Having accomplished all in his power to establish the Independence of our country La Fayette prepared to return to the bosom of his anxious family in France. He had served more than six years and expendedone hundred and forty-seven thousand dollarsin the glorious cause he had nobly, ardently, successfully espoused. He asked no pecuniary emolument at the commencement of his services—he demanded no pay—presented no account at their termination. He had a richer reward, more precious than gold—more valuable than rubies—the gratitude of the American nationdeeply felt and strongly expressed. He had the invaluable satisfaction of having contributed largely towards preparing a nursery for freemen—an asylum for the oppressed. His conduct stood approved at the dread tribunal of conscience.
"The man who stands acquitted at that fearful barHolds the first round prize the world has to give.'Tis like Heaven's sunshine—priceless."
"The man who stands acquitted at that fearful barHolds the first round prize the world has to give.'Tis like Heaven's sunshine—priceless."
At his departure he received the highest tokens of respect from Congress, the officers of the army and our nation at large. The richest blessings of a kind Providence were invoked for him. He was received with great enthusiasm on his arrival at home. He was hailed as a prominent hero of the new world—the tried friend of Liberty—the unyielding advocate of universal Freedom—the spotless patriot—the brave and skilful officer—the hope of the down-trodden and oppressed in the old world.
The success of the United States in shaking off the yoke of bondage had its influence on the nations of Europe as a natural consequence. That the people of France felt itmostis not surprising. The Frencharmy had drank freely at the fountain of Liberty that had gushed out in the United States. The holy flame of freedom was burning in their bosoms and was soon communicated to their brethren at home. The insulating fire of patriotism ran through the mass and the too resolved to be free. Unfortunately for the cause of human rights they seized upon the abstract principles of Liberty without learning the art of self-government. They plucked the fruit before it was ripe—it disorganized their system producing a raging fever and wild delirium. So rapidly did the excitement rise that it was found necessary to convene the States General—an assembly that had slumbered 172 years—the dernier resort of that nation to suppress internal commotion. It consisted of deputies chosen by the nobility, clergy and common people. So terrific was the storm of passion that this august body trembled like a reed shaken by the wind. Anarchy mounted its desolating car—mad ambition rolled its mountain waves over reason and justice—malicious jealousy sought its victims in every avenue—Jacobinism reared its hydra head—the fountain of mercy was dried up—the bloody guillotine did its fearful work. Civil war raged in all the plenipotence of exterminating revenge—cruelty ceased only for the want of victims—the streets were deluged with purple current. Such are the outlines of the first French Revolution. The picture is filled with darker shades.
Amidst this scene of dreadful carnage—this tornado of angry passions—La Fayette stood calm and undismayed. He commanded the military and had their confidence. At one bold stroke he might have cut off the cold hearted Robespierre—the cruel Mirabeau—the treacherous Duke of Orleans—the ambitious Paine—the bloody Nero—Murat. Under Washington and from his own innate goodness he had learned to soar above revenge and practice humanity. For some time he paralyzed the efforts of the various factions and succeeded in giving France a constitution approximating towards republicanism. But the typhoid of faction had become too firmly fixed on the body politic to be arrested in its sanguinary career by this panacea. It gathered new strength as it advanced. The awful whirlpool of boiling passion was fast drawing La Fayette to its vortex of destruction. The National Assembly yielded and became subservient to the Jacobins. Plans were suggested by which to rid themselves of the man they most dreaded. At this alarming crisis he exhibited moral and physical courage without a parallel. He repaired to the National Assembly and in language bold and strong portrayed the conduct of those whose wild ambition had brought upon France threatened ruin and impending destruction. His dignified manner, unanswerable logic, powerful eloquence, stern integrity, open frankness, anxious solicitude and noble boldness filled the delegates and leading Jacobins with awe and astonishment. They believed he had an armed force within call to protect him. When he had finished his address he immediately withdrew and resumed the command of the army then marching against the Austrian Netherlands. Learning that he had gone, the National Assembly became so courageous that they proscribed him and set a price upon his head. Finding the wild disorder of his country beyond his control and his life in jeopardy, he resolved to fly to the United States. With an aching heart he left, with seven companions. In their flight they fell into the hands of the Prussians and were delivered over to the Austrians. After enduring every indignity and insult La Fayette was thrown into a loathsome dungeon at Olmutz where a bed of rotten straw, a broken chair and an old table constituted all the furniture of his wretched apartment. There he suffered by privations and disease—neglected and alone until he was so reduced that the hair fell from his head and death seemed sure of an early victim. At the same time his estate was confiscated by the Jacobins and his amiable wife thrown into prison. To advocate him in France was a sure passport to the bloody guillotine.
England, the United States and several other governments looked upon the incarceration of La Fayette as a violation of the laws of nations, of common justice and humanity. Washington and many others made great exertions to obtain his release. The Emperor of Austria was inexorable. The staple of his mind was adamant—he delighted in human misery. He had caged the European Eagle of Liberty determined to immolate him slowly but surely on the altar of revenge and crush the embryo buds of liberal principles in the old world. A bold but unsuccessful attempt to rescue the prisoner was made by Col. Huger and Dr. Bollman of South Carolina. Its history is full of thrilling interest and does great credit to the heads and hearts of its persevering and ingenious authors.
The amiableness and dignity of Madame La Fayette forced respect from the bloodthirsty Jacobins who ultimately released her. Learning the forlorn condition of her husband her native tenderness rushed upon her noble soul like a mighty flood. She at once resolved to fly to him and share in all the vicissitudes that awaited him. With her two daughters she left France in disguise and arrived safe at Olmutz. Her application to see her husband could not be granted unless she consented never to leave the prison after entering it. With this inhuman decree she cheerfully complied. The most brilliant imagination can but faintly conceive—the strongest language can never portray to thelife the thrilling—the melting scene that followed. The sunburnt cheeks of the soldiers who guarded the prison were flooded with the tears of sympathy and compassion. With the two pledges of their love Madame La Fayette passed the grating iron doors. The next moment she was clasped in the arms of the companion of her youth.My loyal husband—was all she could utter.My dear father—burst from his angelic daughters as they clung around his emaciated form.My dear wife—my lovely daughters—passed his trembling lips in broken accents—a flood of tears from each told a tale of mingling woes and joys in the language of that mute eloquence which casts words into the shade. That scene can never be presented in full original force by the finest touches of the painter's pencil—the boldest stroke of the poet's pen—the loftiest flights of historic eloquence. At that meeting with his family the situation of La Fayette in prison was more enviable than that of a king of nations or a conqueror of worlds. The ministering angel—woman—can convert a dungeon into a paradise and light up a smile in the deepest aspect of woe. Without her earth would be desolate—man miserable—a savage.
With Christian fortitude and heroic patience this affectionate family bore their privations and sufferings. Madame de Stael has well observed—"Antiquity offers nothing more admirable than the conduct of Gen. La Fayette, his wife and daughters in the prison of Olmutz."
Fresh exertions were made to obtain the release of these innocent sufferers. The question was agitated in the United States Congress and in the House of Commons in England. Nothing could move the obdurate heart of the tyrant who held them. They seemed doomed to waste away their lives in that loathsome dungeon. God had otherwise determined. The time was rolling on rapidly when they should be restored to liberty, their friends and their home. The conquering Bonaparte humbled the proud and cruel Emperor and compelled him to release these illustrious prisoners. In the treaty of Campo Formio in 1797 it was expressly stipulated that all the French prisoners at Olmutz should be immediately liberated. The Emperor of Austria attempted to impose restrictions on the future conduct of the Marquis. Amidst all his sufferings his dignity and liberal principles remained unimpaired. He spurned all conditions of a restrictive nature. His unconditional release occurred on the 25th of August 1797 when he and his family again inhaled the exhilarating atmosphere of Freedom. He had been in prison five years. His noble wife and affectionate daughters had shared with him the miseries of a damp dungeon twenty-two months. The release of these prisoners is one of the brightest stars in the diadem of Bonaparte.
When the French nation became more tranquil La Fayette and his family returned to the land of their birth. He located at La Grange and soon gained a salutary influence over those around him. He did all in his power to promote the interests of his country and the cause of human rights. Although he was truly grateful to Bonaparte for his release from a gloomy dungeon he believed he owed a duty to his nation paramount to all private considerations. He opposed all his measures that he considered dangerous to the prosperity and happiness of France. From the time of his return to that of his last illness, La Fayette took a conspicuous part in the civil and military departments of his country. With an Argus eye he watched her destinies through all her convulsing changes. The smiles of princes and the huzzas of the multitude could not flatter him—the miseries of a dungeon and frowns of tyrants could not depress him. Without those brilliant talents that dazzle and captivate every beholder, like his revered Washington he possessed an uncommon share of sound common sense, a clear head, a good heart, a discriminating judgment that gave him a more universal influence than any man then in Europe. His magic power over the enraged populace of Paris during the Three Days' Revolution of 1830 has no parallel when we consider the effervescent nature of the French people. In the short period of seventy-two hours he restored tranquillity—formed a new government and commenced a new era in the history of that impulsive nation. He could then have been crowned King of France. To him crowns were empty bubbles, expanding only to burst—airy phantoms, formed to allure for a time—then vanish in abdication, chaos or blood.
When he visited our country in 1824 his reception at every point was an earnest of the deep feeling of gratitude that pervaded the bosoms of our people. The presence of no man ever elicited more enthusiastic joy in any country. During his stay party spirit retired to its lair—all united in paying the profoundest respect to the benefactor of our nation—the companion of Washington—the noble philanthropist. In every crowd La Fayette sought his surviving companions in arms who had fought and bled by his side in the glorious cause of American Independence. When he met them the scene was always interesting—sometimes affecting. In some instances a simultaneous rush to each other at the moment of recognition and the eloquent tears that rolled down their veteran cheeks told what was passing in their kindred hearts more strongly than words can express. It affords me great pleasure to state—that the finances of our government were such at that time and the liberality of Congress in such a state of expansion that La Fayette was remunerated for hisservices and the large amount of money expended in obtaining our Independence—reversing the adage—Republics are always ungrateful. When he departed from our shores—bid a last farewell to his American friends and our country—he left a painful vacuum in the hearts of millions that was not speedily supplied. He was emphatically a man whom the people admired, loved, and delighted to honor. He arrived safely in France and continued to watch over her interests until the 18th of May 1834 when he took a violent cold in following on foot the remains of the patriot Dulong, to Pere le Chaise, or Garden of the Tombs. So violent was his illness that it baffled all medical skill and ended his eventful and useful life on the 21st of May 1834. He died in full faith of a blissful immortality in a better and brighter world. He expired at his hotel in Paris.
The pageant of his funeral was of the most imposing character. He was a member of the Chamber of Deputies at the time of his decease. The marked attention and mingling tears of the members of that body—the deep lamentations of the French and American people—the demonstrations of grief by every civilized nation on receiving intelligence of his death—combined to show the high estimation in which he was held by the old and new world.
The grateful memory of La Fayette is held sacred by every friend of Liberty. His history has no parallel on the Eastern continent. His career was not tarnished with bold strides of misguided ambition or base attempts at self-aggrandizement. He was consistent to the last. Compared with his—all borrowed greatness is an empty show. Unblemished virtue marked his bright career—philanthropy his whole course—integrity his entire conduct—justice his every action. A calm resignation to the will of God under all circumstances and a confiding trust in His wisdom added a more brilliant lustre to all his noble and amiable qualities. Unborn millions will read his biography and sing the praises of this great and good man. He has left examples of human conduct worthy the contemplation and imitation of all who move in the private or public walks of life. His influence did not terminate with his existence. Ages to come will be benefited by the rich fruits of his useful and monitory life. The sweet incense offreedomwill continue to ascend from his hallowed grave in cerulean perfumes with increasing fragrance until the old world shall be revolutionized, regenerated andfree. Coming generations will gaze upon the bright picture of his history with enrapturing delight—the holy flame of patriotism and the pale torch of Liberty now glimmering in the old world will be replenished at the sacred tomb ofLa Fayette.
Theactions of men cannot be well understood without a thorough knowledge of human nature. We must trace the map of the immortal mind, learn the avenues of its circuit, follow it through the regions of revolving thought, become familiar with the passions that influence and control it—learn its natural desires, innate qualities, springs of action—its multifarious combinations. We must understand its native divinity, earthly frailty, malleability, expansions, contractions and its original propensities. In addition to all this knowledge, to judge correctly of the actions of an individual we must know the predominants and exponents of his mind—the impress it has received from education, the motives that impelled him to action, his propulsive and repulsive powers, the ultimatum of his designs and his ulterior objects. With all these guides we may still become involved in error unless we move within the orbit of impartiality, divest ourselves of all prejudice and have our judgments warmed by the genial influence of heaven-born charity. With all these lights we should never pass judgment of censure upon any person unless the good of community requires it or a court of justice demands it. Could this rule be strictly adhered to by individuals and the press—rays of millenial glory would burst upon the wilderness of mind and cause it to bud and blossom as the rose. A peaceful and quiescent rest would calm the angry feelings and boiling passions of men, daily lashed to a foaming fury by the unnecessary and often erroneous expressed opinions of others. On this point the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution were examples worthy of imitation. Each one held most sacred the reputation of his co-workers. The few violations of this principle were frowned upon with an indignity that gave the recusants the Belshazzar trembles.
Among them no one was more tender of character than Francis Lightfoot Lee. He was the son of Thomas Lee—born in Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the 14th of October 1734. He was the brother of Richard Henry Lee whose eloquence rose higher but whose reflections were no deeper than those of Francis. In childhood he was admired for his docility and amiable deportment—in youth he was the pride of every circle in which he moved and when manhood dawned upon him he exhibited a dignity of mind and maturity of judgment that all delighted to honor.
He was educated by the Rev. Mr. Craig a Scotch clergyman ofhigh literary attainment and profound erudition. Under his tuition the germs of knowledge took deep root in the prolific mental soil of young Lee and produced plants of rapid and luxuriant growth. The Scotchliteratiare remarkable for deep investigation, thorough analyzation and lucid demonstration. I have never met one who was a pedant, a vain pretender or a superficial scholar. Under such an instructor the intellectual powers of Francis assumed a vigorous and healthful tone that placed him upon the substantial basis of useful knowledge and enduring fame. He was delighted with the solid sciences and spent less time in the bowers of Belles Lettres than his Ciceronean brother. The history of classic Greece and Republican Rome enraptured his mind with the love of liberty and liberal principles. He read closely, thought deeply and investigated thoroughly. He prosecuted his studies with untiring industry and became an excellent scholar without the advantages of European seminaries to which most of the sons of wealthy men were then sent to complete their education. Imitating the examples of his elder brothers who had received the highest polish of English gentilesse and French etiquette he became a polished gentleman in his manners. Raised in the midst of affluence, actuated by the purest ethics, free from a desire to participate in the follies of the world, living in the peaceful enjoyment of those refined pleasures that promote felicity without enervating the body or corrupting the heart, the favorite of his numerous acquaintances—his earthly happiness was of the purest kind. His mind richly stored with scientific theory and with correct moral and religious principles, he entered the school of experience and became emphatically a practical man. Possessed of an ample fortune he could devote his time to what he deemed most useful. Having early imbibed a love for rational liberty and having fully canvassed the conduct of the British ministry towards the American Colonies, Mr. Lee resolved to oppose the encroachments of the king upon the rights clearly guaranteed by the English constitution. He could not consent that the trappings of the crown, the pomp of the courts, the extravagance of the ministry and the expenses of the Parliament of Great Britain should be borne by the yoemanry of America who were eloigned from the protection and fraternal feeling of that power, deprived of participating in legislation, subject to the caprice of every new cabinet created by the King, dragged from their native homes to be tried by a foreign jury, oppressed by the insolence of hireling officers, driven from under the mantle of constitutional rights and treated as mere vassals of the mother country.
In 1765 he was elected to the house of Burgesses to represent Loudoun county where his estate was situated. He at once took abold stand in favor of rational Liberty. Blessed with a strong and investigating mind, a deep and penetrating judgment, a clear and acute perception, a pure and patriotic heart, a bold and fearless disposition—he became one of the most efficient advisers in the legislative body. He continued to represent Loudoun county until 1772 when he married the estimable Rebecca—daughter of Col. Taylor of Richmond county where he located permanently. The same year he was elected from his new district and continued to do good service in the house of Burgesses until he repaired to the Continental Congress. Amidst the gathering storm of the Revolution and the trying scenes that accumulated thick and fast around him—he stood unmoved and undismayed. He advocated every measure calculated to promote the independence of his country and was prolific in plans for the accomplishment of that much desired object. As a member of committees he had no superior. He was familiar with every form of government and understood well the rights conferred by Magna Charta and the British constitution. He was prepared to act advisedly and was resolved to resist unto blood the illegal advances of the designing and avaricious ministry. He made no pretensions to oratory, seldom spoke in public but when so highly excited as to rise he poured upon his opponents a flood of keen and withering logic that often made them quail.
On the 15th of August 1775 Mr. Lee was elected to the Continental Congress. A more expansive field was then opened before him. To do or die—to live in chains or peril everything for Liberty had become the dilemma. Columbia's soil had been saturated with the blood and serum of Americans shed by the very men who had been cherished by their bounty and fed by their labor. The dim flickerings of hope for redress and conciliation were fast expiring in the socket of forbearance. The great seal of the compact had been broken by the British ministry—the last petitions, addresses and remonstrances were prepared—the final course for the Colonies to pursue was soon to be determined. Inglorious peace or honorable war were the two propositions. In favor of the last Mr. Lee put forth the strong energies of his mind. Eternal separation from England and Independence for America could only satisfy his views. Being upon numerous committees his influence was strongly felt. Liberty had become adesideratumwith him. When the proposition of final separation from the mother country was submitted by his brother his soul was raised to the zenith of patriotic feeling. When the Declaration of Rights was adopted his mind was in an ecstacy of delight. His influence, vote and signature told how pure and strong were his desires in its favor.
He rendered essential aid in framing the Articles of Confederation that governed Congress and the Colonies during the Revolution. This was a subject of great delicacy and labor. Besides the work of the committee it passed through thirty-nine discussions in the House. He contended that the rights of contiguous fisheries and the free navigation of the Mississippi river should be incorporated in the claims of the United States in all propositions of peace. The wisdom and sagacity of his position are now fully demonstrated. It was then opposed by some and not duly appreciated but by few.
Mr. Lee was continued in Congress up to 1779 when he declined a re-election and retired from the public arena to scenes more congenial to him but less beneficial to the deliberations of the august body he had long graced with his wisdom. His enjoyment of domestic life was transient. Contrary to his wishes he was elected to the legislature of his native state and repaired to the post of duty. After aiding in removing the perplexing difficulties that embarrassed the government of the Old Dominion he again retired to the peaceful retreat of private life where he remained until April 1797 when he was summoned to appear forthwith at the Bar of the God he loved and had honored through life. Calm and resigned he bowed submissively to the messenger who bore the mandate—bid his friends an affectionate farewell and took his departure triumphing in faith with a full assurance of a joyful reception in a brighter and better world. He died of pleurisy and was followed in a few days by his wife. They had no children but their graves were moistened by the tears of numerous relatives and friends.
In public life Mr. Lee was eminently useful—his private worth shone with equal brilliancy. Always chaste, cheerful, amusing and instructive—he delighted every circle in which he moved. Wealthy, benevolent and liberal—he was the widow's solace, the orphan's father and the poor man's friend. Kind, affectionate and intelligent—he was a good husband, a faithful companion and safe counsellor. Polished, urbane and gentlemanly—his manners were calculated to refine all around him. Moral, discreet and pious—his precepts had a salutary influence upon the minds of all who heard them and were not callous to good advice. He spurned the slanderer, kindly reproved the vicious and by counsel and example disseminated the principles of morality and religion. He was a bright model of human excellence.
It has been erroneously stated that he was unfriendly to Washington. The mistake of the writer probably arose from incorrectly associating Gen. Charles Lee, who came from Wales in 1773, with theLees of Virginia and who was suspended from his command one year for disobedience to orders at the battle of Monmouth. He was a brave officer and only made a small mistake which he deeply regretted. The approval of the sentence was voted for in Congress by Francis. After the adoption of the Federal Constitution he was asked his opinion upon it. His answer shows his confidence in Washington. "I am old and do not pretend to judge these things now but one thing satisfies me it is all right—General Washington is in favor of it and John Warden is opposed to it." Warden was opposed to our Independence.
Let the shining examples of Mr. Lee be reflected forcibly on our minds and lead us to do all the good in our power whilst we live and prepare for a peaceful and happy exit from the abysm of time.
Rhetoric, as defined in the lexicons, as taught in the schools, as practised in times of peaceful leisure—is not the kind that graced the forum during the American Revolution. No studied or written speeches were then crowded upon the audience to kill time or gain popularity. Judge McKean remarked just before his death—"I do not recollect any formal speeches, such as are made in Parliament and our late Congresses. We had no time to hear such speeches—little for deliberation—action was the order of the day."
School eloquence is very different from native heart-thrilling soul-stirring rhetoric. The former is like the rose in wax without odor—the latter like the rose upon its native bush perfuming the atmosphere with the rich odors distilled from the dew of heaven. The former is the finely finished statue of a Cicero or Demosthenes, more perfect in its lineaments than the original—the latter is the living man animated by intellectual power—rousing the deepest feelings of every heart—electrifying every soul as with vivid lightning. The former is a picture of the passions all on fire—the latter is the real conflagration pouring out a stream of impassioned words that burn like liquid flames bursting from a volcano. The former brings the fancy of an audience into playful action—the latter sounds an alarum that vibrates through the tingling ears to the soul and drives back the rushing blood upon the aching heart. The former moves the cerebral foliage in waves of recumbent beauty like a gentle wind passing over a prairie of tall grass and flowers—the latter strikes a blow that resounds through the wildernessof mind like rolling thunder through a forest of oaks. The former fails when strong commotions and angry elements agitate the public peace—the latter can ride upon the whirlwind of faction, direct the tornado of party spirit and rule the storm of boiling passion. This was the only kind of eloquence practised by the Sages and Heroes who achieved our Independence. At such times school elocution is a mockery—a vain show that disgusts men when the fate of millions is suspended by a single hair. At such a crisis the deep fountains of the soul are broken up and gush out in living streams of natural overwhelming eloquence.
Among the powerful orators of '76 was Richard Henry Lee, son of Thomas Lee, born in Westmoreland County, Virginia, on the 20th of January 1732. His ancestors were among the early settlers of the Old Dominion and were prominent in directing the destiny of the Colony. They were men of liberal principles and at all times promptly resisted every encroachment upon their rights. The arbitrary power exercised by Charles I. over his European subjects which hurled him from his throne, was resisted by the Lees. When Cromwell assumed the crown he was never recognised by Virginia. The mandate that proclaimed the second Charles King—originated with Lee and Berkley of the Old Dominion. The plan of ultimate Independence was cherished by the elder Lees. Through the bright vista of the future they contemplated the millennium of Freedom in America. So strongly impressed was the father of Richard Henry with this idea that he fixed in his mind the location of the seat of government and purchased lands in the vicinity of Washington. By some historians this act is called a paradox that philosophy has been perplexed to explain. To my mind the solution has no perplexity. A man of deep reflection and large intelligence does not draw his conclusions alone from present appearances. He compares the past with the present and makes deductions for the future. The historic map of the world is covered with the rise, progress and extinction of nations, kingdoms and empires. From the causes and effects delineated upon the same map, it was the natural conclusion of a penetrating mind that the expansive territory of this country, with all the bounties of nature lavished upon it, must eventually become so densely populated that its physical force would be too powerful for any European country to hold dominion over it. The geographical centre was also plain as the settlements were then progressing. This prophecy, as it has been termed, was the result of deep thought arriving at conclusions drawn from the unerring laws of nature, showing that Mr. Lee possessed an analyzing mind that moved in an extensive orbit.
Richard Henry Lee commenced his education at Wakefield, Yorkshire, England and remained in that kingdom until he completed it. He returned a finished scholar, an accomplished gentleman with a reputation untarnished by vice or folly. From his childhood honesty and morality were his darling attributes—he delighted in reposing under the ethic mantle. During his absence his innate republicanism did not become tinctured with the farina of European courts or the etiquette of aristocracy. In classic history he found the true dignity of man portrayed—his inalienable rights delineated. In the philosophy of Locke he saw the rays of light reflected upon human nature—the avenues of the immortal mind opened to his enraptured vision. In the Elements of Euclid the laws of demonstration were presented to his delighted understanding and gave fresh vigor to his logical powers. Endowed with these qualifications he was prepared to enter upon the great theatre of public action and adorn the circle of private life.
His first public act was in raising a company of troops and tendering his services to Gen. Braddock. That proud Briton considered the Provincials puerile and declined the proffered aid. His fate is a matter of history. In 1757 Mr. Lee was appointed a Justice of the Peace and President of the Court. Shortly after he was elected to the House of Burgesses and made himself thoroughly acquainted with the laws of legislation and government—the true policy and various interests of the colony and with the rules of parliamentary proceedings. Retarded by an almost unconquerable diffidence, he took very little part in debate at first. It was not until he became excited by a subject in which he felt a deep interest that his Ciceronean powers were developed. A bill was before the House imposing a duty on the importation of slaves into Virginia—virtually amounting to a prohibition. It was strongly opposed by several influential members. Mr. Lee became roused and poured upon his astonished audience such a flood of burning eloquence against the importation of human beings to be made slaves, that his opponents trembled as they listened. In vivid colors he painted the cruelties of Cortes in South America, the Saracens in Spain and passed through the dark catalogue of monsters who had disgraced humanity with barbarism—then pointed his colleagues to the darker blot—the more barbarous practices that branded with infamy the unhallowed slave-trade then monopolized by mother Britain. He pointed to the bloody scenes of other times when the physical force of the slaves had enabled them to rise and crush their masters at one bold stroke. By stopping the traffic, the evil entailed upon them might be provided for and the certain and dreadful consequences of a constant influx from Africabe warded off. His eloquence was applauded but his philanthropic views were voted down by the friends of the crown. The trade was virtually originated and long continued by Great Britain, now so loud in complaints against us for not at once providing for an evil entailed by her. Had this bill passed, her revenue would have been less and thousands of Africans left at their peaceful homes. O! shame where is thy blush!
This powerful effort raised Mr. Lee to the rank of the Cicero of America. The exposure of the base corruptions practised by Mr. Robinson, then treasurer of the Colony, was the next important service rendered by him. As this was an attack upon the aristocracy, it required much skill, boldness and sagacity to introduce the probe successfully. This he did in a masterly manner and proved clearly that the treasurer had repeatedly re-issued reclaimed treasury bills to his favorite friends to support them in their extravagance by which the Colony was robbed of the amount by their payment a second time without aquid pro quo[equivalent.] For this bold act Mr. Lee was applauded by every honest man—hated and dreaded by public knaves.
When Charles Townshend laid before the British Parliament the odious and more extensive plan of taxing the American colonies which Mr. Grenville calledthe philosopher's stone, Mr. Lee was among the first to sound the alarm. Within a month after the passage of the preliminary Act in Parliament followed by a revolting catalogue of unconstitutional and oppressive laws, he furnished his London friends with a list of arguments against it sufficient to convince every reasonable man of the injustice and impolicy of the measure. When Patrick Henry proposed his bold resolutions against the Stamp Act in 1765 Mr. Lee gave them the powerful aid of his eloquent and unanswerable logic. He was very active in the formation of associations to resist the encroachments of the crown. He aided in compelling the collector of stamps to relinquish his office, deliver up his commission and the odious stamp paper. The people were advised not to touch or handle it. His pen was also ably used and produced many keen, withering, logical, patriotic, pungent essays that had a salutary influence upon the public mind. He corresponded with the patriots of New York and New England. According to the testimony of Col. Gadsden of S. C. and the public documents of that eventful era, Mr. Lee was the first man who proposed the Independence of the colonies. He had unquestionably imbibed the idea from his father whose ancestors had predicted it for the last hundred years and had probably handed it down from sire to son. In a letter from Richard Henry Lee to Mr. Dickinsondated July 25th 1768 he proposes upon all seasonable occasions to impress upon the minds of the people the necessity of a struggle with Great Britain "for the ultimate establishment of independence—that private correspondence should be conducted by the lovers of liberty in every province." His early proposition in Congress to sever the material ties was considered premature by most of the friends of Liberty. He had long nursed this favorite project in his own bosom—he was anxious to transplant its vigorous scions into the congenial bosoms of his fellow patriots.
Soon after the House of Burgesses convened in 1769, as chairman of the judiciary committee, Mr. Lee introduced resolutions so highly charged with liberal principles calculated to demolish the Grenville superstructure and reduce to dust his talismanicphilosopher's stone, that they caused a dissolution of the House and concentrated the wrath of the British ministry and its servile bipeds against him. The rich fruits of their persecution were the formation of non-importation associations, committees of safety and correspondence and the disaffection of the English merchants towards the mother country in consequence of the impolitic measures calculated to prostrate their importing and exporting trade. Lord North now assumed the management of the grand drama of oppression and laid more deeply the revenue plan. By causing a repeal of the more offensive Acts he hoped to lull the storm of opposition that was rapidly rising and prepare for more efficient action. Had the Boston Port Bill been omitted his dark designing treachery might have succeeded more triumphantly. This fanned the burning flame of resentment to a white heat. It spoke in language too plain to be mistaken—too strong to be endured.
In 1774 Mr. Lee was a delegate to the Congress convened at Philadelphia. At that memorable meeting he acted a conspicuous part. After Patrick Henry had broken the seal that rested on the lips of the members as they sat in deep and solemn silence, he was followed by Mr. Lee in a strain ofbelles-lettreseloquence and persuasive reasoning that took the hearts of his audience captive and restored to a calm the boiling agitation that shook their manly frames as the mountain torrent of Demosthenean eloquence was poured upon them by Henry. He was upon the committee that prepared an address to the king—the people of Great Britain and to the Colonies. Those documents were written by him and adopted with but few amendments. He was upon the committee that prepared the address to the people of Quebec and upon the committee of rights and grievances and non-intercourse with the mother country. In the warmth of his ardor he proposed severalresolutions that were rejected because considered premature at that time—not that the purity of his motives were doubted. Many of the members still hoped that timely redress of grievances would restore peace. They had clearly and forcibly set forth their complaints and desires and could not yet be persuaded that ministers were madly bent on ruin. For solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity and wisdom of conclusion—the proceedings of that Congress stand without a parallel upon the historic page. So thought Lord Chatham, Burke and many of the wisest English statesmen at that time.
In 1775 Mr. Lee was unanimously elected to the Virginia Legislature where the same zeal for Liberty marked his bold career. He received a vote of thanks for his noble course in Congress and was made a delegate for the next session. A more congenial field now opened for this ardent patriot. Temporizing was no longer the order of the the day. Vigorous action had become necessary. His zeal and industry had ample scope. With all his might he entered into the good work. Upon committees—in the house, everywhere he was all activity. In 1776 he was a member of Congress. In obedience to the instructions of the Virginia Legislature and his long nursed desires, on the 7th of June he rose amidst the assembled patriots of the nation in the Hall of Liberty and offered the resolution for the adoption of a Declaration of Independence. This resolution he enforced by one of the most brilliant and powerful displays of refined and forcible eloquence ever exhibited in our country. On the 10th of the same month he was called home by the illness of his family which prevented him from taking his place as chairman of the committee upon his resolution agreeably to parliamentary rules. Mr. Jefferson was put in his place. The wrath of British power against him was now at its zenith. During his short stay at home an armed force broke into his house at night and by threats and bribes endeavoured to induce his servants to inform them where he could be found. He was that night a few miles distant with a friend. They were told he had gone to Philadelphia.
In August he returned to Congress and most gladly affixed his name to that sacred instrument upon which his imagination had feasted for years. He continued at his post until June 1777 when he returned home to confute a base slander charging him with unfaithfulness to the American cause in consequence of having received rents in kind instead of Continental money. He was honorably acquitted by the Assembly and received a vote of thanks from that body for his fidelity and industry in the cause of freedom—rather a cooler to his semi-tory enemies. During the two ensuing years his bad health compelled him to leaveCongress several times, but his counsel was at the command of his colleagues at all times. Nothing but death could abate his zeal in the good cause.
The portals of military glory were now opened to Mr. Lee. He was appointed to the command of the militia of his native county and proved as competent to wield the sword and lead his men to action as he was to command an audience by his powerful eloquence. Defeated in the north the British made a rush upon the Southern States. Whenever they approached the neighbourhood under the charge of Mr. Lee they found his arrangements a little too precise for their convenience and abandoned their visits entirely. In 1780-1-2 he served in the Virginia legislature. The proposition of making paper bills a legal tender—of paying debts due to the mother country and of a general assessment to support the Christian religion—were then before the House and excited great interest. Mr. Lee advocated and Mr. Henry opposed them. From the necessity of the case he was in favor of the first. Upon the sacredness of contracts he based his arguments in favor of the second and from ethics he drew conclusions in favor of the last. He said refiners might weave reason into as fine a web as they pleased but the experience of all time had shown religion to be the guardian of morals. He contended that the declaration of rights was aimed at restrictions on the form and mode of worship and not against the legal compulsory support of it. In this Mr. Lee erred. He probably had forgotten that Christ declared his kingdom was not of this world and that the great Head of the Christian religion had for ever dissolved the bans of church and state by that declaration. In other respects the position is untenable in a republican government and can never promote genuine piety in any.
In 1784 he was again elected to Congress and chosen President of that body. At the close of the session he received a vote of thanks for the faithful and able performance of his duty and retired to the bosom of his family to rest from his long and arduous toils. He was a member of the Convention that framed the Federal Constitution and took a deep interest in the formation of that saving instrument. He was a U. S. Senator in the first Congress that convened under it and fully sustained his previous high reputation. Infirmity at length compelled him to bid a final farewell to the public arena. His last public services were rendered in the legislature of his own state. On his retirement a most flattering resolution of thanks for his numerous valuable services was passed by that body on the 22d of October 1792. He then retired to the peaceful shades of Chantilly in his native countycrowned with a chaplet of amaranthine flowers emitting rich odors lasting as time. There he lived—esteemed, beloved, respected and admired until the 19th of June 1794 when the angel of death liberated his immortal spirit from its clay prison—seraphs conducted his soul to realms of bliss there to enjoy the reward of a life well spent.
Mr. Lee was a rare model of human excellence and refinement. He was a polished gentleman, scholar, orator and statesman. In exploring the vast fields of science he gathered the choicest flowers—the most substantial fruits. The classics,Belles Lettres—the elements of civil, common, national and municipal law—the principles of every kind of government were all familiar to his mind. He was ardently patriotic, pure and firm in his purposes, honest and sincere in his motives, liberal in his principles, frank in his designs, honorable in his actions. As an orator the modulation of his voice, manner of action and mode of reasoning were afac simileof Cicero as described by Rollin. He richly merited the appellation—Cicero of America.
His private character was above reproach. He possessed and exercised all those amiable qualities calculated to impart substantial happiness to all around him. To crown with enduring splendor all his rich and varied talents—he was a consistent Christian—an honest man. As his dust reposes in peace let his examples deeply impress our heart: and excite us to fulfill the duties of life to the honor of ourselves, our country and our God.
Thepatriotic sages and daring heroes of the American Revolution were from different countries and of various pursuits. One feeling pervaded the bosoms and influenced the actions of all—the love ofLiberty. This main spring of action was confined to no business or profession. All classes who loved their country and hated chains flew to the rescue. Self interest lost its potent powers and thousands pledged their lives and fortunes to defend their bleeding country against the merciless oppression and exorbitant demands of an unyielding monarch. No class of men better understood the injustice of the mother country than those engaged in commerce. Many bold spirits rushed from the counting house to the forum and the field, resolved on victory or death.
Among them was Francis Lewis, born at Landaff, in the shire of Glamorgan, South Wales, March 1713. His father was an Episcopalclergyman, his mother was the daughter of the Rev. Dr. Pettingal of the same sect who officiated at Cærnarvonshire in North Wales.
Francis was an only child and lost both his parents when only fifteen. A maternal aunt, named Llawelling, became his guardian. She had him early instructed in the Cymraeg language which he never lost. He was subsequently sent to a relative in Scotland where he was taught the original Celtic language. From there he entered the Westminster school at London and became a good classical scholar. He then entered a counting house and became thoroughly acquainted with the entire routine of commercial transactions which prepared him to enter into business understandingly and with safety.
When arrived at his majority he inherited a small fortune which he laid out in merchandize and embarked for New York where he arrived in the spring of 1735. He found his stock too large for that city—entered into partnership with Edward Annesley, leaving with him a part of his goods, proceeding with the balance to Philadelphia. At the end of two years he settled permanently in New York and married Elizabeth Annesley, sister of his partner in trade. To these ancestors may be traced the numerous and respectable families of the same name now residing in and about New York.
Commercial transactions frequently called Mr. Lewis to the principal ports of Europe and to the Shetland and Orkney Islands. He was twice shipwrecked on the coast of Ireland. His great industry, spotless integrity and skill in business, gave him a high position in commercial circles, showing clearly the great advantage derived from a thorough apprenticeship in business before a young man sets up for himself.
At the commencement of the French war he was the agent for supplying the British army with clothing. At the sanguinary attack and reduction of Oswego by the French troops under Gen. Dieskau, Mr. Lewis was standing by the side of Col. Mersey when he was killed. He was taken prisoner and held a long time by the Indians enduring the severest sufferings. As a small compensation the British government granted him five hundred acres of land.
Mr. Lewis was among the early and determined opposers to the unjust pretensions of the British ministers. He was a distinguished and active member of the Colonial Congress that assembled in New York in the autumn of 1765 to devise and mature measures to effectuate a redress of injuries. A petition was prepared to the King and House of Commons and a memorial to the House of Lords. The language was respectful but every line breathed a firm determination no longer to yield to injuryand insult. The chrysalis of the Revolution was then and there formed. The eruptions of the volcano occasionally subsided but as the lava of insubordination would again burst out the crater was enlarged and the volume increased until the whole country became inundated by the terrific flood of war, red with the blood of thousands.
In 1771 Mr. Lewis visited England and became familiar with the feelings and designs of the British ministry. From that time he was fully convinced that the infant Colonies in America could never enjoy their inalienable rights until they severed the parental ties that bound them to the mother country. On all proper occasions he communicated his views to the friends of freedom and did much to awaken his fellow citizens to a just sense of impending dangers.
When it was determined to convene the Continental Congress Mr. Lewis was unanimously elected a member by the delegates convened for that purpose on the 22d day of April 1775. He immediately repaired to the Keystone city and entered upon the important duties assigned him. The following year he was continued in Congress and recorded his name upon the chart of Independence. His great experience in commercial and general business united with a clear head, a patriotic heart, a matured and reflecting mind richly stored with intelligence—rendered him a useful and influential member. As an active and judicious man on business committees he stood pre-eminent. As a warm and zealous advocate of his country's rights he had no rival.
He was continued a member of Congress to April 1779 when he obtained leave of absence. He had suffered much in loss of property which was wantonly destroyed by the British troops.
Time or angel's tears can never blot out the damning stigma that rests upon the escutcheon of Great Britain for personal abuse and the wanton destruction of private property during the Revolutionary War. Talk of savage barbarity. He is a Pagan and knows none but his own mode of warfare. England has professed to be the conservatory of Christianity for centuries. Compared with the brutality of her armies in America, looking at her in the light of even acivilizednation, savage barbarity is thrown in the distance so far that it could not be seen through a microscope of a million power.
Not content with destroying the property of Mr. Lewis, the British seized his unprotected wife and placed her in close confinement without a bed—a change of clothes—almost without food and exposed to the cowardly and gross insults of wretches who were degraded so far below the wild man of the wilderness, that could an Archimedian lever of common decency have been applied to them with Heaven for a fulcrum andGabriel to man it, they could not have been raised, in a thousand years, to the grade of common courtesy. No true American can trace the cruelties of the British troops during the times that verily tried men and women's souls, without having his blood rush back upon his aching heart—his indignation roused to a boiling heat.
Mrs. Lewis was retained in prison several months and finally exchanged, through the exertions of Gen. Washington, for a Mrs. Barrow, the wife of a British paymaster retained for the express purpose but treated in the most respectful manner and made perfectly comfortable with a respectable family. The base imprisonment of Mrs. Lewis caused her premature death.
At the close of the war Mr. Lewis was reduced from affluence to poverty. He had devoted his talents, his property to the cause of Liberty and what was infinitely more—the wife of his youth—the mother of his children had been brutally sacrificed by the hyenas of the crown. Notwithstanding these heart rending misfortunes the evening of his life was made comfortable by his enterprising children and on the 30th day of December 1803, calm and resigned, peaceful and happy, he closed his eventful and useful life.
He left a well earned fame that will survive, unimpaired, the revolutions of time. His private character was a fair unsullied sheet as pure and valued as his public life was useful and illustrious. As a man of business he stood in the front rank. He was the first merchant who made a shipment of wheat from America to Europe. He was the pioneer in the transporting trade. He was a full man in all that he undertook. His shining examples are worthy of our imitation in all the walks of a good and useful life.
Menoften originate and engage in transactions that produce results in direct opposition to their desires. Religious persecution scattered the primitive Christians to various parts of the world and instead of annihilating the doctrines of the Cross they were thus more widely spread over the earth. For the enjoyment of the liberty of conscience the emigrants to New England left their native homes. For the same reason the Huguenots of France fled before the blighting edict of Nantes in 1685, many of them settling in the city of New York. To the persecuted and oppressed—America was represented as a land of rest. Immigrants poured in upon our shores from France, Holland,Germany, England, Ireland and Scotland—among whom were many eminent for piety, intelligence and liberal principles. They were also men of courage and fortitude, at that time considered necessary requisites in the perilous undertaking of leaving the old for the new world. Among those who came to our country were men of all the learned professions, the liberal arts and sciences, trades and occupations.
Robert Livingston was the son of an eminent Scotch divine who died in 1672. Robert then came to this country and obtained a grant for the manor along the Hudson River. He had three sons—Philip, father of the present subject—Robert, grandfather of Chancellor Livingston, and Gilbert, grandfather of the Rev. Dr. John H. Livingston.
Philip, the subject of this brief sketch, was born at Albany on the 15th of January 1716. He was one of the few who enjoyed a collegiate education at that period. After his preparatory studies he entered Yale College and graduated in 1737. He had strong native talent improved by the lights of a liberal education. Religion and moral rectitude prepared him for a career of usefulness. In those days of republican simplicity and common sense the graduates of an American college did not believe themselves licensed to ride rough shod over those whose literary advantages were less—nor did they believe themselves exonerated from the field, the shop and the counting house and destined only for the learned professions. They thought it no disparagement to apply themselves to agricultural, mechanical and commercial pursuits and wear apparel spun and wove by the hands of their noble mothers and hale sisters. An enervating change is visible.
Mr. Livingston engaged extensively and successfully in mercantile business in the city of New York and became noted for punctuality, honesty and fair dealing. Reposing full confidence in his integrity,thena necessary passport to public honors, his fellow citizens elected him an alderman in 1754, which office he filled for nine consecutive years, doing much to promote the peace and prosperity of the city. In 1759 he was elected to the colonial assembly which had important business on hand. Great Britain was at war with France which brought the northern Colonies in contact with the French and Indians. Twenty thousand men were to be raised by the colonials to guard the frontier settlements and carry the war into the Canadas. The province of New York raised 2680 men and 250,000 pounds to aid in the proposed object.
Mr. Livingston took an active and judicious part in these deliberations. He introduced laws for the advancement of commerce, agriculture and various other improvements—manifesting a sound judgmentand liberal views. He was an active member on the Committee of Foreign Relations that wisely selected Edmund Burke to represent the interests of the Colony in the British Parliament. Through the lucid communications of Mr. Livingston that celebrated statesman and friend to America was made thoroughly acquainted with the situation, feelings and interests of the colonists.
After the dissolution of the Assembly by the death of George II. Mr. Livingston was elected to the one organized under the new dynasty. In 1761 he wrote an answer to the message of Lieutenant Governor Colden, pointing out, in bold but respectful language, the oppressions and infringements of the British ministry upon colonial rights. He at once became the nucleus around which a band of patriots gathered and formed a nut too hard to be cracked by the sledgehammer of monarchy. The governor uniformly dissolved the Assembly at the commencement of its session if he found a majority of the members were liberals.
In 1768 the Assembly consisted of the brightest luminaries of talent then in the Colony. Mr. Livingston was unanimously elected Speaker. Discovering that a majority of the members were not pliant enough for tools nor submissive slaves, Governor Moore dissolved them and ordered a new election. He succeeded in obtaining a majority of creeping things but patriots enough were elected to hold the minions of the crown in awe. Disgusted at the tyranny of the governor, Mr. Livingston declined a re-election in the city but was returned to the Assembly by the people upon his manor. On mature deliberation he took his seat but was objected to because not a resident of the district for which he was elected. The Argus eyes of the patriots quickly discovered that by this very plan the governor had succeeded in obtaining a majority in his favor—most of his creatures being in the same predicament. To save their own glass houses from a smash they withdrew their objection to Mr. Livingston. During the session he offered a resolution setting forth the grievances of his countrymen and the violation of chartered rights. This gave great umbrage to the adherents of the crown and they determined to expel him from his seat on the ground of his non-residence in the district he represented. This was done by a vote of 17 to 6, a very large majority of the members being in the same situation. This blind act was on par with the whole course of the infatuated ministry and their hirelings. It constituted a thread in the web that England wove to make a straight jacket for herself.
A wider field now opened for Mr. L. He was elected to the firstCongress at Philadelphia and became a brilliant star in the galaxy of national patriots. He was one of the committee that prepared the spirited address to the British nation and roused from their lethargy those whose attention had not been turned to the all important subjects then in agitation—involving a nation's rights and a nation's wrongs. He was continued a member of Congress and when the grand birthday of our nation arrived—aided in the thrilling duties of the occasion—invoked the smiles of Heaven upon the new swathed infant and gave the sanction of his name to the Magna Charta that secured to our nation a towering majesty—a sublime grandeur before unknown.
In 1777 he was a member of the convention that framed the constitution of New York. He was elected to the Senate and attended the first legislature of the empire state. The same year he was elected to Congress, then in session at York, Penn. having been compelled to flee before the conquering foe. Deeply afflicted withhydro-thorax[dropsy of the chest] he felt that his labors must speedily close. It was in the spring of 1778 when the dark mantle of gloom hung over the bleeding Colonies. Under these circumstances he was willing to devote his last hours to the interest of his beloved country. He had freely given her his best services and a large portion of his pecuniary means. His family had fled to Kingston on the approach of the enemy. He repaired there to arrange his private business in the best possible manner. He wrote a valedictory letter to his friends at Albany—urged them to remain firm in the cause of Liberty—trust in God for deliverance and bade them an affectionate—a final farewell. He then clasped his lovely wife and dear children to his bosom for the last time on earth—commended them to Heaven's guardian care—gave them a look of tenderness—a fervent kiss and was gone.
On the 5th of May he took his seat in Congress, exhausted and feeble, but determined to remain at his post until the lamp of life should burn out.
Although standing on the confines of eternity, his zeal in the cause of human rights shone brightly to the last. For himself he could not anticipate the enjoyment of the fruit of his numerous and protracted toils but for his family and his countrymen he felt deeply—hoped ardently. He had full confidence that Independence would be sustained and that a glorious Republic would rise upon the ruins of monarchy.
In June his health failed rapidly and on the 12th of that month, 1778 he yielded to the monarch Death to whom he owed a momentary allegiance—paid the debt—took a release and a passport to mansions in the skies. He was buried the same day with all the mournful honors dueto his great worth—deeply lamented by all the friends of freedom. His amiable wife was not with him but he had a friend that sticketh closer than a brother—one that had been his stay and support in every hour of trial and smoothed the pillow of death—Religion. Angels waited for the transit of his immortal soul—opened wide the gates of Heaven to let the patriot in—the King of glory decked him with a robe of white, enrolled his name in the book of life and crowned him with that peaceful rest which is the reward of a pure heart and a virtuous life.
The private character of Mr. Livingston was a continued eulogy upon virtue, philanthropy, benevolence, urbanity, integrity, nobleness, honesty, patriotism, consistency and all the leading qualities that render man dignified on earth and fit for Heaven.
His public career was an exemplification of all the noble qualities that render a patriot complete and endear him to a nation of freemen. With such men to wield the destiny of our expanding nation—our country is safe—our UNION secure.
Theprudent man soars in peerless majesty above the trifling vanities and corrupting pleasures of this world and lives in constant readiness to enter the mansions of bliss beyond this vale of tears. He regards the past, present and future in the light of Revelation and views mankind in the bright sunshine of charity—exemplifies the golden rule in his intercourse with the world. He investigates impartially, reasons logically—condemns reluctantly. Prudence is not the necessary result of shining talents, brilliant genius or great learning. A profound scholar may astonish the world with scientific discoveries—pour upon mankind a flood of light—enrapture the immortal mind with theological eloquence—point erring man to the path of rectitude and render himself powerless by imprudent conduct. One grain of prudence is of more value than a cranium crowded with unbridled genius or a flowing stream of vain wit. Dangers gather thick around the frail bark of man without it and harry him lo destruction. It is the real ballast of human life. So thought and so acted the Sages of the American Revolution, else their efforts would have been vain, their exertions powerless.
Among them stood the young patriot Thomas Lynch Jr. born on the plantation of his father on the bank of the North Santee river inthe parish of Prince George S. C. on the 5th of August 1749. His paternal ancestors were of Austrian descent and highly respectable. The direct ancestor of young Thomas removed to Kent in England, from thence to Ireland, a son of whom, Jonack Lynch, removed from Connaught to South Carolina in the early time of its settlement. He was the great grandfather of the subject of this short sketch—a man of liberal views and pure morals.
In childhood Thomas Lynch Jr. was deprived of his mother by death. At the proper age he was placed at the Indigo Society School at Georgetown, S. C. where some of the most eminent sages of the south were educated. Warmed by the genial rays of science the mind of young Lynch soon burst from its embryo state and exhibited a pleasing and luxuriant growth. His progress was rapid and highly gratifying to his anxious father whose only child he was. At the age of thirteen he entered the far famed school at Eton, Buckinghamshire, England, founded by Henry VI. At that school he commenced his classical studios. After completing his course there he was entered as a gentleman commoner in the University of Cambridge where he became a finished scholar and polished gentleman, esteemed and respected by his acquaintances. He then entered the law temple and became well versed in legal knowledge and general science and was well prepared to enter upon the great theatre of action.
During his stay he cultivated an extensive acquaintance with the whigs of England and became familiar with the designs of British ministers upon the Colonies. He investigated closely the relative situation of the two countries and came home in 1772 prepared and determined to oppose the oppressions of the crown and strike forliberty. As the dark clouds of the Revolution loomed up from the horizon and increased in fearful blackness the firmness of his purpose increased. These were fostered by his patriotic father and responded to by the people of the parish. Hand in hand, shoulder to shoulder did the sire and son march to the rescue resolved so put forth their noblest efforts to throw off the chains of tyranny.
The first attempt of this young patriot to speak in public after his return was at a large town meeting in Charleston. His father had just addressed the assembled multitude on the subject of British oppression and sat down amidst the enthusiastic cheers of his fellow citizens. His youthful son then rose. A profound silence ensued. The eyes of the dense mass were fixed upon him. For a moment he paused. The blood rushed back upon his aching heart. It returned to its thousand channels—his bosom heaved—the struggle was over—an impassionedstrain of eloquence burst from him that carried the insulating fluid of patriotism to the hearts of his astonished and delighted audience with irresistible force. Tears of joy ran down the furrowed cheeks of his father—bursts of applause from the enraptured multitude made the welkin ring. Such men could not remain slaves.
When the crisis arrived for physical action he was among the first to offer his services. In July 1775 he received a captaincy and repaired to Newbern, N. C. where he unfurled the star spangled banner and in a few weeks enlisted a full complement of men. His father objected to his acceptance of so low a grade to whom his affectionate son modestly replied—"My present command is fully equal to my experience"—a reply worthy the consideration of every young man who desires to build his fame upon a substantial basis. If a man is suddenly placed upon a towering eminence to which his is unaccustomed, the nerves of his brain must be unusually strong if he does not grow dizzy, tremble, totter—fall. If he ascends gradually—pauses at different points of altitude as he advances, he may reach the loftiest spire, preserve his equilibrium and stand in safety. Sudden elevations often prove disastrous.
On his way to Charleston with his company Capt. Lynch was prostrated by the bilious fever from which he never entirely recovered and was not able to join his regiment for several months. Soon after this he received intelligence of the dangerous illness of his father—then a member of Congress at Philadelphia. He applied to Col. Gadsden for permission to leave for that city which was refused on the ground that his services were paramount to all private considerations. His unexpected election to Congress to succeed his father, by a unanimous vote of the Assembly, enabled him to leave at once. With great diffidence he look his seat in the Congress of 1776 amidst veteran sages and statesmen whose combined talents and wisdom are without a rival on the pages of history.
On his arrival at Philadelphia he found his revered father partially relieved from a paralytic attack and in August started with him for home. They only reached Annapolis where the venerable sage died in the arms of his son.
On entering the national legislature Capt. Lynch became a bold and eloquent advocate for the Declaration of Independence and soon convinced his senior colleagues that he had a full share of wisdom to conceive, patriotism to impel and prudence to guide him in the glorious cause of freedom. He cheerfully and fearlessly affixed his name to the Magna Charta of our rights and did all in his power and more thanhis feeble health would warrant to advance the best interests of his excoriated—bleeding country. He was finally compelled to yield to increasing ill health and relinquish his honorable station.
Medical skill proved futile and as advised by his physicians, he and his accomplished wife embarked for Europe at the close of 1779 with Capt. Morgan, whose vessel was never heard from after she had been a few days at sea and then from a Frenchman who left her from some cause unexplained and went on board another vessel. Soon after he left her a violent gale came on and beyond all doubt the vessel went down with all on board. Previous to embarking he made a will bequeathing his large estate to three sisters in case of the death of himself and wife, having no children.
The private character of this worthy man was pure and in all respects amiable. Had his valuable life been spared his eminent talents and great zeal promised important services to his country and an elevated rank among the sages and patriots of the eventful era at which he commenced his brilliant but transient career. Short as was his public tenure he did enough to immortalize his name. Although his bright morning sun did not reach its meridian, its splendor contributed largely in illuminating the horizon ofLibertyand shed a rich lustre over his name that will render his memory sacred through all future time.
The brief career of Thomas Lynch Jr. admonishes us that life is held by a slender cord and that exalted talents and splendid accomplishments, like some rich flowers, often bloom just long enough to be gazed at and admired—then close up their petals and hide their beauties for ever from enraptured sight.