"In vain after these things may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation.There is no longer room for hope.If we wish to be free—if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending—if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of ourcontest shall be obtained—we must fight! I repeat it sir—we must fight!! An appeal to arms and the God of Hosts is all that is left us. It is vain sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry—peace!peace!—but there is no peace. The war is actually begun. The next gale that comes from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms. Our brethren are already in the field. What is it gentlemen wish? What would they have? Why stand we here idle? Is life so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?Forbid it Almighty God!I know not what course others may take but as forme—give me Liberty or Death!!!" See the resolutions to which he thus spoke in the life of Nelson.
The effect of this speech was electrical. It insulated nearly every heart with the liquid fire of patriotism. The cryto arms—Liberty or deathresounded from every quarter, rang through every ear and was responded by every patriot. The resolutions were seconded by Richard Henry Lee and adopted without further opposition and a committee appointed to carry them into effect. From that time the Old Dominion was renewed, regenerated and free. Her noble sons rushed to the rescue and cheerfully poured out their blood and treasure in the cause of rational liberty. Soon after, the convention adjourned to August. About that time Lord Dunmore removed a quantity of powder from the magazine at Williamsburg on board the armed ship to which he had retreated. On learning this fact Mr. Henry collected a military force and demanded the restoration of the specific article or its equivalent in money. The needful was paid and no claret drawn. A royal proclamation was issued against these daring rebels which united the people more strongly in favor of their orator and soldiers whose conduct they sanctioned in several public meetings.
In August when the Convention met Mr. Henry was again elected to the Continental Congress and remained one of the boldest champions of right and justice. In June 1776 he was elected governor of his native state. He served faithfully for two years and although unanimously re-elected declined serving longer. In 1780 he was a member of the legislature of his state and manifested an unabating zeal in the cause he had nobly espoused and essentially advanced. In 1788 he was a member of the Virginia Convention convened to consider the Federal Constitution. To that instrument he was strongly opposed because he believed it consolidated the states into one government destroying the sovereignty of each. His eloquence on that occasion is believed to have reached its zenith for the first time. His closing speech surpassed all former efforts and operated so powerfully that only a small majority voted for theadoption of the Constitution. During his remarks an incident occurred that enabled him almost to paralyze his audience. After describing the magnitude of the measure on which hung the happiness or misery of the present generation and millions yet unborn—with a voice and countenance solemn as the tomb—his eyes raised upward, he appealed to the God of Heaven and to angels then hovering over them to witness the thrilling scene and invoked their aid in the mighty work before him. At that moment a sudden thunder storm commenced its fury and shook the very earth. Upon the roar of the tempest his stentorian voice continued to rise—he figuratively seized the artillery of the elements as by supernatural power—enveloped his opponents in a blaze of liquid lightning—hurled the crashing thunderbolts at their heads and seemed commissioned by the great Jehovah to execute a deed of vengeance. The scene was fearfully sublime—the effect tremendous. The purple current rushed back upon the aching heart—every countenance was pale, every eye was fixed, every muscle electrified, every vein contracted, every mind agonized—the sensation became insupportable—the members rushed from their seats in confusion and left the room without a formal adjournment.
Mr. Henry remained in the legislature of his state until 1791 when he retired from public life. He had toiled long, faithfully and successfully for his country and his state. He anxiously desired and sought that felicity and repose found only in the family circle. In 1795 his revered friend, President Washington, tendered him the important office of Secretary of State. With a deep feeling of gratitude he declined the proffered honor. In 1794 he was again elected governor of Virginia but was in too poor health to serve. In 1799 President Adams appointed him Envoy to France in conjunction with Messrs. Murray and Ellsworth. His rapidly declining health would not permit him to accept this last of his appointments. Disease was fast consummating the work of death and consuming the iron constitution and athletic frame that had enabled him to perform his duty so nobly during the toils of the Revolution. He was sensible that the work of dissolution was nearly completed and looked to his final exit with calm submission and Christian fortitude. On the 6th of June 1799 he bowed to the only monarch that could conquer him—the death king. With a full assurance of a crown of unfading glory in Heaven he threw off the mortal coil and was numbered with the dead. His loss was deeply mourned by the American nation and most strongly felt by those who knew him best. The following affectionate tribute is from one who knew him well.
"Mourn, Virginia, mourn! your Henry is gone. Ye friends to liberty in every clime drop a tear. No more will his social feelingsspread delight through his house. No more will his edifying example dictate to his numerous offsprings the sweetness of virtue and the majesty of patriotism. No more will his sage advice, guided by zeal for the common happiness, impart light and utility to his caressing neighbors. No more will he illuminate the public councils with sentiments drawn from the cabinet of his own mind ever directed to his country's good and clothed in eloquence sublime, delightful and commanding. Farewell—first rate patriot—farewell! As long as our rivers flow or mountains stand—so long will your excellence and worth be the theme of our homage and endearment and Virginia, bearing in mind her loss, will say to rising generations—imitate my Henry!"
In tracing the character of this great and good man his examples in public and private life are found worthy of imitation. As by magic he threw off the cumbrous mass that so long confined his mighty genius and at once became a gigantic and brilliant intellectual man. Nature had so moulded him that the ordinary concerns of life never roused him. Had not the momentous subject of freedom engaged the mind of this bold and noble patriot he might have closed his career with its strongest powers unspent and left his loftiest talents to expire beneath the surface of the quarry from which they sublimely rose in peerless majesty. It required occasions of deep and thrilling interest to bring his latent energies into action. The exciting causes of the revolution were exactly calculated to bring him out in all the grandeur of his native greatness. As an advocate, orator, patriot and statesman—he was the colossus of his time. As Grattan said of Pitt—there was something in Patrick Henry that could create, subvert or reform—an understanding, a spirit, an eloquence to summon mankind to society or break the bonds of slavery asunder and rule the wilderness of free minds with unbounded authority—something that could establish or overwhelm empires and strike a blow in the world that should resound through the universe. He maintained his opinions with great zeal but held himself open to conviction of error. When under discussion he opposed the Federal Constitution but subsequently approved its form and substance.
His private character was as pure as his public career was glorious. He was twice married and the father of fifteen children. As a husband, father, friend, citizen and neighbor he had no superior. The closing paragraph of his will is worthy of record, showing a profound veneration for religion. "I have now disposed of all my property to my family. There is one thing more I wish I could give them and that is the Christian religion. If they had this and I had not giventhem one shilling they would be rich and if they had not that and I had given them all the world they would be poor."
Coming from one of the clearest minds that ever investigated the truths of revelation this short paragraph speaks volumes in favour of that religion which is despised by some—neglected by millions and is the one thing needful to prepare us for a blissful immortality beyond the confines of the whirling planet on which we live, move and have a transient being. Ponder it well, dear reader and govern yourself accordingly.
Charity, like the patriotism of '76, is more admired than used—more preached than practised. It descended from heaven to soften the hearts of the human family—mellow the asperities of human nature. It is the substratum of philanthropy, the main pillar of earthly felicity, the brightest star in the Christian's diadem, the connecting link between man and his Creator, the golden chain that reaches from earth to mansions of enduring bliss. It spurns the scrofula of green-eyed jealousy, the canker of self-tormenting envy, the tortures of heart-burning malice, the typhoid of boiling revenge, the cholera of damning ingratitude. It tames the fierce passions of man, prepares him for that brighter world where this crowning attribute of Deity reigns triumphant. Could its benign influence reach the hearts of all mankind the partition walls of sectarianism would be lost in pure philanthropy, individual and universal happiness would be immeasurably advanced, many of the dark clouds of human misery would vanish before its heart cheering soul reviving rays like a morning fog before the rising sun. It is an impartial mirror set in the frame of love embossed with equity and justice. Let broad and universal charity pervade the family of man with its sunbeams of living light—then a blow will be struck for theKingof kings that will resound through the wilderness of mind and cause it to bud and blossom as the rose. Then the human race will be rapidly evangelized and made free in the fraternizing gospel of theword—a gospel untrammelled by the inventions and dogmas of men—a gospel crowned with all the glory of original simplicity and heavenly love.
These practical remarks are induced from a review of the life of Joseph Hewes whose father was one of the persecuted Quakers of New England and was compelled to fly from Connecticut in consequence of his religions tenets. A marked inconsistency has often been fearfully exemplified by those who have fled from religious persecution. The moment they obtained the reigns of power they have become the relentless persecutors of all who would not succumb to their authority and dogmatical dictation. In the biography of Charles Carroll the reader has one example. Under the administration of the Saybrook and Cambridge platforms a sterner policy was pursued towards the Quakers of New England than against the Roman Catholics of Maryland. Before these platforms were systematically dovetailed together the Baptist denomination was banished from the old settlements. Roger Williams came from Wales to Massachusetts in 1631 and preached the Baptist doctrine at Salem and Plymouth until 1636 when he and his flock were banished for their religious opinions. He and his adherents removed into the wilderness of Rhode Island and commenced the town of Providence. They formed the first church in New England where undisturbed freedom of conscience was enjoyed with a republican form of church government. The frame-work of the Cambridge platform was commenced by an ecclesiastical convention in 1646 and the superstructure completed in 1648. On this platform the municipal and legislative proceedings of Massachusetts were based for sixty years. In 1656 the legislature passed a law prohibiting any master of a vessel from bringing a Quaker into the Colony under a penalty of one hundred pounds. The next year a law was passed inflicting the most barbarous cruelties upon the members of this peace-loving sect—such as cutting off their ears, boring their tongues with a hot iron, unless they would desist from their mode of worship and doff their straight coats and ugly bonnets. In 1669 a law was passed banishing them on pain of death. Four of them who refused to go were executed. Some historians have had the effrontery to excuse this cruelty because the Quakers promulged their doctrines too boldly and thus provoked the Cambridge authorities. This sophistical apology is too far fetched. It shrinks from the mellow touch of charity and the fair scrutiny of justice. The cruelty admits of no palliation until we can convert the baser passions into virtues. By recurring to the bigotry and fanaticism of that period we can readily learnwhysuch a course was pursued. This affords no healing balm for the mind of a true philanthropist. We can only regret the past and rejoice that charity and liberty have so far triumphed in our now free and happy country as to dispel religious darkness and restore man to a degree of reason that has paralyzedpersecution unto blood for opinion's sake—the brightest luminary in the constellation of a free government.
To avoid the penalties imposed, Adam Hewes, the father of Joseph, fled from Connecticut with his wife Providence and located near Kingston, New Jersey, where they lived peacefully and died happily. When they crossed the Housatonic river in their flight they were so closely pursued by the Indians that Providence was severely wounded in the neck by a ball from one of their guns. Joseph Hewes was born at the new residence of his parents in 1730. After receiving a good education in the Princeton school he commenced a commercial apprenticeship in Philadelphia. On completing this he entered into a successful mercantile business. For several years he spent his time in New York and Philadelphia and engaged largely in the shipping business. He was of a cheerful turn, had a penetrating mind, a sound judgment, a good heart and was persevering in all his undertakings. He was fond of social intercourse, convivial parties and sometimes exhibited the light fantastic toe. He entered into the full fruition of rational enjoyment without abusing it.
In 1760 he located at Edenton, North Carolina. He was soon after elected to the Assembly of that province and became a substantial and useful member. He made no pretensions to public speaking, was a faithful working man, a correct voter and punctually in his place. When the revolutionary storm commenced he faced its fury without the umbrella of doubt or the overcoat of fear. He was among those who pledged their lives, fortunes and sacred honors in the cause of Independence. He was a member of the Congress of 1774 and one of the committee that reported the rights of the American Colonies—the manner they had been violated and the proposed means for obtaining redress. From this circumstance we may infer that Joseph Hewes was a man of cool deliberation, clearness of perception and understood well the principles of constitutional law and chartered rights. The report of this committee is a lucid and elaborate document. By referring to the Declaration of Independence the reader will have the features of the first part portraying the rights of the colonies. By reading the instructions from the primary convention of Pennsylvania in the biography of James Smith the second part will be seen pointing out the violations. The third part proposing the preliminary means for obtaining redress are fully set forth in the following extract. After relating the injuries of the mother country the report proceeds—
"Therefore we do, for ourselves and the inhabitants of the severalcolonies whom we represent, firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of virtue, honor and love of our country as follows—
"First.That from and after the first day of December next we will not import into British America from Great Britain or Ireland, any goods, wares or merchandize whatsoever or from any other place any such goods, wares or merchandize as shall have been exported from Great Britain or Ireland—nor will we, after that day, import any East India tea from any part of the world nor any molasses, syrups, coffee or pimento from the British plantations or from Dominico nor wine from Madeira or the West Indies nor foreign indigo.
"Second.We will neither import nor purchase any slaves imported after the first day of December next, after which time we will wholly discontinue the slave trade and will neither be concerned in it ourselves nor will we hire our vessels nor sell our commodities or manufactures to those who are concerned in it."
"Third.As a non-consumption agreement, strictly adhered to, will be an effectual security for the observation of the non-importation, we as above solemnly agree and associate, that from this day we will not purchase or use any tea imported on account of the East India Company or any on which a duty has been or shall be paid and from the first day of March next we will not purchase or use any East India tea whatever—nor will we nor shall any person for or under us purchase or use any of these goods, wares or merchandize we have agreed not to import which we shall know or have cause to suspect were imported after the first day of December, except such as come under the rules and directions of the tenth article hereafter mentioned.
"Fourth.The earnest desire we have not to injure our fellow subjects in Great Britain, Ireland or the West Indies, induces us to suspend a non-importation until the 10th day of September 1775 at which time, if the said Acts and parts of Acts of the British Parliament therein mentioned [see them in the life of James Smith] are not repealed, we will not directly or indirectly export any merchandize or commodities whatsoever to Great Britain, Ireland or the West Indies except rice to Europe.
"Fifth.Such as are merchants and in the British and Irish trade will give orders as soon as possible, to their factors, agents and correspondents in Great Britain and Ireland not to ship any goods to them on any pretence whatever as they cannot be received in America and if any merchants residing in Great Britain or Ireland shall directly or indirectly ship any goods, wares or merchandize for America in order to break the said non-importation agreement or in any manner contravene the same, on such unworthy conduct being well tested it ought to be made public and on the same being so done we will not from henceforth have any commercial connection with such merchants.
"Sixth.That such as are owners of vessels will give positive orders to their captains or masters not to receive on board their vessels any goods prohibited by the said non-importation agreement on pain of immediate dismission from service.
"Seventh.We will use our best endeavors to improve the breed of sheep and increase their number to the greatest extent and to that end we will kill them as seldom as may be, especially those of the most profitable kind nor will we export any to the West Indies or elsewhere and those of us who are or may become overstocked with or can conveniently spare any sheep will dispose of them to our neighbors, especially to the poorer sort, on moderate terms.
"Eighth.We will in our several stations encourage frugality, economy and industry and promote agriculture, arts and the manufactures of this country especially that of wool and will discountenance and discourage every species of extravagance and dissipation, especially all horse-racing and all kinds of gaming, cock-fighting, exhibitions of shows, plays and other expensive diversions and entertainments and on the death of any relation or friend, none of us or any of our family will go into any further mourning dress than a black crape or ribbon on the arm or hat for gentlemen and a black ribbon and necklace for ladies and that we will discontinue the giving of gloves and scarfs at funerals.
"Ninth.Such as are venders of goods and merchandize will not take the advantage of the scarcity of goods that may be occasioned by this association but will sell the same at the rate we have been respectively accustomed or merchandize shall sell any such goods on higher terms or shall in any manner or by any device whatsoever depart from this agreement, no person ought nor will any of us deal with any such person or his or her factor or agent at any time hereafter for any commodity whatever.
"Tenth.In case any merchant, trader or other persons shall import any goods or merchandize after the first day of December and before the first day of February next, the same ought forthwith, at the election of the owners, to be either re-shipped or delivered up to the committee of the county or town wherein they shall be imported, to be stored at the risk of the importer until the non-importation agreement shall cease or be sold under the direction of the committee aforesaid—and in the last mentioned case the owner or owners of such goods shall be reimbursed out of the sales the first cost and charges, the profits, if any, to be applied towards relieving and employing such poor inhabitants of the town of Boston as are the immediate sufferers by the Boston Port Bill and a particular account of all goods so returned, stored or sold, to be inserted in the public paper and if any goods or merchandize shall be imported after the first day of February the same ought forthwith to be sent back again without breaking any of the packages thereof.
"Eleventh.That a committee be chosen in every county, city and town by those who are qualified to vote for representatives in the legislatures whose business it shall be attentively to observe the conduct of all persons touching the association and when it shall be made to appear to the satisfaction of a majority of any such committee that any person within the limits of their appointment has violated this association, that such majority do forthwith cause the truth of the case to be published in the Gazette to the end that all such foes to the rights of British America may be publicly known and universally condemned as the enemies of American liberty and henceforth we respectively will break off all dealings with him or her.
"Twelfth.That the committee of correspondence in the respective Colonies do frequently inspect the entries of the custom house and inform each other from time to time of the true state thereof and of every other material circumstance that may occur relative to the association.
"Thirteenth.That all manufactures of this country be sold at reasonable prices so that no undue advantage be taken of a future scarcity of goods.
"Fourteenth.And we do further agree and resolve that we will have no trade, commerce, dealings or intercoursewhatsoeverwith any colony or province in North America which shall not accede to or which shall hereafter violate this association but will hold them unworthy the rights of freemen and inimical to the rights of their country.
"And we do solemnly bind ourselves and our constituents under the ties aforesaid to adhere to this association until such parts of the several Acts of Parliament passed since the close of the [French] war as impose or continue duties on tea, wine, molasses, syrups, coffee, sugar, pimento, indigo, foreign paper, glass, painter's colors imported into America and extend the powers of the Admiralty Courts beyond their ancient limits, deprive the American subjects of trial by jury, authorize the judge's certificate to indemnify the prosecutor from damages that he might otherwise be liable to from a trial by his peers, require oppressive security from a claimant of ships or goods before he shall be allowed to defend his property are repealed. And we recommend it to the Provincial Conventions and to the committee in the respective Colonies to establish such further regulations as they may think proper for carrying into execution this association."
Upon this report all the subsequent proceedings of Congress were predicated. It is a reasonable conclusion that nothing but the most aggravated violations of their rights could induce such men as composed the first general Congress to enter into a solemn agreement like the one here recited. By every true patriot it was adhered to with the most scrupulous fidelity. The spirit of liberty was infused through the whole mass of patriots—men, women and children. The oppression had become intolerable.
After a session of about two months Congress adjourned to the ensuing May when Joseph Hewes again took his seat with the venerable sages of the nation. He was an important member of committees. He was continued at his post the next year and hailed with joy the proposition to cut the gordian knot that bound the Colonies to mother Britain. When the set time arrived to strike the final blow for liberty he sanctioned the procedure with his vote and signature. His industry, accurate knowledge of business, his systematic mode of performing every duty, gained for him the admiration and esteem of all the members, one of whom remarked of his duties upon the secret committee—"Mr. Hewes was remarkable for a devotedness to the business of this committee as even the most industrious merchant was to his counting house." He was upon several of the most important committees. Upon the one for fitting out a naval armament he stood in the front rank. He was virtually the first Secretary of the Navy. With scanty funds he speedily fitted out eight armed vessels. He was very active in raising supplies in his own state to strengthen the sinews of war and oil the wheels of the general government. In 1777 when the enemy threatened vengeance on his state he declined his seat in Congress and gave his services specially to her until 1779 when he resumed his place in the national legislature. He was then worn down with labor and in poor health. He attempted active duty but disease had prostrated his physical powers and sown the seeds of death. He continued to attend in the House when able until the 29th day of October when he left the Hall for the last time. On the 10th of November 1779 his immortal spirit left its earthy tabernacle and returned to Him who gave it. His premature death was deeply lamented and sincerely mourned. Congress passed the usual resolutions—the members and officers wore the badge of mourning for thirty days. His remains were buried in Christ Church yard, Philadelphia, followed bythe members and officers of Congress, the General Assembly and Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, the French minister, the military and a large concourse of other persons all anxious to pay their last respects to one whom they esteemed in life and whose memory they delighted to honor after death. The funeral ceremony was performed by Bishop White, then chaplain of Congress. His dust has ever since reposed in peace undisturbed by malice or slander. His name is recorded on the Magna Charta of our Liberty—his fame will live until the last vestige of American history shall be blotted from the world. Not a blemish rests upon his private character or public reputation. In all things he was an honest man.
The person of Joseph Hewes was elegant, his countenance open and intelligent, his manners pleasing and polished, his whole course honorable and just. He would have been a good man had there been no Heaven to gain or misery to shun. He practised virtue for its intrinsic worth—not to gain the applause of men. It was not a cloak for him—it emanated from the inmost recesses of his pure heart. With such men to guide our ship of state our UNION is safe.
Man, to understand and correctly estimate the magnitude and design, of his creation, must become familiar with the thousand springs of the undying spirit within him. The labyrinthian mazes of the immortal mind must be explored and traced from earth to native heaven. The depths of human nature must be sounded and its channels clearly marked.
Upon the axis of reason revolving thought performs its endless circuit with mathematical precision guided by the centripetal force of sound discretion—or it is projected from its legitimate orbit by the centrifugal power of random folly into the regions of senseless vacuity or visionary sophistry. Its ceaseless motion is as perpetual as the purple stream of our arteries—its momentum is inconceivable—its tenure—eternity. It travels through space with more celerity than lightning—its earthly career can be arrested only by death.
To reflect, investigate, reason, analyze—is the province of our intellectual powers. To comprehend the grand and harmonious organic structure of nature—the wisdom of the great Architect of universal worlds—the relation man bears to his God and his fellow man—is to learn that human beings are endowed by their Creator with equal and inalienable rights and that they are in duty bound to maintain them.Justice marks out the golden path, reason leads the way—patriotism impels to action. The man whose mind is cast in the mould of wisdom by the almighty hand of the great Jehovah—if he brings into proper exercise the combined powers of intellectual and physical force, can never be made a pliant slave. As his soul is expanded by the genial rays of intelligence he duly appreciates his native dignity, becomes enraptured with the blessings ofLiberty—resolves to be free. If he is groaning under the oppressions of tyranny and wears the galling chains of servility—as light shines upon him he will be roused to a mighty effort to burst the ignominious thongs that bind him—assert his inherent rights—assume his proper sphere.
Thus acted the patriots of the American Revolution with whom Thomas Heyward was associated during that eventful period. He was the eldest son of Col. Daniel Heyward a wealthy and respectable planter and was born in the parish of St. Luke, S. C. in 1746. His opportunities for obtaining a liberal education were freely afforded by the father and faithfully improved by the son. He became ardently attached to the Greek and Roman classics and was enraptured with the history of old Republican Freedom with all its corruptions clustering around it. The principles of rational Liberty became deeply rooted in his mind at an early age. As manhood dawned upon him they were thoroughly matured.
On completing his collegiate education he commenced the study of law under Mr. Parsons. His proficiency in that intricate branch of science was rapid—substantial. He possessed an analyzing mind and never passed over a subject superficially. He was a close student—explored the vast fields of civil and common law with a zeal and rapidity as rare as it is necessary and commendable. When he became familiar with the principles laid down by Blackstone and understood fully the rights secured to persons and property by Magna Charta and the British Constitution and compared them with the iron rod of restriction held over the Colonies by the mother country—he was roused to a just indignation—more thanprima facieevidence of a clear head and sound common sense.
After completing his course with Mr. Parsons he went to England and entered the Middle Temple where he became a finished lawyer—a polished gentleman. Although amply supplied with money he was not led astray by the fascinating allurements of pleasures that flatter to seduce—then ruin and destroy. To enrich his mind with science, legal lore and useful knowledge, was theultimatumof his soul. He mingled with what was termedrefinedsociety in London which formed a striking contrast with the republican simplicity of the same grade in his own country. The fastidious hauteur of English etiquette was far from being congenial to his mind and did not accord with his ideas of social life. He there met claims of superiority over native Americans that he knew were based alone on vain pride or wilful ignorance. His feelings were often wounded by indignities cast upon his countrymen. This riveted his affections more strongly upon his native land. They served as fuel to replenish the glowing fire of patriotism already burning in his bosom. The pomp of royalty and the empty splendor of the court had no charms for him. The awful distance between the haughty monarch and the honest peasant—the towering throne and the worthy yeomanry, operated on his mind like a talisman and gave his soul a fresh impetus towards the goal of Liberty. The more he saw of practical monarchy, the more he became opposed to its iron sway. The more he saw of the action of ministers the more he was convinced the king was a mere automaton and did not exercise common volition. Officially he was a marble Colossus—impervious to all feeling—only to be gazed at. As a human being he was not to be consulted or troubled with complaints from his subjects but to act as directed by those whose tool he was.
After closing his course in the law temple he made the tour of Europe and returned to the warm embrace of his relatives and friends richly laden with legal attainments and experimental knowledge. He had become familiar with the theories of monarchical government and their practical demonstration. He understood well the policy of the mother country toward the American Colonies. He had seen her political artificers engaged at the forge of despotism preparing chains for his beloved countrymen. He had seen her coffers yawning to receive the ill gotten treasures wrested from his fellow citizens by the hireling tax gatherers. His own estate had been laid under contribution to swell the unholy fund. His neighbors were writhing under the lash of British oppression. To enlighten their minds, to make them fully understand their danger, their interests and their duty, became the business of this zealous patriot. Possessed of a bold and fearless mind directed by a clear head, an honest heart, a sound judgment and a rich store of useful intelligence—his exertions were crowned with auspicious success. His salutary influence was extensively felt—his sterling worth was duly appreciated.
Mr. Heyward was a member of the first Assembly of South Carolina that set British power at defiance. He was also a member of the council of safety. He discharged his duties with firmness, prudenceand zeal. No fugitive fear disturbed his mind—no threatened vengeance moved his purposes. His eyes were fixed on the temple of freedom, his soul was insulated by the electric fluid of patriotism, he was resolved on liberty or death. His life, property and sacred honor were freely pledged in the glorious cause. He was elected to the Continental Congress in 1775 but declined serving because so young. A large delegation of his constituents subsequently waited upon him and persuaded him to take his seat in the Congress of 1776. He was a warm advocate for the adoption of the Declaration of Independence—the revered instrument that shed new lustre on the intellect of man. By his signature he confirmed the sincerity of his soul in all he had said in its favor. His conscience, his country and his God approved the act.
Under the new form of government he was appointed a Judge of the civil and criminal courts. In that capacity he was called to perform a painful but imperious duty. Several persons were arraigned before the court charged with treasonable correspondence with the enemy. They were tried, found guilty and condemned to be hung in sight of the British lines at Charleston. With feelings of deep sympathy and humanity but with the firmness of a Roman he performed his duty with great dignity and delicacy. He knew they had immortal souls and soared above the cold indifference—the keen invective that sometimeshavebutnevershould be resorted to.
Judge Heyward also participated in the perils of the field. He commanded a company of artillery at the battle of Beaufort and was severely wounded. At the attack upon Savannah he exhibited the bravery of a practised veteran. At the siege of Charleston he commanded a battalion and was one of the unfortunate prisoners who were incarcerated in the Spanish castle at St. Augustine, Florida. During his absence his property was destroyed by the enemy. To cap the climax of his severe afflictions, his amiable and accomplished wife had been laid in the tomb. She was the daughter of Mr. Matthews and married in 1773. The tidings of these heart rending occurrences did not reach him until he was exchanged and arrived at Philadelphia. With the calm and dignified fortitude of a Christian, philosopher and hero—he met the shafts of afflictive fate. He mourned deeply but submissively the premature exit of the wife of his youth, the companion of his bosom. His physical sufferings and loss of property he freely offered at the altar of liberty without a murmur.
He again resumed his duties upon the judicial bench and discharged them ably and faithfully up to 1798. He was an influential member of the convention that framed the constitution of his native state in 1790.He married Miss E. Savage for his second wife. After the close of the trying and bloody scenes through which he had passed he sat down under his own vine and fig tree and enjoyed the rich fruits of thatlibertyhe had sacrificed so much to obtain. A peaceful quiet reigned in his bosom and around him. The British yoke had been thrown off—the Gallic chain had been broken—the increasing millions of his countrymen could look through the vista of the future with cheering hope and exquisite pleasure. In the enjoyments of the present—past pains were merged. He was happy.
Infirmity and old age admonished him that his mission on earth was fast drawing to a close. He retired from the public arena covered with epic and civic honors enduring as the pages of history. In the full fruition of a nation's gratitude and a nation's freedom his last years passed smoothly away. He went to his final rest in March 1809, leaving his tender wife to mourn the loss of a kind husband, his interesting children to feel deeply the loss of a tender father—his country to regret the exit of a devoted patriot, an able judge, an honest man. He was a noble philanthropist—an able judge—a discreet statesman—a pure citizen—a sterling patriot—a friend to our UNION.
Manygravely contend that there should be at least two political parties to insure the safety of our Republic that one may watch and detect the corrupt designs of the other. If this position is sound we are pre-eminently safe for we have some half dozen distinct organizations besides remnants of old ones and guerrilla squads that plunder from each. The argument would have force if the people would fix political landmarks as distinctive as those of 1800—banish demagogue leaders—revive the patriotism of '76—be guided entirely by love of country, prudence, strict justice and the fear of God which is the beginning of all wisdom. As now constituted, for one to correct the faults of the other would be like Satan rebuking sin. There are good men under the banners of each party but they have neither brass or intrigue enough to become leaders. According to modern political tactics aspractised, a successful party leader must unite an oily tongue with a gum elastic conscience, a grain of truth with a pound of falsehood, a spark of honesty with any quantity of deception circumstances may require and be ready to sacrifice honor, integrity and friends to carry out party plans—ever pressing toward the end with the force of a locomotive regardless of the means put in requisition. Merit is not sought for by demagogues.Availableis the omnipotent word—the grand countersign—the magic passport to a nomination andwhennominated the candidatemustbe voted for although destitute of capacity, moral virtue and every requisite of a statesman. The sad consequences are more fearfully demonstrated as time rolls onward. Dignity, decorum, common courtesy are often banished from our legislative halls. Crimination and recrimination usurp the place of sound logic—reason is dethroned, common decency outraged, the business of our country neglected, our national character disgraced—all because the people do not rise in their majesty and do their duty. We have an abundance of men in the back ground as pure as the patriots of '76. Let them be brought forward and put to work. The few of this kind who are in the public arena cannot long stem and never roll back the mighty torrent of political corruption now sweeping over this land of boasted freedom. To render our UNION safe our political leaders and public functionaries must be men who are influenced alone by an ardent desire to promote the general good of our whole country—aiming at holy ends to be accomplished by righteous means. Such were the sages of the American Revolution.
The patriarch Stephen Hopkins stood among them in all the dignity of an honest man. He was born at Scituate, Rhode Island, on the 7th of March 1707. He was the son of William Hopkins a thorough farmer whose father, Thomas Hopkins, was one of the pioneers of that province. The school advantages of Stephen were limited to the elementary branches of an English education, then very superficially taught. By the force of his own exertions he perfected this embryo basis and reared upon it a magnificent superstructure. He spent all his leisure hours in exploring the fields of science. At his majority he was a farmer in easy circumstances and devoted a portion of the day and his quiet evenings to the acquisition of useful knowledge. No profession not literary affords so much facility for mental improvement as that of agriculture. Independent tillers of the soil—if you are not intelligent the fault is your own. The time was when ignorance was winked at. That dark age has passed away. Now common sense and reason command all to drink at the scholastic fountain.
Mr. Hopkins acquired a thorough knowledge of mathematics at an early age and became an expert surveyor. At the age of nineteen he was placed in the ranks of men by marrying Sarah Scott whose paternal great grandfather was the first Quaker who settled in Providence. She died the mother of seven children. In 1755 he married the widowAnna Smith a pious member of the Society of Friends. In 1731 he was appointed Town Clerk and Clerk of the Court and Proprietaries of the county. The next year he was elected to the General Assembly where he continued for six consecutive years. In 1735 he was elected to the Town Council and for six years was President of that body. In 1736 he was appointed a Justice of the Peace and a Judge of the Common Pleas Court. In 1739 he was elevated to the seat of Chief Justice of that branch of the judiciary. During the intervals of these public duties he spent much of his time in surveying. He regulated the streets of his native town and those of Providence and made a projected map of each. He was the Proprietary surveyor for the county of Providence and prepared a laborious index of returns of all land west of the seven mile line, which still continues to be a document of useful reference. Beauty and precision marked all his draughts and calculations.
In 1741 he was again elected to the assembly. The next year he removed to Providence where he was elected to the same body and became Speaker of the House. In 1744 he filled the same station and was appointed a Justice of the Peace for that town. In 1751 he was appointed Chief Justice of the Superior Court and for the fourteenth time elected to the assembly. In 1754 he was a delegate to the Colonial Congress held at Albany, N. Y. for the purpose of effecting a treaty with the Five Nations of Indians in order to gain their aid or neutrality in the French war. A system of union was then and there drawn up by the delegates similar to the Articles of Confederation that governed the Continental Congress which was vetoed by England.
In 1755 the Earl of Loudoun in command of the English forces made a requisition for troops upon several colonies and on Rhode Island for four hundred and fifty men to check the triumphant career of the French and Indians then devastating the frontier settlements. Mr. Hopkins rendered efficient aid in this service and had the pleasure of seeing the complement promptly made up. In 1756 he was elected Chief Magistrate of the colony and was found fully competent to perform the duties of the office. In 1757 the loss of Fort William Henry and the sad reverses of the English army made it necessary that the colonies should raise an efficient force for self-protection. A company of volunteers was raised in Providence composed of the first gentlemen of the town and Mr. Hopkins put in command over it. The timely arrival of troops from England deprived them of their anticipated epic laurels. The next year this useful man was again elected Chief Magistrate and served seven of the eleven following years.
In 1767 party spirit was rolling its mountain waves over Rhode Islandso fearfully that it threatened the prostration of social order and civil law. Anxious for the welfare of the colony this patriotic Roman put forth his noblest efforts to check its bold career. In his message to the Assembly he expressed his deep solicitude for the restoration of harmony and proposed retiring at once from the public service if it would contribute in the slightest degree to heal the political breach. To prove his sincerity he shortly after left the public arena contrary to the wishes of his friends. His picture of that era so much resembles the political map of our country at the present time that an extract may be excused.
"When we draw aside the veil of words and professions—when we attend to what isdoneand what issaid—we shall find that Liberty is a cant term of faction and freedom of speaking and acting, used only to serve the private interests of a party. What else can be the cause of our unhappy disputes? What other reason for the continual struggle for superiority and office? What other motive for the flood of calumny and reproach cast upon each other? Behold the leading men meeting in cabals [caucusses] and from thence dispersing themselves to the several quarters to delude the people. The people are called together in tippling houses, their business neglected, their morals corrupted, themselves deluded—some promised offices for which they are unfit and those with whom these arts will not prevail are tempted with the wages of unrighteousness and are offered a bribe to falsify their oath and betray their country. By these scandalous practices elections are carried and officers appointed. It makes little difference whether the officer who obtains his place in this manner is otherwise a good man—put in by apartyhe must do whattheyorder without being permitted to examine the rectitude even of hisownactions. The unhappy malady runs through the whole body politic. Men in authority are not revered andloseall power to do good. The courts of judicature catch the infection and the sacred balance of justice does not hang even. All complain of the present administration and hard times and wish they might grow better. But complaints are weak, wishes are idle, cries are vain—evenprayerswill be ineffectual if we do not universally amend."
This catalogue of evils is followed by a strain of paternal advice that should come home to the reader like a voice from the tomb.
"My countrymen permit me to remind you of the blood, the suffering, the hardships and labors of our ancestors in purchasing the Liberty and privileges we might peaceably enjoy. How can you answer it to fame, to honor, to honesty, to posterity if you do not possess these inestimable blessings with grateful hearts, with purity of morals and transmit them with safety to the next generation. Nothing is desired but that everyman in community act up to the dignity of his own proper character. Let every freeman carefully consider the particular duty allotted to him as such by the constitution. Let him give his suffrage with candor for the person he sincerely thinksbestqualified. Let him shun the man who would persuade himhowto vote. Let him despise the man who offers him an office and spurn the sordid wretch who would give him a bribe. Let him think it his duty to give his vote according to his conscience and not depend on others to do his duty for him. * * * * Officers and magistrates I would humbly entreat to consider that your turn has come to serve thecommonwealthand not yourselves. Your own discreet and exemplary behaviour is your best authority to do good. It is vain to command others to practice what we ourselves omit or to abstain from what they see us do. When moderation and example are insufficient to suppress vice, power ought to be used even to its utmost severity if necessary and above all—that in all cases and under all circumstances—justice should be equally, impartially and expeditiously administered."
This plain lucid exposition of the duties of freemen merits the highest consideration of every private citizen and public officer. It is the inspired effusion of a clear head, a good heart and a noble soul. In language of sublime simplicity it exhibits laconically the only sure foundation of a republican government. It strikes at the very root of alarming evils that are now hanging over our beloved country like an incubus. It is plain truth plainly told and should be strongly felt and implicitly obeyed by all who desire the perpetuity of our glorious UNION.
In June 1769 Mr. Hopkins was called to aid in taking observations upon the transit of Venus over the disk of the sun. So highly were his services prized on that occasion that the pamphlet published on the subject was dedicated to him. This rare phenomenon occurred in 1739—61—69 and will occur again in 1874 and 1996 if the planetary system continues its usual revolutions—of which no man knoweth—not even the angels in Heaven.
Previous to the American Revolution Governor Hopkins had incurred the displeasure of the British ministry by licensing vessels from his province to trade with the French and Spanish Colonies. In this he did not violate the constitution or any law of England. He continued to grant the privilege regardless of the authority illegally assumed by Great Britain to direct the local concerns of the Colony. He had long been convinced that the mother country cared more for thefleecethan theflockshe claimed in America which had been often left to contend alone against a merciless foe. With such convictions on his mind, a republican to the core and valuing liberty above life—he was prepared to resist the first scintillations of the unconstitutional claims made by corrupt and corrupting ministers. When the Stamp Act was passed his voice and pen were arrayed against it. He showed clearly that this and other Acts of parliament had no foundation in justice and were in violation of the British constitution.
In 1772 the mountain waves of local party spirit having subsided in Rhode Island and its effervescence calmed by the absorbing question of British oppression Mr. Hopkins again took his seat in the Assembly and was continued for three years. In 1774 this patriarch statesman was elected to the Continental Congress and entered with a calm determined zeal upon the responsible duties of that august Convention. The same year he proposed and obtained the passage of a bill prohibiting the slave trade in his Colony which greatly incensed the crown officers. To show that he strongly felt what he earnestly advocated—he emancipated all his negroes—the descendants of whom still reside in Providence. He had incorporated their freedom in his will dated some time previous.
In 1775 he was appointed Chief Justice of his Colony—was a member of her Assembly and member of Congress. The ensuing year he was one of the immortalized band of patriots by whose exertions a nation was born in a day and who signed and delivered the certificate of legitimacy to their grateful constituency. The same year he was President of the board of commissioners of the New England States who convened at Providence to devise plans for the promotion of the glorious cause of freedom. The next year he presided over a similar board at Springfield, Mass. In 1778 he was a member of Congress for the last time. The next year he closed his long, useful and arduous public career in the Assembly of his native state and retired crowned with the rich foliage of unfading honors—the growth of near half a century. The pure escutcheon of his public fame and private worth was without a spot to obscure its brilliant lustre. As a municipal officer, judge on the bench, legislator, Chief Magistrate of the Colony and member of the Continental Congress—he discharged his duties faithfully, honestly and ably—with an eye single to the glory of his country.
As a public speaker Mr. Hopkins made no pretensions to elocution but was ever listened to with profound attention. His reasoning was strong—always to the point and his speeches short. His was a vigorous, clear, inquiring, analyzing mind, that surmounted every barrier with the same fortitude, energy and determined resolution that carried Bonaparte over the Alps, Roger Sherman to the pinnacle of fame,Franklin to the summit of science. He was a laborious and extensive leader and a friend to education. He was the principal founder of the Providence library in 1750 and when it was destroyed by fire in 1760—contributed largely towards the purchase of a new supply of books. He was the father of the free school system still in successful operation in Rhode Island. He was a friend to unshackled religion—breathing charity for all whose deportment gave them the impress of divine grace—the only genuine touchstone of true piety. He admired most the creed of the Society of Friends who frequently held meetings at his house. All gospel ministers were made welcome to his hospitable mansion which many called the ministers tavern. He was plain in everything and deprecated pomp and vain show in others.
In addition to his multifarious public duties he was extensively engaged in agriculture, manufactures and commerce. He was a systematic and thorough business man—scrupulously honest, honorable and liberal. He never became wealthy but enjoyed a competence through life. He was repeatedly placed in the crucible of domestic affliction. Of the seven children by his first wife not one survived him. One son was murdered by the Indians, another died in Spain—the youngest, who was the fourth sea captain of the brothers, was presumed to have been lost at sea as his vessel was never heard from after leaving the port of Providence.
The eventful career of patriarch Hopkins was closed on the 13th of July 1785 after enduring the course of a lingering fever with the same calm fortitude that had marked his whole life. He had lived respected and esteemed—he died peaceful and happy. To the last moments of his life he retained full possession of his mental powers and approached the confines of eternity with a seraphic smile that augured heaven. He had long labored under physical infirmities of a nervous nature. For many years it had been difficult for him to write his name in consequence of an attack of paralysis. His ashes rest peacefully in the city of Providence in his native state. His death produced a mournful sensation over the whole country.
In the relations of husband, father, kinsman, friend, gentleman, citizen, benefactor, philanthropist, neighbor and Christian—this publicspiritedman and pure patriot was a model of human excellence. By the force of his own exertions be made himself one of the most useful men on record in our history. Let us all imitate his bright examples that we may do our duty in life, be triumphant in death and happy through the rolling ages of eternity.
Witand wisdom are seldom both prominently developed in the same person. Wit serves to amuse or exhilarate but rarely produces useful reflection or an improvement of mind. It is emphatically a plume and exposes the head it ornaments to many an arrow from the bow of revenge. Wit makes many conquests but no willing subjects. It produces manybon motsand but few wise sayings. It is an undefined and undefinable propensity—more to be admired than coveted—more ornamental than useful—more volatile than solid—a dangerous sharp edge tool—like a coquette, pleasing company for the time being but not desirable for a life companion.
Rare instances have occurred where the sage, statesman, philosopher and wit have been combined in the same person. Sheridan was such a man and in our own country Francis Hopkinson was the American Sheridan. He was the son of Thomas Hopkinson of Philadelphia, born in that city in 1737. His father was a man of superior attainments—his mother one of the best, and most intelligent matrons of that age. His father died in 1751 and left the widowed mother with limited means to struggle with all the accumulating difficulties of raising and educating a large family of children.
Under her guidance and instruction young Francis improved rapidly in his education and exhibited a bright and promising intellect. To advance the interests of her children she confined herself to the absolute necessaries of life. Being devotedly pious, she took peculiar care in planting deeply in their tender minds the pure principles of virtue and cautiously guarding them against all the avenues of vice, the portals of which are ever open. She taught them the design of their creation—the duty they owed to God and their fellow men and that to be truly happy they must be truly good. With this foundation firmly laid, she placed this son in the University of Pennsylvania where he graduated at an early age and commenced the study of law under Benjamin Chew. He was a close student and made rapid advances in legal acquirements. He possessed a brilliant and flowing fancy, a lively imagination and captivating manners. Although ardently attached to the solid sciences he was fond of polite literature, poetry, music and painting. He excelled in humorous satire, keen as that of Swift and Sheridan. Fortunately these combined talents were brought into extensive usefulness.
In 1765 he visited London where he continued two years making the acquaintance of the leading men of that metropolis and learning the political aspect and designs of the ministers toward his native country. He added largely to the fund of knowledge before acquired and came home prepared to work.
Soon after his return he married the accomplished Ann Borden of Bordentown N. J. thus fulfilling an important part of the design of his creation. He also appreciated the value of the institution he had honored and the joys of connubial felicity. In rearing his children he took the system that had been so successfully adopted by his venerable mother whose instructions were fresh upon his memory. He could adopt no better plan or find a more perfect model to imitate. For a time the cares and pleasures of his family and his professional business engrossed his attention. A crisis soon arrived that arrested this translucent stream of happiness. The oppressions of the mother country had become alarming. Agitation had commenced among the people. The best services of every patriot were needed. His were promptly and efficiently rendered. It was for him to do much in opening the eyes of the great mass to a just sense of their violated rights. This he did by various publications written in a style so humorous and fascinating as to be generally read. He painted the injustice of the crown and the insults of its hireling officers in vivid colors. His Pretty Story—his Letters to James Rivington—his Epistle to Lord Howe—his two Letters by a Tory—his translation of a Letter written by a Foreigner—his PoliticalCatechismand the New Roof—were all productions of taste and merit. They were of vast importance in rousing the people to a vindication of their rights—the achievement of their Independence.
During the administration of Gov. Dickinson, political dissensions and party spirit rolled their mountain waves over Pennsylvania threatening to destroy the fair fabric of her new government. The pen of Mr. Hopkinson was instrumental in restoring order. In an essay called—"A full and true Account of a violent Uproar which lately happened in a very Eminent Family"—he exposed the factious partisans to such keen and severe ridicule that they threw down the weapons of rebellion sooner than if a thousand bayonets had been pointed at their breasts.
He was among the first delegates elected to the Continental Congress and fearlessly recorded his name on the Declaration of Rights that has proved a consolation to the sons ofFreedom—a Boanerges to the enemies ofLiberty. Always cheerful and sprightly, he contributed muchtowards dispelling the gloom that often pervaded the minds of his colleagues amidst disaster and defeat. He knew their cause was righteous—he believed Heaven would crown it with ultimate success and triumphant victory. His personal sacrifices had been many—still he was ever cheerful and illuminated all around him with flashes of the most brilliant wit. At the commencement of the struggle he held a lucrative situation in the Loan Office under the crown and was a favorite of the king—but the king was not a favorite of his—he promptly severed the connection. With all his wit and humor he was firm as a Herculus. With the fancy of a poet he united the soundness of a sage—with the wit of a humorist he united the sagacity of a politician.
He succeeded George Ross as Judge of the Admiralty Court and was subsequently Judge of the U. S. District Court in Philadelphia. He was highly esteemed for his judicial knowledge, impartial justice and correct decisions. He filled every station in which he was placed with credit and dignity. His frequent essays continued to do much towards correcting the morals of society by ridiculing its evils and abuses. Guided by a sound discretion, sarcasm and satire are the most powerful weapons wielded by man. Their smart upon the mind is like cantharides on the skin but often requires something more than a cabbage leaf and cerate to heal it. The wit of Mr. Hopkinson was of a noble cast flowing from a rich and chaste imagination—never violating the rules of propriety—always confined within the pale of modesty but keen as a finely finished rapier. He was an admirer of sound common sense and a zealous advocate of Common School education. He properly appreciated the bone and sinew of our country and knew well that the perpetuity of our Liberty depends more upon the general diffusion ofusefulknowledge fit foreveryday use in the ever varying business concerns of life than upon the high toned literature of colleges and universities. He admired the industrious mechanic—he esteemed the honest farmer. In the yoemanry of the soil and inmates of the shops he recognized the defenders of our country.
The useful career of Judge Hopkinson was closed prematurely by an apoplectic fit on the 9th of May 1791. He left a widow, two sons and three daughters to mourn his untimely end and their irreparable loss. He was amiable and urbane in his manners—open and generous in his feelings—noble and liberal in his views—charitable and benevolent in his purposes—an agreeable and pleasant companion—a kind and faithful husband—an affectionate and tender parent—a stern and inflexible patriot—a consistent and active citizen—a useful and honest man. He was like some rare flowers—while their beauty pleases their medicinal qualities are of great value. In the hands of such men our UNION can be preserved.
Anastute writer has beautifully observed—"If the sea was ink, the trees pens and the earth parchment, they would not be sufficient to write down all the praises due to God for Liberty." How few there are in our wide spread Republic who realize the truth of this sublime sentiment. How few among the directors of the destiny of our nation who make the law of God the beginning of wisdom. This apothegm is based upon reason, justice and sound philosophy. No sophistry can controvert it—no casuistry entangle it. To shun all wrong and practise all right is the greatdesideratumof earthly bliss. Vice is crowned with thorns and plumed with thistles. All the evil passions are a laboratory for the manufacture of the miseries of human life. The futile pleasures of earth-vanity, vain glory—the whole category may be richly clustered with blossoms but bear no nutritious fruit. We must look to the great Author of all good for substantial enjoyment. We must implicitly obey his laws to be truly wise. The greatest men who have ever graced the stage of action fully recognized the power and feared to offend the great Jehovah. The Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution were constantly under the influence of this salutary principle. This is inferred from their writings, examples and the proceedings of the Continental Congress. Days of humiliation and prayer were frequently fixed and recommended by legislative proclamation by the general government and by the states.
Among those of the sages who appear to have lived in the fear of God was William Hooper, born at Boston, Massachusetts, on the 17th of June 1742. He was the son of the Rev. William Hooper who came from Kelso, south of Scotland and was for many years pastor of Trinity Church in Boston. He was a man of high accomplishments, a finished scholar, a learned theologian, an eloquent preacher, a devoted Christian, a useful and beloved pastor. Being of a slender constitution William received the first rudiments of his education from his father. At the age of seven he entered the school of Mr. Lovell where he remained eight years. He then became a student of Harvard University. His talents were of a high order—his industry untiring. He was ever averse to fleeting pleasures and trifling amusements. During vacation he explored his father's library instead of indulging in a relaxation from study and mingling in the convivial circle. He had a great taste for the classics and belles lettres. He paid close attention to elocution and composition. He aimed at refinement in everything.
He graduated in 1760 and commenced the study of law under James Otis one of the most distinguished counsellors of that time. From the piety he had exhibited from his youth his father had hoped he would incline to the pulpit but freely yielded to his choice. He was a thorough law student and was admitted to the Bar richly laden with the elements of his profession. By several wealthy connections residing in Wilmington, North Carolina, he was induced to locate at that place where he soon obtained a lucrative business. To convince the people that he contemplated a permanent residence and a fulfilment of all the noble designs of his creation—he married Anna Clark, a lady of unusual accomplishments, strength of mind and high attainments. His legal fame rose rapidly upon a substantial basis. In 1768 he was employed to conduct several important public trials which he managed with so much skill and address as to place him in the first rank of able advocates. He was treated with marked attention by Governors Tryon and Martin and by Chief Justice Howard. His estimable character, superior talents and extensive influence were worth securing for their royal master. The ulterior object they had in view it required no Daniel to interpret. Mr. Hooper was one who had no price. He was not a man of principle according to his personal interest but a noble patriot of the first water. He had received his legal education in Boston where the designs of the British ministers had been probed for years. He had imbibed liberal views, was a friend to equal rights and had planted himself upon the firm basis of eternal justice from which flattery could not seduce or dangers drive him.
Previous to the Revolution he gave a sample of his moral and personal courage worthy of record. In 1766 a dangerous association was formed in North Carolina calledRegulators—composed mostly of poor, ignorant, desperate men who were led by those of more intelligence but with baser hearts who promised them large rewards in the end. They had increased so rapidly that in 1770 they amounted to three thousand. They opposed the civil authorities—drove the judges from the bench, committed personal outrages and threatened to destroy all order, defying civil and military power. Mr. Hooper took a bold stand against them—advised a prompt attack by the military—his plan was approved—a severe battle ensued—the insurgents were dispersed and quiet restored. In 1773 he was elected to the Assembly of his province at the very time the creatures of the crown attempted to throw a ministerial coil around the people. In William Hooper they found a troublesome customer—a bold, fearless, eloquent, uncompromising opponent to their schemes of tyranny. In the legislative hall he met them with unanswerable arguments. By a series of essays he spread their designs before the people. He was no longer flattered by the crown officers but became a favorite with those he esteemed more highly—the people who returned him again to the Assembly. A question came before that body that tested the powers of Mr. Hooper. The statute creating the judiciary had expired. In framing a new one an attempt was made to model it so as to meet the designs of the British cabinet. So powerful was the influence of this friend of the people that he kept his opponents at bay and the province was a year without courts. He was then fully before his constituents the champion of equal rights. By the people he stood approved and admired.
On the 25th of August he was elected to the general Congress in which he rendered efficient services. He was one of the important committee that prepared a statement of the rights of the colonies, the manner these rights had been infringed and the most probable means of effecting their restoration. He was one of the committee that reported the statutes that affected the trade and manufactures of the colonies. Upon the report of these two committees the proceedings of that Congress were based which raises a fair presumption that the very best men were placed upon them. The next year he was returned to Congress and was chairman of a committee to prepare an address to the people of Jamaica relative to British oppression. It was written by him in a bold and vigorous style and proved conclusively that ministerial insolence was lost in ministerial barbarity—that resistance or slavery had become the issue.
On the 12th of June 1775 Mr. Hooper offered the following preamble and resolution which were passed by Congress, corroborating the intimation in the exordium to this article.
"It is at all times an indispensable duty devoutly to acknowledge the superintending providence of the great Governor of the world, especially in times of impending danger and public calamity—to reverence and adore His immutable justice as well as to implore his merciful interposition for our deliverance—therefore
Resolved—That it is recommended by Congress that the people of the American Colonies observe the 20th day of July next as a day of public humiliation, fasting and prayer."
The zeal and exertions of this ardent patriot in the glorious cause of freedom were constant and vigorous. He served industriously in committee rooms and was greatly esteemed as a forcible debater in the House. In the spring of 1776 he was a member of the conventionsthat convened at Hillsborough and Halifax in N. C. and was one of the leading and most eloquent speakers. He also prepared an address to the people of the British empire which was written with great nerve and energy. He then took his seat in Congress and boldly supported the Declaration of Independence. He had long been convinced of its necessity and rejoiced to find his views so warmly supported by the ablest men of that eventful era. When the thrilling moment arrived to take the final question his vote and signature sanctioned the bold measure.
In February 1777 he obtained leave of absence from Congress and returned to his family. When the news of the defeat of Washington at Germantown reached him he was surrounded by a circle of his friends who seemed dismayed at the intelligence. He rose calmly from his seat and earnestly remarked—"We have been disappointed but now that we have become the assailants there can be no doubt of the issue." Before his return from Congress his property at Wilmington had suffered from royal vengeance. His personal safety was then in jeopardy—he was compelled to flee to the interior to avoid the hemp. His family had removed several times. He and all the signers had made arrangements with the French minister to remove to one of the French West India islands in the event of the failure to maintain Independence. He did not return to Wilmington until it was evacuated by the enemy in 1781. During his absence his family remained exposed to the proverbial insults of his Christian majesty's officers and soldiers. He remained in the province for the purpose of rousing the people to action and was an efficient member of the new government. In 1782 he removed to Hillsborough for the purpose of resuscitating his long neglected private affairs and again took his place at the Bar. In 1786 he was appointed by Congress a member of the court organized to determine the controversy between New York and Massachusetts relative to disputed territory which was amicably settled by the parties.