and had a being upon the earth or bore the moral image of his God. The Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution left bright examples of self-moving action and decision of character.
Among those who were roused to exertion by the reflection of their own minds was Lyman Hall, born in Connecticut 1731. He graduated in Yale College at an early age, studied medicine, married a wife before he was twenty-one, removed to Dorchester, S. C. in 1752 and commenced the practice of medicine. After residing there a short time he joined a company of some forty families, mostly New Englanders and removed to Medway in the parish of St. John, Georgia. He became a successful practitioner and was esteemed for his prudence,discretion, clearness of perception, soundness of judgment—united with refinement of feeling, urbanity of manners, a calm and equable mind and great benevolence. He had only to be known to be appreciated. As years rolled peacefully along Dr. Hall became extensively acquainted and greatly beloved. He took great interest in the happiness of those around him and in the welfare of the people at large. He was a close observer of men and things—understood well the philosophy of human rights and the principles of the tenure by which the mother country held jurisdiction over the colonies. When the marked bounds of that jurisdiction were passed he was one of the first to meet the aggressors and point his countrymen to the innovations. As encroachments increased his patriotism grew warmer—enthusiastic zeal followed, tempered by the purest motives—guided by the soundest discretion. The indecision and temporizing spirit of Georgia, for a time, was painful to her truly patriotic sons who early espoused the cause of Liberty. It was extremely annoying to Dr. Hall but only tended to increase his exertions in the work of political regeneration. Over the people of his own district he exercised an unlimited—a judicious influence. He attended the patriotic meetings held at Savannah in 1774-5 and contributed much in promoting the glorious cause just bursting into life. His immediate constituents were with him in feeling and action. All the other colonies had united in defence of their common country determined to resist the common enemy. St. John being a frontier settlement and more exposed than any other in the province, he prudently laid the subject before his people and called upon them to choose whom they would serve. They promptly decided against domination of royalty and declared for Liberty. They at once separated from the other parishes—formed a distinct political community—applied for admission into the confederation of the other colonies—passed resolutions of non-intercourse with Savannah so long as it remained under kingly authority except to obtain the absolute necessaries of life and organized committees to carry these patriotic and decisive measures into effect. Placed on such an eminence they were welcomed into the general compact as men worthy of freedom. In March 1775 they elected Lyman Hall to the Continental Congress to represent the parish of St. John that stood like an isolated island of granite in the ocean regardless of the waves of fury that were foaming around it. This example had a powerful influence on the other parishes. From this lump of liberty-leaven the whole mass became rapidly impregnated—rose beautifully and was admirably baked in freedom's oven and soon fit for use. In July following Dr. Hall hadthe proud satisfaction of seeing Georgia fully represented by men honest and true—always excepting Judas IscariotaliasZubly. To Dr. Hall may be justly attributed the first impetus given to the revolutionary ball in his district which was formed into a new county in 1777 and namedLiberty.
On taking his seat in Congress Dr. Hall was hailed with enthusiasm as the nucleus of patriotism that would eventually draw to one common centre the people of his province. He was a valuable acquisition to the various committees on which he was placed and gained the esteem of all around him. On the floor he was listened to with profound attention. He reasoned closely and calmly, confining himself to the question under consideration without any effort to shine as an orator. His known patriotism, decision of character, purity of purpose and honesty of heart—gave him a salutary influence that was sensibly felt, fully acknowledged and judiciously exercised. In 1776 he again took his seat in Congress and became decidedly in favor of cutting loose from the mother country. He had induced his own district to present a miniature example that stood approved by every patriot. He felt the justice of the cause of Liberty. He believed Providence would direct a successful result. He was fully convinced the set time had come to free the colonies. With such feelings he hailed the birth day of our Independence as the grand jubilee ofLiberty. He cheerfully joined in passing the mighty Rubicon—aided in preparing the sarcophagus of tyranny and signed the certificate of freedom with a joyful heart.
He was continued in Congress up to 1780 when he took his final leave of that body where he had rendered faithful and important service. In 1782 he returned to his own State and aided in rendering more perfect the organization of her government. The enemy had destroyed his property and wreaked a special vengeance on his district generally. His family had been compelled to fly to the North and depend on the bounty of others for support. In 1783 he was elected Governor of Georgia and contributed largely in perfecting the superstructure of her civil institutions and in placing her on the high road to peace and prosperity. This accomplished he retired from public life under the broad banner of an honest and well earned fame. He then settled in Burke County where he was again permitted to pursue the even tenor of his ways and enjoy the highest of all earthly pleasure—the domestic fireside with his own dear family. Calmly and quietly he glided down the stream of time until 1790 when he closed his eyes upon the transitory scenes of earth—entered the dark valleyof death and disappeared from mortals to enjoy a blissful immortality. He was deeply mourned by his relatives and numerous acquaintances and by every patriot in our nation. His name is perpetuated in Georgia by a county being named after him as a tribute of respect for his valuable services.
Dr. Hall was among those who do good for the sake of goodness—not to be seen of men and applauded by the world. In person his appearance was prepossessing. He was full six feet in height with a graceful deportment and benignant countenance. His examples are worthy of imitation. Without the luminous talents that tower to the skies in a blaze of glory that dazzles every eye—he rendered himself substantially and widely useful. He was like a gentle stream that passes through a verdant field producing irrigation in its course without overflowing and tearing up its banks. Decision of character, prudence in action and discretion in all things marked his whole career. Not a stain tarnishes the bright lustre of his public fame or private character. He lived nobly and died peacefully. With such men our UNION is safe.
Thethrilling history of American Independence is ever a subject of deep interest to the patriot and philanthropist. It has no parallel in the history of nations. Its causes, progress and successful termination combine to throw around it a sacred halo that fills the reader with wonder and admiration. The noble spirits who planned and achieved it command the profoundest respect over the civilized world. As time advances that respect is ripening into veneration. The names of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, like those of the twelve Apostles, are surrounded with a refulgent glory—unfading and enduring as the planetary system. Among them was John Hancock, born near Quincy, Mass., in 1737. His father was a clergyman of eminent piety, highly esteemed by his parishioners. He died when this son was an infant, leaving him under the guardian care of an uncle, who bestowed upon him all the attention and tenderness of a father. He graduated at Harvard College in 1754, with great credit to himself and satisfaction to his numerous friends.
His uncle was a wealthy and thorough merchant and placed his nephew in his counting house that he might add to his collegiate acquirements a more important acquisition—a knowledge of men andthings. In 1760 he was sent to England—saw the mortal remains of George II. laid in the tomb and the crown placed upon the head of his successor. He continued in the employment of his uncle until 1761, who then died, leaving this nephew his entire estate, supposed to be the largest of any one in the province at that time.
John Hancock was long one of the Selectmen of Boston. In 1766 he was elected to the General Assembly. He there exhibited talents of a high order as a statesman, at once gaining the esteem and admiration of his colleagues. He also gained the particular attention of a certain clique, who determined to rule or ruin him. They placed him in the crucible of slander, from which he came like gold seven times tried—triumphant and unscathed.
In the Assembly he was uniformly chairman of the most important committees. He was also elected speaker but the Governor, jealous of his rising popularity and liberal principles, put his veto upon the election.
He was a man of deep thought, general intelligence and strong mind. He had thoroughly investigated the laws of God, of nature and of man. He well understood that men are endowed by their Creator with certain inherent privileges—that they are born equal and of right are and should be free. He drank largely at the refreshing fountain of liberal principles and was among the first to expose the blind and cruel policy of the British ministers. He contributed largely in rousing his fellow sufferers to a sense of impending danger.
Although deeply interested in commercial business and more exposed to the wrath of kingly power than any individual in the province—he boldly placed himself at the head of the association prohibiting the importation of goods from Great Britain. The other provinces caught the patriotic fire from these examples and became prepared to act their part in the tragic scenes that resulted in the emancipation of the pilgrim fathers from monarchical domination.
As a mark of special attention to this uncompromising patriot, the first seizure that was made by the revenue officers under pretence of some trivial violation of the laws was one of his vessels. So great was the excitement produced by this impolitic transaction, that large numbers were speedily collected to rescue the property. It was placed under the guns of an armed ship ready to open a broadside upon any who should dare to reclaim the vessel. The populace rose like a thunder cloud—rushed to the onset—brought away the vessel—razed to the ground some of the buildings occupied by the custom house officers and committed to the flames the boat of the collector. For a timethis fire was arrested by the strong arm of power but it was never extinguished—it was the fire ofLiberty. It only required to be fanned by that ministerial oppression that ultimately blew it into curling flames.
To prevent the recurrence of a popular outbreak several regiments of British troops, with all their loathsome vices fresh upon them, were quartered upon the inhabitants. This was like pouring bituminous coal tar upon a lurid flame. The independent spirits of Boston were not to beawedinto subjection. The consequences were tragical. On the evening of 5th of March 1770, a party of these soldiers fired upon and killed five and wounded others of the citizens who had collected to manifest their indignation against those theyhatedmore than theyfeared. Had the town been placed in the terrific cradle of an earthquake and its foundations moved to the centre, the agitation could not have been greater. Had it been melting before the burning lava of a volcano the commotion could not have been increased. The tolling of bells—the groans of the dying and wounded—the shrieks of mothers, widows and orphans—the flight of soldiers—the rush of the inhabitants—the cry of revenge—popular fury rising into a tornado of vengeance—all combined to create a scene of consternation and horror at which imagination recoils, description quails, sympathy trembles, humanity bleeds. It is a commentary, eloquently strong, upon the gross impropriety of quartering soldiers upon citizens—of enforcing civil law by military force—of invading the sanctity of domestic peace and private enjoyment.
On the following day a meeting was called composed of the concentrated talent and virtue of Boston. Strong but discreet resolutions were passed. A committee was appointed to wait upon the governor to request him to remove the troops from the town, at the head of which were Samuel Adams and John Hancock. His excellency at first refused but finding that discretion was the better part of valor, at once ordered the soldiers to the castle. He also gave a pledge that the offenders should be arraigned and tried and thus restored transient tranquillity.
The solemn and imposing ceremony of interring those who were killed was then performed. Their bodies were deposited in the same grave. Tears of sorrow, sympathy, regret and indignation were mingled with the clods as they descended upon the butchered bodies of those victims of tyranny. For many years the sad event was commemorated with deep and mournful solemnity. A hymn was sung to their memory and the torch of Liberty re-illumed at their tomb.
At one of these celebrations during the progress of the Revolution John Hancock delivered the address. A few brief extracts will be read with interest.
"Security to the persons and property of the governed is so evidently the design of civil government that to attempt a logical demonstration of it would be like burning a taper at noonday to assist the sun in enlightening the world. It cannot be either virtuous or honorable to attempt to support institutions of which this is not the principal basis. Some boast of being friends to government. I also am a friend to government—to a righteous government, founded upon the principles of reason and justice—but I glory in avowing my eternal enmity to tyranny."
He then portrayed vividly the wrongs inflicted by the mother country and urged his fellow citizens to vindicate their injured rights. On speaking of the massacre his language shows the emotions of his heaving bosom—the feelings of his noble soul.
"I come reluctantly to the transactions of that dismal night, when, in quick succession we felt the extremes of grief, astonishment and rage—when Heaven, in anger, suffered hell to take the reins—when Satan, with his chosen band opened the sluices of New England's blood and sacrilegiously polluted her land, with the bodies of her guiltless sons. Let this sad tale be told without a tear—let not the heaving bosom cease to burn with a manly indignation at the relation of it through the long tracts of future time—let every parent tell the story to his listening children till the tears of pity glistens in their eyes or boiling passion shakes their tender frames."
"Dark and designing knaves—murderous parricides! how dare you tread upon the earth which has drunk the blood of slaughtered innocence shed by your hands! How dare you breathe that air which wafted to the ear of Heaven the groans of those who fell a sacrifice to your accursed ambition!! But if the laboring earth doth not expand her jaws—if the air you breathe is not commissioned to be the minister of death—yet hear it and tremble! the eye of Heaven penetrates the darkest chambers of the soul and you, though screened from human observation, must be arraigned—must lift up your hands, red with the blood of those whose death you have procured, at the tremendous bar of God."
So bold had Mr. Hancock become that the adherents of the crown put every plan and artifice in operation that could be devised to injure him. His worst enemy, the governor, nominated him to the Council, knowing that his acceptance would turn the populace against him. The plan was just as feasible as to think of baking griddle cakes on the moon.By a prompt refusal he put his enemies to shame and increased the confidence the patriots reposed in him. He was at this time Captain of the Governor's Guard and was immediately removed. His company was composed of the first citizens of Boston. As a testimony of respect to him the members promptly dissolved.
The dread crisis finally came. The war car was put in motion on the heights of Lexington. American blood was again shed by British soldiers. The people heard the dread clarion of Revolution—multitudes rushed to the conflict—the hireling troops fled in confusion—messengers of death met them on the whole route—retribution pressed on them at every corner—the trees and fences were illuminated with streams of fire from the rusty muskets of the native yoemanry and many of Briton's proud sons slumbered in their gore on that eventful day. The watchword was then fixed—Liberty or Death.
On the reception of this news the governor issued his proclamation in the name of his mostChristian Majesty, George the III. declaring the Province in a state of rebellion butgraciouslyoffering a pardon to all returning penitents—exceptingJohn Hancock and Samuel Adams. A secret attempt was made to arrest them but was foiled by information sent by Gen. Warren. They were preserved to aid in the glorious cause they had boldly and nobly espoused and to become shining lights in the blue canopy offreedom—bright examples of patriotism for future generations. Their proscription by the royal governor endeared them still more to the people and their personal friends. They asked no pardon—desired no royal favor.
In 1774 Mr. Hancock was unanimously elected President of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress and in 1775 he was called to preside over the Continental Congress. It was with great diffidence he accepted this high mark of esteem, many of its members possessing towering talents and were much his seniors in age. He discharged the duties of his station with fidelity, great ability and to the satisfaction of the members and the country. His was the only name affixed to the Declaration of Independence when first published and stands, in bold relievo, at the head of the list of that noble band of fearless patriots who bearded the British Lion in his den and drove him from Columbia's soil—whose names are enrolled on the historic sunbeams of unfading light, there to remain in living brightness to the remotest ages of time.
Impaired in health and worn down by fatigue, Mr. Hancock resigned his responsible station in Congress in October 1777, having presided over that body for two and a half years with a credit highly gratifying to his numerous friends and advantageous to the cause of human rights.
Soon after his return he was elected to the convention of his native state to form a constitution for its government. His talents and experience were of great service in aiding to produce a truly republican instrument. In 1780 he was elected the first governor under the new constitution and continued to fill the gubernatorial chair five years when he resigned. At the expiration of two years he was again elected to that office and continued to fill that important station during the remainder of his life.
During his administration there were many difficulties to overcome—many evils to suppress. The devastation of the war had paralyzed every kind of business—reduced thousands from affluence to poverty—polluted the morals of society and left a heavy debt to be liquidated. Conflicting interests were to be reconciled—restless spirits subdued and visionary theories exploded. A faction of 12,000 men threatened to annihilate the new government. Riots were of frequent occurrence—the civil authority was disregarded and it became necessary to call out the military to enforce order. By the prudence, decision and wise conduct of the Governor and those acting under him, all difficulties were adjusted—the clamor of the people hushed—order restored and but few lives sacrificed at the shrine of treason.
By his firm and determined course the Governor incurred the displeasure of many prominent men for a time—but when reason resumed her station and prosperity alleviated the burdens that had been so strongly felt, their better judgment gained the ascendency, the sour feelings of party spirit lost their rancor—admiration and esteem for his sterling virtues and useful talents—the long and arduous services he had rendered his State and country—disarmed his enemies of their resentment and produced uniform love and respect. None but those who then lived can fully appreciate the Alpine barriers the patriots had to surmount to preserve the Independence they achieved and reduce to practice the long nursed vision of a Republican government. To recount them would require a volume. Let them slumber in the shades of oblivion.
Gov. Hancock was strongly in favor of the adoption of the Federal Constitution and left his sick bed in the last week of the session of the Assembly and did much by his advice and influence to induce his State to sanction that important instrument of confederation which has thus far withstood the assaults of demagogues—the thunder gusts of party spirit and held us in the bonds of Union, strength and power. Paralyzed be that arm that would cut the smallest fibre of the—cord of our UNION. Silenced be that voice that would whisper the worddissolutioneven to a zephyr. If we are true to ourselves we are destined to become the greatest nation known to history. We are appointed by the sages and heroes of the Revolution executors in perpetual succession of the richest estate ever bequeathed to a nation—Libertyin its pristine purity. Let us see well to its preservation that when we meet the testators in the realms of bliss, we may find our account approved and passed in the high court of heaven.
John Hancock lived to see prosperity shed the benignant rays of happiness over the broad expanse of the infant republic. He saw her institutions, laws, trade, manufactures, commerce, agriculture—all based on the firm pillars of purchased freedom and eternal justice. His Pierian vision was reduced to a happy reality—he could then die peaceful and happy.
His ill health continued until the 8th of October 1793 when suddenly and unexpectedly his soul left earth and returned to Him who gave it to join the kindred spirits that had gone before and entered upon the untried realities of the eternal world.
Governor Hancock was a man of elegant person and accomplishments—amiable and pure in all the private relations of life—highly honorable in all his actions—a polished gentleman in his manners—fashionable in his dress and style of living—charitable and liberal—a friend to the poor—a visitor of the widow and orphan—diligent in business—open and frank in his disposition—a faithful companion—a consistent patriot—anhonest man.
Coolness, united with sound discretion, deep penetration, wisdom to plan and energy to execute, is an important quality. In times of high excitement it is indispensably necessary in those who wield the destiny of a community. When the fires of passion, burning in the bosoms of an enraged multitude, unite in one cyclopean volume, the mental rod of cooling discretion is necessary to regulate, guide and direct it to a proper destination. If all were alike charged with boiling desperation in times when angry commotions disturb the public peace, the holiest cause would lose its efficacy and be overwhelmed by the murky waters of fell revenge. The cool deliberations of the first Continental Congress, writhing under the lash of oppression, shed upon it a lustre that attracted the admiration of a gazing world, the smiles of angels and the approval of Heaven. The mother countrywas left without an excuse or just reason for the continuation of her suicidal course. To the cool and discreet conduct of the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution we may attribute thelibertywe now enjoy.
No one among them demonstrated more fully this quality combined with firmness of purpose and boldness of action than Benjamin Harrison a native of Berkley, Virginia, supposed to have been born about 1730, the precise time not being a matter of record. His family descended from a near relative of Gen. Harrison, a bold leader in the revolution of the English Commonwealth who was sacrificed on the scaffold for his liberal principles. This relative settled in Surrey, Virginia, about 1640. His descendants sustained the high reputation of their ancestors and filled many important stations in the colony. It is recorded of Benjamin Harrison, son of the ancestor that located in Surrey, that "he did justice, loved mercy and walked humbly with his God," leaving a memento of character that forms the crowning excellence of human attainments. Benjamin Harrison, the father of young Benjamin now under review, was killed by lightning with two of his daughters. At that time this son was prosecuting his studies at the college of William and Mary where he finished his education at an early age. Before he arrived at his majority he had the management of a large estate left him by his father. As good sense dictated and as in duty bound, he shortly after married Elizabeth, the accomplished daughter of Col. William Bassett and niece to Lady Washington. She possessed all the high requisites of a wife.
Before he arrived at the age then required by law, he was elected to the House of Burgesses and became a leading member. His talents were of the peculiar kind calculated to lead without an apparent desire to command. His magic wand was sound discretion coolly and firmly exercised, enlivened by a good humor and sprightliness that mellowed his otherwise stern qualities. Wielding a powerful influence, the creatures of the crown were particularly courteous to him just previous to the revolution and proposed to confer upon him the highest official dignity in the colony—except governor—who must be anativeof the mother country. Mr. Harrison was too republican and far seeing to be caught in the silken web of ministerial intrigue or royal cunning. With all his wealth and influence he was a plain common sense man opposed to the pomp of courts and the flourish of high pretensions. He went for his country and the people. He scorned to be the hireling or slave of a king. As early as 1764 he was on the committee in the House of Burgesses that prepared an address to thecrown, a memorial to the House of Lords and a remonstrance to the House of Commons of Great Britain predicated upon the Virginia Resolutions anticipating the odious Stamp Act. These documents as reported were then too hard metal in view of a majority in the House and were transmuted to soft solder by the process of political alchemy well understood by the creatures of the king. The time rolled on rapidly when hard metal was made the order of the day. As British oppression increased Virginia indignation kindled to a flame that illuminated the old Dominion to its utmost bounds. Mr. Harrison was a member of the convention that met at Williamsburg on the 1st of August 1774 and passed a series of strong resolutions in favor of equal rights—sanctioned the measures of opposition adopted by New England and appointed seven delegates to the general Congress, Mr. Harrison being one. The benefits resulting from the labors of that Congress may not now be apparent to many young readers as a deaf ear was turned to the dignified proceedings by the mother country. They were twofold. 1. The true position of the two countries was clearly defined and held up to the world leaving England without an excuse for her subsequent course. 2. A personal acquaintance and free interchange of views served to establish mutual confidence and produced a concert of action between the colonies.
On the 20th of March 1775 Mr. Harrison was a member of the convention that met at Richmond and passed the bold resolutions offered by Patrick Henry. Many had the royal film removed from their eyes at that time and came to the rescue. Anticipating the appointment of delegates to a second Congress, Lord Dunmore issued his proclamation forbidding the procedure affecting to treat the convention as a mere bagatelle. Royal proclamations had lost their original efficacy. The delegates were elected, among whom was Mr. Harrison. He repaired to his post which was then more imposing than the year proceeding. A crisis had arrived big with consequences. Amidst the flashes and roar of the gathering storm cool deliberation pervaded his bosom. Mr. Randolph, the President of the first Congress being absent, Mr. Hancock was elected to fill the vacancy. When his name was announced he seemed overcome with a modest diffidence and did not move. Mr. Harrison took him in his gigantic arms and placed him in the chair saying—"We will show mother Britain how little we care for her—by making a Massachusetts man our President whom she has excluded from pardon by public proclamation."
Action—noble and god-like action became the order of that eventfulera. Each gale from the north brought tidings of fresh outrages and increasing aggressions on the part of mother Britain. Congress prepared for the worst although many of the members turned a willing ear to the siren song of peace. Mr. Harrison was one of the committee appointed to devise ways and means for defence and to organize the militia throughout the colonies that were represented. After laboring arduously for a month the plan of military operations was reported that carried the American Colonies through the war. Mr. Harrison was the military man of Congress. He had the unlimited confidence of Washington. In September of that year he was one of the committee of three to consult with the Commander-in-chief and with the authorities of the regenerated colonies relative to a preparation for vigorous action. On the 29th of November he was made chairman of the committee of five to take charge of the foreign correspondence. On the 2d of December he was sent to Maryland to aid in organizing a naval armament to repel the predatory warfare of Lord Dunmore along the shores of the Chesapeake. On the 17th of January 1776 he laid before Congress a plan for the recruiting service which was adopted. On the 21st of the same month he was placed upon the committee to organize the War Department On the 23d he went to New York with Messrs. Lynch and Allen to aid Gen. Lee in devising plans and means of defence and for erecting fortifications upon the two confluent rivers. On his return he was placed on the committee for organizing the military departments of the middle and southern Colonies. On the 6th of March he was placed on the Marine Standing Committee—bestowing on him labor in proportion to his physical as well as mental powers. He was found equal to the task imposed.
On the 26th of March 1776 Congress published a full preface to the Declaration of Independence, setting forth the contempt with which the petitions, remonstrances and appeals for relief had been treated—portraying in lively colors the constitutional and chartered rights of the American people and the manner they were trampled under foot and steeped in blood by British hirelings. The same document authorised the colonies to fit out vessels of war to meet the mistress of the seas on her own element. Mr. Harrison was chairman of a committee to select and have fortified one or more ports for the protection of these vessels and such prizes as they might take. In May he was made chairman of the committee on the Canada expedition. After consulting Generals Washington, Gates and Mifflin, he laid a plan of operations before Congress which was adopted. On the 26th of the same month he was made chairman of a committee of fourteen to confer with the general officersof the army relative to the plan of operations for the ensuing campaign. When matured he laid it before Congress and during its consideration was chairman of the committee of the whole. With slight amendments the report was adopted. On the 15th of June he was made chairman of the Board of War and continued in that important station until he retired from Congress. In his discharge of its duties Judge Peters remarks of him—"He was chairman when I entered upon the duties assigned me in the War Department. This gave me an opportunity of observing his firmness, good sense and usefulness in deliberation and in critical situations and much use indeed was required of these qualities when everything around was lowering and terrific."
Mr. Harrison became very popular as chairman of the committee of the whole. If in the House he uniformly presided when important questions were under consideration. He was in the chair during the discussion of the Declaration of Independence. He presented the resolution that recommended the formal preparation of that sacred document and on the glorious 4th of July 1776 sealed his heart felt approval with his vote and signature. At the thrilling moment when the members were signing what many called their death warrant, as the slender Mr. Gerry finished his signature Mr. Harrison pleasantly remarked to him "when the hanging scene commences I shall have all the advantage over you. It will all be over with me in a minute but you will be kicking in the air half an hour after I am gone." During the protracted discussions upon the Articles of Confederation Mr. Harrison was uniformly in the chair. From August to the 5th of November he was engaged in the service of his own state in the formation of the new government when he again returned to his place. He was one of the committee to advise in the movements of the northern army. When the members of Congress were compelled to fly from Baltimore to Lancaster, where they remained but one day and from there to York, Pa. he remained firm at his post. The enemies of Liberty predicted a final dissolution but proved false prophets. They even reported that Mr. Harrison was about to desert the American cause. His coolness and deliberation were often made useful in softening down hasty and harsh propositions. When the question was agitated relative to punishing the Quakers he interfered in their behalf. In after life one of them often remarked of him—"He saved us from persecution. He had talents to perceive the right and firmness enough to pursue it however violently opposed."
At the close of 1777 Mr. Harrison resigned his seat in Congress and returned to the bosom of his family. No one member had performed more labor than him—no one was more highly esteemed and honored.He was emphatically a working man—a colossus in the cause of liberty and human rights. He returned home to enjoy repose. This was of but short duration. He was immediately elected to the Virginia Legislature and made Speaker, which station he ably filled for five consecutive years. During that period the revolutionary storm spent its fury upon the Old Dominion. The traitor Arnold and the tyrant Cornwallis were tinging its streams and saturating its soil with the blood of its noble sons. Fire, sword, murder, rapine, ruin and destruction marked their savage course. Her legislature was driven from Richmond to Charlotteville—to Staunton—to the Warm Springs and found but a transient rest at either place. During these rapid removes Mr. Harrison remained cool, collected and firm and was prolific in the best measures to ward off impending dangers. He did much to rouse the people to action and dispel the terrors of their minds. He knew no "fugitive fear"—the assertion of another writer to the contrary notwithstanding and without any foundation in fact, for the purpose of raising his own hero above his proper level by climbing upon the shoulders of the towering reputation of Mr. Harrison. This fictitious capital will not answer even at this late day. Records speak for the dead in a voice that paralyzes the slanderer like the hand writing that shook the sturdy frame of Belshazzar.
In 1782 Mr. Harrison was elected Governor of Virginia and assumed a herculean task. The recent devastations of the British army aided by tories who remained on the soil, had thrown everything into one chaotic mass. He entered upon the discharge of his duties with an energy that showed no "fugitive fear" and became one of the most popular chief magistrates that ever filled the gubernatorial chair of the Old Dominion. He was re-elected twice and was then inelligible by the constitution and once more sought retirement. Without his knowledge or consent he was immediately after nominated for the legislature and for the first time defeated. This was effected by a cunning device of his opponent. When Governor he had ordered the militia to level the embankments at Yorktown which was the first and last unpopular act of his life. This was the political hobby-horse on which his opponent gained the race. Mr. Harrison removed into the adjoining county ofSurreyand was returned to the same Legislature with his successful competitor. To add to the chagrin of his opponents he was elected Speaker of the House. Before the year expired he was urged to return to his former residence. Old age and declining health induced him to permanently retire from public life.
In 1788 he was a member of the Convention of his State to which the Federal Constitution was submitted and was chairman of the firstcommittee—that of privileges and elections. He opposed the document in some of its details as being too indefinite in defining the powers of the General and State Governments but approved it as a whole with certain amendments that were returned with it. So strong was the opposition to its adoption by nearly half of the delegates that this large minority held a private meeting in the night for the purpose of adopting plans of opposition that were calculated to produce the most fatal consequences. Fortunately this cool and deliberate patriarch of Liberty gained admittance and prevailed upon them to submit to the majority of nine and pursue the legal remedy for obtaining amendments after it became the law of the land. This noble and patriotic act formed the crowning glory of his public career.
In 1790 he was nominated for Governor but declined serving and used his utmost influence in favor of Mr. Randolph and induced his own son to vote against him who was a member of the House which elected the Chief Magistrate. Mr. Randolph was unpopular with some of the members who were confident of defeating him could they prevail upon Mr. Harrison to consent to be used as a party man. His Roman integrity and influence prevailed and Mr. Randolph was made Governor.
During the next year his health declined rapidly. Shortly after his unanimous election to the Legislature he was prostrated by a severe attack of the gout which terminated his long and useful life in April 1791, leaving a large family of children to mourn the loss of a kind father—his country to lament the exit of a favorite son and noble patriot. He was the father of the late President Harrison who survived just one month after his inauguration.
Mr. Harrison was a man of great muscular power—above the middle height, graceful but plain in his manners with an intelligent countenance indicating strength of mind and decision of character. During the latter part of his life he became quite corpulent in consequence of a quiet mind and good dinners. His private character was above reproach. His wit and humor made him a pleasant companion—his intelligence and good sense made him an instructive one. His cool head, good heart, sound judgment and agreeable temperament made him an important public servant just suited to the times in which he lived. Were all our legislators of the present day like him—fanaticism and ultraism could not flourish—our UNION would be safe.
Nooccupation is so well calculated to rivet upon the heart a love of country as that of agriculture. No profession is more honorable—but few are as conducive to health and above all others it insures peace, tranquillity and happiness. A calling independent in its nature—it is calculated to produce an innate love of Liberty. The farmer stands upon a lofty eminence and looks upon the bustle of mechanism, the din of commerce and the multiform perplexities of the various literary professions, with feelings of personal freedom unknown to them. He acknowledges the skill and indispensable necessity of the first—the enterprise and usefulness of the second—the wide spread benefits of the last—then turns his mind to the pristine quiet of his agrarian domain and covets not the fame that clusters around them all. His opportunities for intellectual improvement are superior to the two first and in many respects not inferior to the last. Constantly surrounded by the varied beauties of nature and the never ceasing harmonious operation of her laws—his mind is led to contemplate the wisdom of the great Architect of worlds. The philosophy of the universe is constantly presenting new phases to his enraptured view. Aloof from the commoving arena of public life but made acquainted with what is passing there through the medium of the magicpress—he is able to form deliberate opinions upon the various topics that concern the good and glory of his country. In his retired domicil he is less exposed to that corrupt and corrupting party spirit that is raised by the whirlwind of selfish ambition and often rides on the tornado of faction. Before he is roused to a participation in violent commotions he hears much, reflects deeply, resolves nobly. When the oppression of rulers becomes so intolerable as to induce the yeomanry of a country to leave their ploughs and peaceful firesides and draw the avenging sword—let them beware and know the day of retribution is at hand.
Thus it was at the commencement of the American Revolution. When the implements of husbandry were exchanged for those of war and the farmers joined in the glorious cause of Liberty, the fate of England's power over the Colonies was hermetically sealed. The concentrated phalanx of commingling professions was irresistible as an avalanche in the full plenipotence of force.
Among the patriots of that eventful era who left their ploughs and rushed to the rescue was John Hart, born at Hopewell, Hunterdon County, N. J. about the year 1715. The precise time of his birth isnot a matter of record—his acts in the cause of Liberty are. He was the son of Edward Hart, a brave and efficient officer who aided the mother country in the conquest of Canada and participated in the epic laurels that were gained by Wolfe on the heights of Abraham. He raised a volunteer corps under the cognomen of Jersey Blues—an appellation still the pride of Jerseymen. He fought valiantly and was recompensed with praise—not the gold of the mother country. John Hart was an extensive farmer, a man of strong mind improved by reading and reflection, ever ambitious to excel in his profession. In Deborah Scudder he found an amiable and faithful wife. In the affections and good conduct of a liberal number of sons and daughters he found an enjoyment which bachelors may affect to disdain but for which they often sigh. Eden's fair bowers were dreary until Heaven's first best gift to man was there.
Known as a man of sound judgment, clear perception, liberal views and pure motives, John Hart was called to aid in public business long before the Revolution. For twenty years he had served in various stations and was often a member of the legislature. He took a deep interest in the local improvements necessary in a new country. He was a warm advocate for education, was liberal in donations to seminaries of learning. He was a friend to social order and did much to produce an equilibrium in the scales of justice. In organizing the municipal government of his county he rendered essential service. He looked on public business as a dutyto beperformed when required—not as a political hobby-horse to ride upon. The public men of that day said but little. They despatched business promptly with an eye single to the general good. Sinecures were unknown—office hunters few and far between. Industry, frugality and economy in public and private matters were marked characteristics of the pilgrim fathers. Golden days! when will ye return in the majesty of your innocence and banish from our land the enervating follies, the poisonous weeds, the impugning evils that augur the destruction of our far famed Republic.
Mr. Hart was quick to discern the encroachments of the British ministry upon the chartered and constitutional rights of the colonies and prompt to resist them. The passage of the Stamp Act on the 22d of March 1765 was followed by a commotion that indicated a slender tenure of kingly power in America. This odious Act was repealed on the 18th of March 1776. But the ministerial alchemists were madly bent on new experiments. The colonists had borne the yoke of artful and increasing restrictions upon their trade and industry for fifty years.It was presumed their necks were hardened so as to bear a heavier burden. Deluded alchemists—they little understood the kind of metal put in their crucible. Direct taxation without representation was no part of the English constitution. This violation could not be tamely submitted to. The second edition of the revenue plan revised and stereotyped in 1767 by Charles Townshend, Chancellor of the Exchequer, imposing a duty on glass, paper, pasteboard, tea and painters' colors—kindled a flame in the Colonies that no earthly power could quench. Public meetings against the measure—resolutions of the deepest censure, remonstrances of the strongest character, arguments of the most conclusive logic were hurled back upon the ministry. Boston harbor was converted into a teapot and all the tea afloat used at one drawing. Non-importation agreements, committees of safety, preparations for defence, non-intercourse, bloodshed, war and Independence followed. In all these movements Mr. Hart concurred and firmly opposed the encroachments of the crown.
In 1774 he was elected to Congress and entered upon the high duties of his station with a deep sense of the responsibilities that rested upon that body at that particular time. Mild, deliberate, cautious, discreet and firm in his purposes—he became an important member in carrying out the measures then contemplated—reconciliation and a restoration of amity. On the 10th of May 1775 he again took his place in Congress. The cry of blood, shed on the 19th of the preceding April at Lexington, had infused a spirit among the members widely different from that which pervaded their minds at the previous meeting. It was then that the cool deliberation of such men as Mr. Hart was indispensable. The ardor and impetuosity of youth had passed away—propositions and arguments were placed in the balance of reason. Causes, effects, objects, ends, plans, means, consequences—all were put in the scales of justice and honestly weighed. In this manner every act was performed with clean hands, the cause of Liberty honored, prospered and crowned with triumphant success. At this time Mr. Hart was a member and Vice President of the Assembly of New Jersey and shortly after had the proud satisfaction of aiding in the funeral obsequies of the old government and joined in the festivities of forming a new one upon the broad platform of republicanism.
On the 14th of February 1776 he was again elected to the Continental Congress and when the Chart of Liberty was presented he carefully examined its bold physiognomy—pronounced its points, features, landmarks, delineations and entire combinations worthy of freemen gave it his vote, his signature and his benediction. At the close of thesession he retired from public life and declined a re-election. As he anticipated, the British drove away his family, destroyed his property and after he returned hunted him from place to place and several times had him so nearly cornered that his escape seemed impossible. His exposure in eluding the pursuit of the relentless foe brought on illness that terminated his life in 1780. He was a worthy member of the Baptist church—a devoted Christian—anhonest man.
Geniusis one of the indefinable attributes of man. We may think, see, talk and write upon this noble quality, rehearse its triumphant achievements, its magic wonders, its untiring efforts—but whatisgenius? that's the question—one that none but pedants will attempt to answer. The thing, the moving cause, themodus operandican no more be comprehended and reduced to materiality than the spirit that animates our bodies. The man who can do this can analyze the tornado, put the thunder cloud in his breeches pocket and quaff lightning for a beverage. Metaphysicians, physiologists and craniologists may put on their robes of mystery, arm each eye with a microscope, each finger with the acutest phrenological sensibility, whet up all their mental powers to the finest keenness, strain their imagination to its utmost tension, tax speculation one hundred per cent, and then call to their aid the brightest specimens of this occult power—the combined force could not weave a web and label itgeniusthat would not be an insult to common sense. Genius is the essential oil of mental power. No frost can freeze it, no fog can mildew it, no heat can paralyze it, no potentate can crush it. In all countries and climes it springs up spontaneously but flourishes most luxuriantly and attains a more perfect symmetry and greater strength when nurtured by intelligence and freedom. So versatile is this concentrated essence of mental power that we can form no rule to pre-determine its personal locality, its time of development, its measure of strength or the extent of its orbit. Like a blazing meteor—it bursts suddenly upon us as in the darkness of night, illuminating the world and like the lightning thunder bolt—shivers every obstacle that stands in its way.
Thus it was with Patrick Henry born at Studley, Hanover County, Virginia, on the 29th of May 1736. His father was a highly reputable man of Scotch descent—his mother was the sister of Judge Winston who was justly celebrated as an eloquent speaker. During hischildhood and youth Patrick was remarkable for indolence and a love of recreation. He arrived at manhood with a limited education and ignorant of all occupations. His mind was not cultivated, his native talents were not developed, his genius was not awakened until after he was a husband and a father. His friends vainly endeavored to put him on a course of application to business by setting him up in the mercantile line.Preferringhis fishing rod and gun to measuring tape he soon failed. Finding himself bankrupt he concluded that the increasing troubles of his pilgrimage were too numerous to bear alone. He married the daughter of a respectable planter and became a tiller of the ground. Unacquainted with this new vocation he soon swamped in the quagmire of adversity. He then gibed, put his helm hard up and tacked to the mercantile business. Still he was unfortunate. Poverty claimed him as a favorite son and bestowed upon him special attention. An increasing family needed increased means of support. Creditors had the assurance to shower duns upon him and cruelly reduced him to misery and want. He then conceived the idea of studying law. For the first time he felt most keenly the waste of time in his childhood and youth. He saw many of his age who had ascended high on the ladder of fame whose native powers of mind he knew to be inferior to his. He bent his whole energies to study and in six weeks after he commenced was admitted to the Bar, more as a compliment to his respectable connexions and his destitute situation than from the knowledge he had obtained of the abstruse science of law during the brief period he had been engaged in its investigation. Folded in the coils of extreme want for the three ensuing years he made but slight advances in his profession. He obtained the necessaries of life by aiding his father-in-law at atavernbar instead of being at the Bar of the court. He was still ardently attached to his gun. He often look his knapsack of provisions and remained in the woods several days and nights. On his return he would enter the court in his coarse and blood stained hunting dress—take up his causes—carry them through with astonishing adroitness and finally gained a popular reputation as an advocate.
In 1764 he was employed in a case of contested election tried at Richmond, which introduced him among the fashionable and gay whose dress and manners formed a great contrast with his. He made no preparation to meet his learned and polished adversaries. As he moved awkwardly among them, some, who were squinting at him and his coarse apparel,supposedhimnon compos mentis. When the case was tried the audience and court were electrified by his torrent ofnative eloquence and lucid logic. Judges Tyler and Winston who were upon the bench declared they had never before witnessed so happy and powerful an effort in point of sublime rhetoric and conclusive argument. The towering genius of Patrick Henry then burst from embryo into blooming life. From that time his fame spread its expansive wings and soared far above those of gayer plumage but of less strength. A lucrative practice banished want, sunshine friends returned and flashed around him, he leaped upon the flood tide of prosperity. From his childhood he had been a close observer of human nature—the only germ of genius visible in his juvenile character. He had studiously cultivated this important attribute which was of great advantage to him through life. So familiar had he become with the propensities and operations of the mind that he comprehended all its intricacies, impulses and variations. This gave him a great advantage over many of his professional brethren who had studied Greek and Latin more but human nature less than this self-made man. He took a deep and comprehensive view of the causes that impel men to action and of the results produced by the multifarious influences that control them. He grasped the designs of creation, the duty of man to his fellow and his God, the laws of nature, reason and revelation and became a bold advocate for liberty of conscience, equal rights and universal freedom. From the expansive view he had taken of the rights of man, the different forms of government, the oppression of kings, the policy pursued by the mother country towards the American colonies, he was fully convinced that to be great and happy a nation must be free and independent. With the eye of a statesman he had viewed the increasing oppression of the crown. They had reached his noble soul and roused that soul to action. Patrick Henry first charged the revolutionary ball with patriotic fire in Virginia and gave it an impetus that gathered force as it rolled onward.
In 1765 he was elected to the Assembly and at once took a bold decisive stand against British oppression. He introduced resolutions against the Stamp Act that were so pointed and bold as to alarm many of the older members although they admitted the truth and justice of the sentiments expressed. They had not his genius to design or his moral courage to execute. To impart a share of these to them and allay the palpitations of their trembling hearts was the province of this young champion of freedom. In this he succeeded—his resolutions were passed. Each was drawn from the translucent fountain of eternal justice—based upon equity and law and within the orbit of MagnaCharta that had been the polar star of the English government ever since the 19th of June 1215. Read them and judge.
"Resolved—That the first adventurers and settlers of this his majesty's colony and dominion brought with them and transmitted to their posterity and all other his majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this his majesty's said colony—all the privileges, franchises and immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed and possessed by the people of Great Britain.
"Resolved—That by two royal charters granted by King James I. the colonies aforesaid are declared entitled to all the privileges, liberties and immunities of denizens and natural born subjects to all intents and purposes as if they had been born and abiding within the realm of England.
"Resolved—That the taxation of the people by themselves or by persons chosen by themselves to represent them who can only know what taxes the people are able to bear and the easiest mode of raising them and are equally affected by such taxes themselves, is the distinguishing characteristic of British freedom and without which the ancient constitution cannot subsist.
"Resolved—That his majesty's liege people of this most ancient colony have uninterruptedly enjoyed the right of being thus governed by their own Assembly in the article of their taxes and internal police and that the same hath never been forfeited or in any other way given up but hath been constantly recognized by the king's people of Great Britain.
"Resolved therefore—That the General Assembly of this colony has the sole right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the inhabitants of this colony and that any attempt to vest such power in any person or persons whosoever other than the General Assembly aforesaid has a manifest tendency to destroy British as well as American freedom."
The cringing sycophants of a corrupt and corrupting ministry could not—darenot deny the correctness of these resolutions. They were hailed by every patriot as the firm pillars of American liberty. They were based upon the well defined principles of the English constitution and confined within the limits of the ancient landmarks of that sacred instrument. They were enforced by the overwhelming eloquence and logic of Mr. Henry and seconded by the cool deep calculating Johnson, who sustained them by arguments and conclusions that carried conviction and conversion to the minds of many who were poising on the agonizing pivot of hesitation a few moments before. Some members opposed them who subsequently espoused the cause of equal rightswith great vigor. This opposition brought out in fuller, richer foliage the genius of the mover. He stood among the great in all the sublimity of his towering intellect the acknowledged champion of that legislative hall which he had but recently entered. Astonishment and delight held his electrified audience captive as he painted the increasing infringements of the hirelings of the crown in bold and glowing colors. He presented in perspective the torrents of blood and seas of trouble through which the colonists had waded to plant themselves in the new world. With his paralyzing finger he pointed to the chains forged by tyranny already clanking upon every ear with a terrific sound. To be free or slaves was the momentous question. He was prepared and determined to unfold the banner ofLiberty—drive from his native soil the task-masters of mother Britain or perish in the attempt. His opponents were astounded and found it impossible to stem the mighty current of popular feeling put in motion by the gigantic powers of this bold advocate of right. The resolutions passed amidst cries oftreasonfrom the tories—Liberty or deathfrom the patriots. The seeds of freedom were deeply planted on that day and Old Virginia proved a congenial soil for their growth. From that time Patrick Henry was hailed as one of the great advocates of human rights and rational liberty. He stood on the loftiest pinnacle of fame, unmoved and unscathed by the fire of persecution calmly surveying the raging elements of the revolutionary storm in boiling commotion around him.
In August 1774 a Convention met at Williamsburg and passed a series of resolutions pledging support to the eastern Colonies in the common cause against the common enemy. Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton and Patrick Henry were appointed delegates to the general Congress. On the 4th of September this august assembly of patriotic sages met in Carpenter's Hall at the city of Philadelphia. The object for which they had met was one of imposing and thrilling interest, big with events, absorbing in character and vast in importance. The eyes of gazing millions were turned upon them—the burning wrath of the king was flashing before them—the anathema of the ministers was pronounced against them. But they still resolved to go on. The hallowed cause of freedom impelled them to action. After an address to the God of Hosts imploring his guidance the proceedings opened by appointing Peyton Randolph of Virginia President. A deep and solemn silence ensued. Each member seemed to appeal to Heaven for aid and direction. At length Patrick Henry rose in all the majesty of his greatness. Echo lingered to catch a sound. Likea colossal statue there he stood and surveyed the master spirits around him—his countenance solemn as eternity. O, my God! what a moment of agonizing suspense! His lips opened—his stentorian voice broke the painful silence—respiration regained its freedom—the hall was illuminated with patriotic fire. With the eloquence of Demosthenes, the philosophy of Socrates, the justice of Aristides and the patriotism of Cincinnatus he took a bold, broad, impartial and comprehensive view of the past, present and future—held up to the light the relations between the mother country and the Colonies—unveiled the dark designs of the corrupt unprincipled ministry—exposed their unholy claims to wield an iron sceptre over America—demonstrated clearly that their ulterior object was the slavery of the people and extortion of money and painted a nation's rights and a nation's wrongs in flaming colors of lurid brightness. The dignity and calmness of his manner, the clearness of his logic, the force of his arguments, the power of his eloquence, the solemnity of his countenance and voice—combined to inspire an awe and deep toned feeling until then unknown to the astonished audience. His elevation of thought seemed supernatural and purified by divinity. He seemed commissioned by the great Jehovah to rouse his countrymen to a sense of impending danger. He sat down amidst repeated bursts of applause the acknowledged Demosthenes of the new world—the most powerful orator of America.
In March 1775 he was a member of the Virginia Convention that convened at Richmond, where he proposed resolutions to adopt immediate measures of defence sufficient to repel any invasion by the mother country. In these he was strongly opposed by several influential members who were still disposed to cringe to royal power. Reeking with wrongs and insolence as it was,heheld that power in utter contempt. His dauntless soul soared above the trappings of a crown backed by bayonets and sought for rest only in the goal of freedom. The following extract from his speech on that thrilling occasion will best convey the tone of his emotions—deeply felt and strongly told. His overwhelming eloquence we can but faintly imagine.
"Mr. President—It is natural for man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth and listen to the songs of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who, having eyes see not and having ears hear not the things that so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth—to know the worst and providefor it. I have but one lamp to guide my feet and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging the future but by the past. I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen are pleased to solace themselves and the House? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has lately been received? Trust it not sir—it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed by a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of your petition comports with those warlike preparations that cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation—the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this mortal array if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No sir—she has none. They are meant forus, they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find that have not already been exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm that is coming on. We have petitioned—we have remonstrated, we have supplicated, we have prostrated ourselves before the throne and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted, our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult, our supplications have been disregarded and we have been spurned with contempt from the foot of the throne.