Mr. Hooper continued to aid in the legislation of his adopted state and pursue his profession until 1787 when his health became impaired which compelled him to retire from public life and the bar and seek that repose in domestic enjoyment that had always been more congenial to his mind than public stations however lofty. In his retirement he carried with him the esteem of his fellow citizens and the gratitude of a nation of freemen. Not a blemish soiled the bright escutcheon of his public character or private reputation. He had served his country faithfully and sacrificed his fortune on the altar of liberty. With thestrictest fidelity he had discharged the duties of husband, father, friend, citizen, lawyer, patriot, statesman. From the high eminence of conscious integrity he looked down upon a life well spent. With the eyes of faith he looked forward to a crown of unfading glory. In October 1790 he closed his eyes in death and returned to the bosom of that God whom to fear is the beginning of wisdom. Dear relatives, ardent friends and a grateful nation mourned his premature death. Mr. Hooper was of the middle height, slender and elegant in form, gentlemanly and engaging in his manners, with strangers rather reserved, with his friends frank and familiar, free from affectation, of a serious turn, at all times candid and sincere. His countenance beamed with intelligence and benignity, his powers of conversation were pleasing, instructive, chaste and classical. His habits were in strict accordance with the religion he exemplified. His disposition was benevolent, hospitable and kind. As a public speaker he was eloquent, logical, persuasive, sometimes sarcastic. As a whole he was among the best specimens of man as he comes from the clean hands of the Creator. Whilst we admire his virtues let us imitate his examples.
Consistencyis the crowning glory of meritorious fame. It is a bright jewel in the escutcheon of a name. It sheds a radiating lustre over the actions of men. "Be consistent" was a Roman motto and once guided its sages, heroes andliteratiin the path of duty—the surest path of safety. Consistency dignifies the man and prepares him for noble and god-like deeds. It is based upon wisdom and discretion—the pilot and helm of the bark of life in navigating the ocean of time. Without it the breakers of chaos, the sand bars of folly—the rocks of disaster cannot be avoided. Without it the brightness of other talents and attainments of a high order are often eclipsed by the clouds of error and obscured by the breath of ridicule. With it—mediocrity shines and enables the plough-boy of the field—the mill-boy of the slashes—the apprentice of the shop to reach the pinnacle of enduring fame and leave the indiscreet classical scholar to sink into a useless gilded ornament in the world. Dr. Young has truly said—"With the talents of an angel a man may be a fool." Consistency is susceptible of cultivation and should be kindly and earnestly pressed upon youth by parents and teachers. It is of more importance than the entire contents of the magazine of classic lore combined with an eloquence that could move the world of mankind.
The sages of the American Revolution were remarkable for consistency. Many of them rose from the humble walks of life to eminence by the force of their own exertions guided by this darling attribute and became the most useful men of that eventful epoch.
Among this class Samuel Huntington held a respectable rank. He was born on the 2d of July 1732 at Windham, Connecticut. He was the son of Nathaniel Huntington a plain farmer, who gave this son only a common English education whilst three of the others graduated at Yale College, all of whom became ministers of the gospel, one of them attaining a fair eminence as a theological writer. Their pious mother led them to the pure fountain of gospel truth and had the pleasure of seeing the four walking hand in hand towards the goal of unfading joy. Samuel followed the plough until he was twenty-two years of age. He was remarkable for industry and sterling honesty. He was an extensive reader and a close observer of men and things. His native talent was strong, his judgment clear, his reflections deep. From his childhood to his grave consistency chastened every action. This was his strong forte and insured his success through life. It was a passport beyond the power of a college to give.
Samuel Huntington went from the plough to the study of law in his father's house, loaning books from Zedekiah Elderkin of the Norwich bar. With astonishing rapidity he mastered the elementary books—was admitted and opened an office in his native town. His reputation as an honest and consistent man was already on a firm basis. His fame as a safe counsellor and able advocate soon added another story to this superstructure. He did not aim at Ciceronean power or Demosthenean eloquence but closely imitated Solon and Socrates. His manner was plain but marked by a deep sincerity that seldom fails to impress the minds of a court and jury favorably—often foiling the most brilliant displays of forensic eloquence. With his other strong qualities he combined the motive power of business—punctuality. Although he had gained a lucrative practice in his native town he removed to Norwich in 1760 where a wider field opened before him. Carrying out the principle of consistency, in 1762 he emerged from the lonely regions of celibacy with Martha, the accomplished daughter of Ebenezer Devotion and entered the delightful bowers of matrimony—thus giving him and her an importance in society unknown to single blessedness. Martha proved an amiable companion—blending the accomplishments of a lady, the industry of a housewife, the economy that enriches, the dignity of a matron—the piety of a Christian.
In 1764 Mr. Huntington was elected to the Assembly and made a very efficient member. In 1765 he was appointed king's attorney and performed the duties of that office until the pestiferous atmosphere of monarchical oppression drew him from under the dark mantle of a corrupt and impolitic ministry. In 1774 he was elevated to the bench of the Superior Court and the next year was a member of the Council of his state. When the all important subject of American rights and British wrongs came under discussion he threw the whole force of his influence in favor of the cause of equal rights. In October 1775 he took his seat in the Continental Congress and became a prominent and useful member. In January following he again took his seat in the Hall of Independence and fearlessly advocated the necessity of cutting the Gordian knot that held the Colonies to England. The solemnity of his manner, the strong force of his reasoning, the lucid demonstrations of his propositions and the unvarnished sincerity of his patriotism—were calculated to carry conviction to every heart and impart confidence to the wavering and timid. He was present at the birth of our nation on the 4th of July 1776 and aided in presenting the admired infant at the sacred font ofLibertyand became a subscribing witness to the imposing ceremonies of that eventful day. He was continued in Congress until 1781 when ill health compelled him to retire for a season.
He was a man of great industry, honesty of purpose, profound research, clearness of perception and had acquired a large fund of practical knowledge. Human nature he had studied closely. He was well versed in general business, political economy, principles of government and rules of legislation which gave him a place upon important committees. He succeeded Mr. Jay as President of Congress and so ably discharged the duties of that responsible station that when compelled to retire from ill health a vote of thanks was placed upon the record. Hoping that he might be able to return the chair was not permanently filled for a long time. During a part of theinterimof his absence from Congress he presided on the bench and was a short time in Council. In 1783 he returned to Congress and at the termination of the session declined a re-election. He had aided in finishing the mighty work of national freedom—the star spangled banner was floating in the breeze of Liberty—his country had triumphed over a merciless foe—her political regeneration had been consummated—America was disenthralled and he desired retirement from public life. This he was not permittedto enjoy. In 1784 he was appointed Chief Justice of his state—the ensuing year Lieutenant Governor and the next year was elected Governor of Connecticut, which office he held until the 5th of January 1796, when death took him from earth and its toils. He had lived the life of the righteous man—his last end was like his. He was a ripe shock full of corn—uniformly beloved in life—deeply mourned in death.
Mr. Huntington was a man of middle stature, dark complexion, keen eyes, countenance expressive, with a deportment calculated to make a favorable impression at first sight. In his life we find much to admire—nothing to condemn. His superior virtues and uniform consistency eclipsed the frailties of his nature. In the performance of all the duties of public and private life he was a model worthy of the closest imitation. From the plough in the field through his bright career to the presidential chair in Congress—to the chief magistracy of his own state—his every action was marked with consistency. His fame is based upon substantial merit—he rendered his name dear to every freeman. The history of his examples should exercise a salutary influence over the mind of every reader capable of appreciating the high importance of being consistent in all things and of perpetuating our UNION through all time.
Mobocracyis a fearful spirit that is roused to action by a greater variety of elements than either of the unfortunate propensities of human nature. Based upon the boiling anger of those who put this ball in motion—reason is dethroned—reflection paralyzed—justice unheeded—mercy banished—the laws disregarded—power defied. It is the volcano of human society—the earthquake of social order—the whirlpool of brutality—the vortex of destruction. It is fanned by fell revenge—inflamed with burning fury—propelled by reckless impulse—delights in human gore—revels in demoniac confusion—rides on the tornado of faction—snuffs the whirlwind of discord and provokes the indignation of all peaceful citizens.
Occasions rarely occur to justify these sudden demonstrations of disorder and more rarely result in good. Deliberate action is usually the best to remedy evils that exist in fact—most certainly the best to cure those that are only imaginary. Thus reasoned the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution and governed themselves accordingly. After petitions and entreaties for redress failed to remove the wrongsheaped upon them—a systematic and dignified mode of resistance was adopted—not mobocracy. They could then appeal to Heaven for the justice of their cause and elicited the admiration of gazing nations in the course they pursued.
Among those who put forth their noblest exertions to advance the interests of the cause of equal rights was William Irvine who was born near Enniskillen, Ireland, in 1742. His ancestors removed from the north of Scotland to the Emerald Isle. His grandfather was an officer in the corps of grenadiers that fought so desperately at the battle of the Boyne. The grandfather of General Wayne was a brave officer in the same service. The noble descendants of both were in the same corps in the glorious cause of American Independence.
After completing his school education Mr. Irvine became a student of the celebrated Dr. Cleghorn and proved to be an excellent surgeon and physician. On the completion of his studios he was appointed a surgeon on board a British man of war where he served for several years with great diligence and success. In 1763 he came to America and located at Carlisle, Pennsylvania. His eminent talents—professional acquirements and large experience, soon gained for him a liberal practice and proud reputation. Having no innate love for mother Britain, he was prepared to meet the fearful crisis of the American Revolution. There were numerous powerful influences in Pennsylvania adverse to war with England. There was a large number of the Society of Friends opposed to war under all circumstances, although quick to seize the benefits resulting from it. The Proprietary interests were very extensive and in favor of the crown. To rouse the people to resistance was a herculean task. In this work Mr. Irvine was active and successful. He was a member of the several preliminary conventions in the colony and became extensively influential in preparing the people for action.
In January 1776 he was commissioned to raise and command a regiment which duty he performed promptly. On the 10th of the following June he joined Gen. Thompson's brigade with his troops near the village of Trois Rivieres. A disastrous attack was immediately made upon the vanguard of the British army stationed at that place. Gen. Thompson, Col. Irvine and near two hundred subordinate officers and privates were taken prisoners and sent to Quebec. An exchange was not effected until April 1778. On his return Gen. Irvine was put in command of the second Pennsylvania brigade and continued in that position until 1781. He was then transferred to Pittsburgh and assigned to the important and delicate duty of guarding the north-western frontier. It was important because difficult to obtain supplies and was menaced with British and Indians. It was delicate because there existed strong animosities between the first inhabitants of that region and those from Western Virginia who claimed the territory occupied. Under those circumstances the appointment was a high compliment from the sagacious Washington. The happy results were a strong eulogy upon the wisdom of both. Gen. Irvine succeeded in reconciling the two contending factions—brought order out of confusion and restored harmony and good feeling among those who had long been at variance. This augmented his strength against the enemy and increased the confidence of the people in that entire section of country. He was continued in that command until the war closed and the star spangled banner waved triumphantly over the United States of America.
In 1786 Gen. Irvine was elected to Congress and proved an efficient and valuable member. He was active and useful in the board to settle the accounts between the states and the general government. He was a member of the Pennsylvania convention that sanctioned the Federal Constitution. In 1796 he was one of the commissioners who were despatched to visit the whiskey boys and endeavor to bring them back to reason, duty and safety. When it became necessary to order out a military force to quell the insurrection Gen. Irvine was put in command of the Pennsylvania troops.
A short time after he rendered this last service in the tented field he removed to Philadelphia. He there received the appointment of Intendant of military stores which office was subsequently long and ably filled by his son Callender. He was also President of the Society of Cincinnati. Peacefully and calmly Gen. Irvine glided down the stream of time until the summer of 1804 when he closed his active and useful career and took his departure for "that country from whose bourne no traveller returns." He had lived highly respected—his death was deeply mourned. His public and private reputation were untarnished—he performed all the duties of life nobly and fulfilled the great design of his creation.
{Thomas Jefferson portrait and signature}ENGRAVED BY T.B. WELCH FROM A PORTRAIT BY G. STUART.
Genuinemoral courage is a sterling virtue—the motive power of the true dignity of man. It invigorates the mind like a refreshing dew falling gently on the flowers of spring. It is a heavenly spark—animating the immortal soul with the fire of purity that illuminatesthe path of rectitude. It is an attribute that opposes all wrong and propels its possessor right onward to the performance of all right. Based on virtue and equity, it spurns vice in all its borrowed and delusive forms. It courts no servile favors—fears no earthly scrutiny. No flattery can seduce it—no eclat allure—no bribe purchase—no tyrant awe—no misfortune bend—no intrigue corrupt—no adversity crush—no tortures can subdue it. On its breastplate is inscribed in bold relievo—Fiat justitia—ruat calum. [Let justice be done though the heavens fall.] Without it, fame is ephemeral—renown transient. It is the saline basis of a good name that gives enduring richness to its memory. It is a pillar of light to revolving thought—the polar star that points to duty, secures merit and leads to victory. It is the soul of reason—the essence of wisdom—the crowning glory of mental power. It was this that nerved the leaders of the American Revolution to noble and god-like action.
In the front rank of this band of patriots stood Thomas Jefferson, who was born at Shadwell, Albemarle County, Virginia, on the 24th of April 1743. His ancestors were among the early pioneers of the Old Dominion and highly respectable. They were Republicans to the core—in affluent circumstances and exercised an extensive and happy influence.
Thomas was the son of Peter Jefferson, a man much esteemed in public and private life. The liberal feelings imbibed from him by this son were conspicuous at an early age. From his childhood the mind of Thomas Jefferson assumed a high elevation took a broad and expansive view of men and things.
He was educated at the college of William and Mary and was always found at the head of his class. Untiring industry in the exploration of the fields of science marked his collegiate career. He analyzed every subject he investigated, passing through the opening avenues of literature with astonishing celerity. His mind became enraptured with the history of classic Greece and republican Rome. Improving upon the suggestions of liberal principles found in the classics, he early matured his political creed and opposed every kind of government tinctured with the shadow of monarchy, hierarchy or aristocracy.
After completing his collegiate course he commenced the study of law under Chancellor Wythe, whose liberal views were calculated to mature and strengthen those already preponderating in the mind of Jefferson. With regard to the oppressions of the mother country—the justice and necessity of resistance by the Colonies, their kindred heartsbeat in unison. By a thorough investigation of the principles of law and government, Jefferson became rapidly prepared to enter upon the great theatre of public life—the service of his injured country. Planting himself upon the broad basis of Magna Charta—encircling himself within the pale of the British Constitution—he demonstrated most clearly that the ministry of the crown had long been rapidly advancing beyond the bounds of their legitimate authority—exercising a tyranny over the Colonies not delegated to them by the constitution of the monarchy they represented. So luminous were his expositions of chartered rights on the one hand and accumulating wrongs on the other, that he became the nucleus of a band of patriots resolved onliberty or death.
At the age of twenty-two he was elected to the legislature which enabled him to disseminate his liberal principles throughout the Colony. He proclaimed himself the unyielding advocate of equal rights and had engraved upon his watch seal—"Resistance to tyrants is obedience to God." By his eloquence and unanswerable arguments he kindled the flame of opposition in old Virginia which increased as tyranny advanced. In 1769 a resolution was passed by the legislature—not to import a single article from Great Britain. In the advocacy of this proposition by Mr. Jefferson, the adherents of the crown were astonished at the boldness and firmness with which he exposed and laid bare the venal corruption of the British cabinet. It gave a fresh impetus to the cause of Liberty just bursting into life.
With ample pecuniary means—with talents equal to the work he had undertaken, his soul illuminated with the fire of patriotism—his indignation roused against the hirelings of the king—his sympathies excited by the sufferings of his country—his moral courage raised to the zenith of its glory—Mr. Jefferson was amply armed for the conflict and became one of the master spirits of the Revolution—a gigantic champion of universal freedom—a pillar of fire, flashing terror and dismay into the ranks of the foe.
He wrote "A Summary View of the Rights of British America"—addressed it to the king respectfully but very plainly pointed to the true position of the two countries and the final result of the policy of ministers. The following is an extract. "Open your breast, sire, to liberal and expanded thought. It behooves you to think and act for your people. The great principles of right and wrong are legible to every reader. To perceive them needs not the aid of many counsellors. The whole art of government consists in the art of being honest." The art of beinghonestin matters of government is a knotty problemfor some modern politicians to solve. Were they allhonesta political millennium would illuminate our country—bring us back to primitivetangiblelandmarks and unmask multitudes of political wolves cunningly dressed in sheep's clothing.
So exasperated was Lord Dunmore on perusing this article from the pen of Jefferson that he threatened to arrest him for high treason. Finding most of the members of the legislature, then in session, quite as treasonable in their views he at once dissolved that body.
The following year the British ministry, in answer to petitions for redress of grievances, sent to the legislature of the Old Dominion a series of propositions thattheytermed conciliatory but which added insult to injury. Their fallacy was exposed by Mr. Jefferson in such a masterly strain of eloquent burning logic and sarcasm, that conviction was carried to a large majority of his colleagues. They were referred to a committee which reported an answer written by him and was very similar to the Declaration of Independence. This reply was immediately adopted. The ball of resistance was put in motion—the electric fluid of patriotism commenced its insulating powers in the north and south—extending from sire to son, from heart to heart, until the two streams of fire met in the centre—then rising in grandeur, formed the luminous arch of Freedom—its chord extending from Maine to Georgia—its versed sine resting on the city Penn.
Under its zenith at Philadelphia, Mr. Jefferson took his seat in the Continental Congress on the 21st of June 1775. Although one of the youngest members of that venerated assembly of patriotic sages, he was hailed as one of its main pillars. Known as a man of superior intelligence, liberal sentiments, strict integrity, stern republicanism and unbending patriotism—his influence was strongly felt and judiciously exercised.
From the beginning he advocated a separation from the mother country and ably met every objection urged against it. In his view, oppression, not recognised by Magna Charta, had dissolved all allegiance to the crown—that the original contract had been cancelled on the heights of Lexington by American blood. Submission was no longer a virtue—the measure of wrongs had been overflowing for years—public sentiment demanded the sundering of the Gordian knot—a voice from Heaven proclaimed in tones of thunder—"Let my people go."
The following year the Declaration of Independence was proposed. Mr. Jefferson was appointed chairman of the committee to prepare this momentous document. The work was assigned to him by his colleagues. He performed the task with a boldness of design and beautyof execution before unknown and yet unrivalled. The substantial result of his labor has long been before the world. Admiring nations have united in bestowing the highest encomiums upon this sacred instrument. As a masterpiece of composition—a lucid exposition of the rights of man—the principles of a free government—the sufferings of an oppressed people—the abuses of a corrupt ministry and the effects of monarchy upon the destinies of man—it stands unequalled. Pure in its origin—graphic in its delineations—benign in its influence and salutary in its results—it has become the chart of patriots over the civilized world. It is thene plus ultra[nothing more beyond] of a gigantic mind raised to its loftiest elevation by the finest touches of creative Power—displaying its noblest efforts—brightest conceptions—holiest zeal—purest desires—happiest conclusions. It combines the attributes of justice—the flowers of eloquence—the force of logic—the soul of wisdom. It is the grand palladium of equal rights—the polar star of rationalLiberty—the Magna Charta of universalfreedomand has crowned its author with laurels of enduring fame.
In the autumn of 1776 Mr. Jefferson was appointed a commissioner to the court of France in conjunction with Messrs. Franklin and Deane for the purpose of forming a treaty of alliance. Ill health of himself and family and an urgent necessity for his services in his native state, induced him to decline the proffered honor and resign his seat in Congress.
He was immediately elected to the first legislature of his state convened under the new Constitution. On taking his seal in that body his attention was at once directed to the demolition of the judicial code which had emanated from the British Parliament. The work of rearing a new superstructure was mostly performed by him. The first bill he introduced was aimed at the slave trade and prohibited the farther importation of negroes into Virginia. This is a triumphant refutation of the accusation often reiterated against Mr. Jefferson—that he was an advocate of slavery. To itsprincipleshe and a large majority of the South were always opposed and submitted to itpracticallybyentail. It is a fact beyond dispute that he struck the first blow in the Colonies at the unhallowed trade ofimportinghuman beings for the purpose of consigning them to bondage. That this was the first great step to towards a correction of the most cruel feature of this system, originated by philanthropic England, is equally true. To transfer those negroes, born in the United States, from one section of this country to another, bears no comparison in cruelty to the heart-rending barbarity of forcing the African from his native home—even should he fall into the hands ofthoseemancipatorswho, instead of returning him to his native shores—put him an"apprentice"to hard labor on their own plantations. Consistency thou art a jewel rather rare. Common humanity forbids the sudden emancipation of the slaves as proposed by emissary Thompson and his converts.
Mr. Jefferson next effected the passage of bills destroying entails—primogeniture—the church as established by England and various others—assimilating the entire system of jurisprudence in the state to its republican form of government. He reported one hundred and twenty-six bills, most of which were passed and constitute the present much admired statutory code of Virginia.
In 1779 Mr. Jefferson was called to the gubernatorial chair of his native state, then surrounded by perils. The British troops, led on by the proud Tarleton and the traitor Arnold, were spreading death and devastation over the Old Dominion and contemplated the capture of the governor. Terror seized the more timid patriots—the boldest were alarmed at the approach of the merciless foe. The energy of the governor was equal to the emergency. He rallied the bone and sinew of old Virginia, who "with hearts of oak and nerves of steel," checked the enemy in their bold career of indiscriminate slaughter. He imparted confidence and vigor to the desponding and roused them to bold and noble action. He dispersed the black cloud that hung over his bleeding state and inspired the friends of liberty with cheering hopes of ultimate success. So highly were his services appreciated during the eventful term of his administration that the legislature entered upon their records a unanimous vote of thanks to him for the able and efficient manner he had discharged his public duties—highly complimenting his talents, rectitude, moral courage and stern integrity.
In 1783 he again took his seat in Congress—one of the brightest luminaries in the galaxy of statesmen. The chaste and moving address to Washington when he surrendered his commission, was from the soul-stirring pen of Jefferson. He was chairman of the committee to form a territorial government for the extensive regions of the then far west. True to his long cherished desire to ultimately emancipate the negro, he introduced a clause prohibiting slavery in any of the territories or the states that should be formed from them after 1800.
In May, 1784, he was a minister plenipotentiary in conjunction with Dr. Franklin and John Adams, with power to negotiate treaties of commerce with several European nations. In July he embarked for France and arrived in Paris on the 6th of August. During his absence he visited several foreign courts but spent most of his time in France.He commanded the highest respect and was made a welcome guest in the halls of literature, legislation and jurisprudence. Kings and courtiers treated him with profound deference and were convinced intelligence and talent were not exclusively confined to the old world.
He was in Paris when the French Revolution commenced and was often consulted by the leading members of the national convention relative to the best course to be pursued in order to establish their government upon the Republican basis. So far as was proper he gave his opinions freely in favor of rational Liberty.
He returned on the 23d of November 1789 and was received with great enthusiasm and kindness by his fellow citizens. Soon after his arrival he resigned his ministerial commission and became Secretary of State under President Washington. The appointment was a compliment to the matured judgment of the chief magistrate and proved a lasting benefit to our country. Familiar with every principle of government—comprehending the requisites necessary to perfect and perpetuate the new confederation—he proposed amendments to the constitution, which, with some suggested by John Adams and others, were adopted. He did much towards reducing the new order of things to harmonious system. Well versed in diplomacy, international law and the policy of European courts—he was prepared to plant the permanent land marks of foreign intercourse which stand as beacon lights to guide our nation safely in its onward career. A reciprocity of commerce and honorable peace with other governments—a rigid neutrality with belligerents—a careful avoidance of entangling alliances were some of his leading principles. To submit to nothing that was clearlywrong—to ask for nothing that was not clearlyright—was a doctrine of Jefferson forcibly inculcated in his able correspondence with the French ministers during the brief period of their Republic. This motto has been handed down from sire to son and is firmly nailed to the flag staff of the star spangled banner.
To the domestic concerns of our country he devoted a laudable and laborious attention. He recommended the adoption of a uniform system of currency, weights, measures and many other things designed to advance the best interest of the infant Republic. He urged the importance of protecting our fisheries and of encouraging enterprise in all the branches of industry. He demonstrated the advantages of every species of commerce and the necessity of preventing others from monopolizing the sources that legitimately belonged to the United States. He exhibited a masterly exposition of existing facts, showing the increasing policy of European courts to restrict the intercourse of America that they might engross trade. He submitted to Congress an elaborate and able report relative to the privileges and restrictions of the commercial intercourse of this with other countries, which showed great foresight, close observation and thorough investigation. It received great attention and was the foundation of a series of resolutions introduced by Mr. Madison, embracing the doctrines it contained—forming the great line of demarkation between theoldschool federal and democratic parties. It would require a skilful engineer to trace the original linenowin consequence of the rapid growth of under brush.
Having served his country long and faithfully and contributed largely in placing her on the great highway offreedomand prosperity, Mr. Jefferson retired from public life on the 31st of December 1793 enjoying for a season the more peaceful and substantial comforts of life at Monticello. He imparted comfort to all around him—treated his slaves in the kindest manner, reducing to practice the mode of treatment he always recommended to others. The education of his children—the cultivation and improvement of his land and the resumption of his scientific researches, gave to him an exhilarating consolation he had long desired and could never enjoy in the arena of public business and political turmoil. His manner of life at the time alluded to is happily described by the Duke de Liancourt who visited him during his brief time of repose.
"His conversation is of the most agreeable kind. He possesses a stock of information not inferior to any other man. In Europe he would hold a distinguished rank among men of letters and as such he has already appeared there. At present he is employed with activity and perseverance in the management of his farms and buildings and he orders, directs and pursues, in the minutest detail, every branch of business relating to them. I found him in the midst of harvest from which the scorching heat of the sun does not prevent his attendance. His negroes are nourished, clothed and treated as well as white servants could be. Every article is made on his farm—his negroes being cabinet makers, carpenters and masons. The children he employs in a nail manufactory and the young and old negresses spin for the clothing of the rest. He animates them all by rewards and distinctions. In fine, his superior mind directs the management of his domestic concerns with the same ability, activity and regularity, which he evinced in the conduct of public affairs and which he is calculated to display in every situation of life."
During his recess from the toils of public life Mr. Jefferson wasunanimously elected President of the American Philosophical Society with which he was highly gratified. It afforded him much pleasure to occupy the chair which had been ably filled by his revered friends—the illustrious Franklin and philosophic Rittenhouse.
After a repose of three years he was again called to the theatre of public action. President Washington had announced his determination to retire to the peaceful shades of Mount Vernon. The people had become divided in two political parties, each determined to nominate a candidate for the high and responsible office about to become vacant. The federalists nominated John Adams—the democrats Thomas Jefferson. The former was elected President—the latter Vice President of the United States. As the presiding officer of the Senate Mr. Jefferson discharged his duty with dignity and impartiality. Familiar with parliamentary rules, he was prepared to decide questions promptly and uniformly to the satisfaction of members.
At the next Presidential Election he was again opposed to Mr. Adams. The mountain waves of party spirit rolled over the United States like a sweeping torrent. Each party presented a bold front regardless of danger pressed on by a rear rushing to conflict. The two candidates were bosom friends. Honest political differences did not interrupt their private good feelings. Not a word fell from the lips of either disparaging to his opponent. They regretted the fever heat of their partisans during the canvass but could not allay it. The Democrats carried the election and returned an equal number of votes for Mr. Jefferson as President and Col. Burr as Vice President. This singular circumstance imposed the election of the Chief Magistrate upon the House of Representatives. To defeat the election of the great leader of the popular party, several of his opponents voted for Col. Burr. A very spirited contest ensued. Thirty-five ineffectual ballotings were made. The ambition of Burr for promotion induced him to omit doing at once what propriety dictated and that which would have rendered him popular and perhaps saved him from the vortex of disgrace into which he subsequently plunged—the immediate withdrawal of his name. This he was finally compelled to do and on the thirty-sixth ballot Mr. Jefferson was duly elected President by a majority of eight votes and Col. Burr Vice President.
I have long been convinced that the Federal Constitution should be amended with reference to the election of these two officers. The votes for each should be confined to each office independent of the other.The election should never go to the House of Representatives, especially as political honesty is constantly deteriorating. The history of all time shows clearly, that as a government grows older corruption increasesuntil it finally dissolves the state. Let the President be elected for four years and until another shall be elected in his place and let this be done directly by thepeople. Reckless party management would then be stripped of half its horrors. Better pay the expense of two elections than have one unworthy incumbent in the Presidential Chair. The following extract from the Inaugural Address of Mr. Jefferson should be committed by every man and boy in our country—the principles would then be better understood and perhaps more generally exemplified in practice.
"Equal and exact justice to all men of whatever state or persuasion—religious or political—peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations—entangling alliances with none—the support of the state governments in all their rights as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies—the preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad—a zealous care of the right of election by the people—a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution when peaceable remedies are unprovided—absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of Republics from which there is no appeal but to force—the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism—a well disciplined militia our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war till regulars may relieve them—the supremacy of the civil over the military authority—economy in public expenses that labor may be lightly burthened—the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith—encouragement of agriculture and of commerce as its handmaid—the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public reason—freedom of religion, freedom of the press and freedom of the person under the protection of thehabeas corpusand trial by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment. They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touch stone by which to try the service of those we trust and should we wander from them in moments of error or alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty and safety."
Here is a statesman's chart drawn by one of the ablest, navigators that ever stood at the helm of government. His soundings were frequent—his observations were made with mathematical precision—he combined science and experience and traced his lines with boldness and truth. To follow its directions is to ensure safety. Its delineations are not designedfor partisan use but for our whole country and the freemen of the world through all time.
Based upon these principles practically, the administration of Jefferson became popular, peaceful and prosperous. He understood the reasonable desires of the people and exerted his noblest powers to gratify them.
He knew that the art of governing harmoniously consisted inhonestyand governed himself accordingly. He anticipated the future wants of the rising and expanding Republic and proposed in his annual and special messages to Congress wise and politic measures to meet them. So fully was his course approved that he was re-elected by a majority of one hundred and forty-eight. His second inaugural address reiterated the same magnanimous principles of his first, manifesting a deep and growing interest in the prosperity and welfare of our common country.
As he has been repeatedly charged with infidelity by those who descend so low as to desecrate the ashes of the illustrious dead and the charge repeated but a few days ago in a prominent print in the city of New York, I insert the following extract from his annual message, which sentiment is found in all his writings where the subject is alluded to. I have recently read two of his unpublished letters to a gentleman who is now a member of the New Jersey Senate, in which the same view is expressed.
"I shall need, too, the favor of that Being in whose hands we are, who led our forefathers, as Israel of old, from their native land and planted them in a country flowing with all the necessaries of life—who has covered our infancy with his Providence and our riper years with his wisdom and power." Washington and Adams said no more.
If all who profess the religion of the Cross discarded sectarianism and honored unsophisticatedpracticalreligion as much as did Thomas Jefferson, the prospect of christianizing the world would burst upon us with refulgent brightness. The partition walls of various creeds, claimed to be drawn from the same pure fountain, would be dissolved by heaven-born Charity and the superstructure of the Redeemer's kingdom would rise in majesty sublime.
Soon after Mr. Jefferson entered upon the duties of his second term, a portentous storm darkened the horizon of our country, charged with the lightning of discord. In consequence of being disappointed in riding into the presidency on the whirlwind of confusion he created at the time he was made Vice President and at the end of four years—dropped like a traitor as he was, Aaron Burr mounted upon the tornado of his wild ambition and attempted the formation of a new Republic in the Spanish Provinces on the Mississippi, aiming at an ultimate division, ifnot dissolution of the Union. He was arrested and tried for high treason but being a man of great foresight, consummate genius and deep cunning—noovertact could be proved against him within the technical meaning of the law and he was acquitted—yet the dark stigma is marked upon the splendor of his brilliant talents in traces so deep, that time nor angels' tears can ever remove it. Like a comet propelled by its own centrifugal force from its constitutional orbit, he fell to rise no more—our country was saved from his Cataline grasp by the Cicero of our nation.
About the same time France and Great Britain were at war—both of whom and more especially the latter—had repeatedly insulted the American flag under various but false pretences. Redress was promptly demanded and measures pursued to obtain it. Anxious to preserve peace but determined to vindicate our rights and dignity—Mr. Jefferson simultaneously prosecuted a negotiation and prepared for war. He well understood the importance of the importing and exporting trade to England. Among the means used to bring her to honorable terms, he recommended to Congress the embargo law which was passed on the 22d Dec. 1807. This measure was violently assailed by those opposed to his administration. As he anticipated, it had a salutary effect upon the British government and caused propositions to be made by England for an honorable adjustment of all differences.
Thus were the foreign relations of the United States situated when the second term of Mr. Jefferson closed. He then bid a final farewell to public life and consigned the destinies of his beloved country into other hands. He had been an efficient and faithful laborer in the vineyard of American Liberty nearly forty years. He left it richly covered with green foliage and fruit—in the full vigor of health—enclosed by the palisades of truth and honesty—adorned with the crowning glories of philanthropy and patriotism.
From that time he declined all public honors and remained in peaceful retirement to the day of his death—seldom leaving his sweet home—the beautiful Monticello. Unlike too many with ample means he did not lead a life of inglorious ease. The same innate activity that had marked his bright career from youth—the same nobleness of mind and energy of character that raised him to the loftiest pinnacle fame could rear, still promoted him to action. He reduced his time to a harmonious arrangement—his business to perfect system. He uniformly rose before the sun and held a supervision over all the concerns of his plantation. The various productions of his pen during the period of his retirement, show that he labored arduously in the fields of science andphilosophy. For the promotion of literature and general intelligence, he opened an extensive correspondence with men of letters in this country and Europe. He considered the diffusion of knowledge among the great mass of the human family the greatest safeguard against tyranny and oppression—the purest source of earthly bliss—the surest passport to freedom and happiness.
Acting from this impulse, he submitted the plan of a University to the legislature of Virginia to be erected at Charlottesville, situated at the foot of the romantic mountain in front of his mansion. It was to be built with funds raised by donations from individuals in the state, himself to be a liberal contributor. The plan of the buildings and course of instruction were drawn by him and so much admired and approved by the members of the legislative body that an act was passed to carry into effect the design and Mr. Jefferson was appointed Rector. For the completion of this object he spent all necessary time and more money than strict justice called for. It became the doating object of his old age. His best efforts were exerted in its accomplishment, which were crowned with success and the University filled with students to whom he paid great attention. The course of instruction was designed to prepare youth for the general routine of business, public and private and was not strictly classical. The library was selected by him with great care, being composed entirely of solid useful books, treating on subjects important to every citizen in preparing him to discharge properly the duties he owes to his God, his family, his country and himself. A catalogue, written by Jefferson, is still there in a good state of preservation. He exercised a parental care over this institution until his physical powers failed.
Much of his time was devoted to visitors to whom he was hospitable and kind. Thousands of his own countrymen paid their grateful respects to him—Europeans of distinction thought their tour in this country incomplete until they took by the hand the patriot, sage, philosopher and philanthropist of Monticello. He was ever anxious to please, delight and instruct. He was familiar with every subject. His mind united the vigor of youth with the experience of age. The broad expanse of the universe—the stupendous works of nature—the Pierian fields of science—the deep recesses of philosophy and labyrinthian avenues of the intellect of man—seemed spread before him like the map of the world. He was an encyclopædia of the age he adorned—a lexicon of the times he enlightened—one of the brightest diadems in the crown of his country's glory.
With a calm and peaceful quietude Mr. Jefferson glided down thestream of time toward the ocean of eternity until he reached the eighty-fourth year of his age. Forty-four years had passed away since his amiable companion had been laid in the tomb. She was the daughter of Mr. Wayles, an eminent lawyer of Virginia. One of two interesting daughters was also resting in the grave. The charms of earth were receding from him—he felt sensibly that he stood on the confines of another and a better world. The physical powers and mechanical structure of his frame were fast decaying—the canker worm of disease was doing its final work—the angel of death hovered over him with a keen blade awaiting Jehovah's signal to cut the silver cord of life and set the prisoner free.
Early in the spring of 1826 his bodily infirmities increased. From the 26th of June to the time of his death he was confined to his bed. He then remarked to his attending physician—"My machine is worn out and can go no longer." His friends who attended him thought he would again recover but he was convinced that his voyage of life was about to close and that he would soon cast his anchor in the haven of rest. To those around him he said—"Do not imagine that I feel the smallest solicitude as to the result. I do not indeedwishto die but I do notfearto die." Do infidels die thus calm and resigned? Echo answers—Do infidels die thus?
On the second day of July his body became extremely weak but his mental powers remained as clear as a crystal fountain. He called his family and friends around him and with a cheerful countenance and calm dignity gave direction for his funeral obsequies. He requested that he might be interred at Monticello without pomp or show and that the inscription on his tomb should only refer to him as "The author of the Declaration of Independence—of the Statutes of Virginia securing religious Freedom and the Father of the University." He then conversed separately with each of his family. To his surviving daughter, Mrs. Randolph, he presented a small morocco case which he requested her not to open until after his death. It was found to contain a beautiful and affectionate poetic tribute to her virtues.
The next day, being told it was the 3d of July, he expressed a desire that he might be permitted to inhale the atmosphere of the fiftieth anniversary of our national freedom. His prayer was granted—the glorious 4th of July 1826 dawned upon him—he took an affectionate leave of those around him and then raising his eyes upward articulated distinctly, "I resign myself to God and my child to my country"—and expired as calmly as an infant sleeps in its mother's arms. Thus lived and thus diedThomas Jefferson, universally esteemed in life—deeplymourned in death by a nation of freemen—sincerely lamented by every patriot in the civilized world.
In person he was slender and erect—six feet two inches in height—light and intelligent eyes—noble and open countenance—fair complexion—yellowish red hair and commanding in his whole appearance. In all the relations of public and private life he was the model of a great and good man. His whole career was calm and dignified. Under all circumstances his coolness, strong moral courage—deliberation and equanimity of mind, placed him on a lofty eminence and enabled him to preserve a perfect equilibrium amidst all the changing vicissitudes and multiform ills flesh is heir to. He kept his passions under complete control and cultivated richly the finer qualities of his nature. His charity, the brightest star in the Christian diadem, was as broad as the human family—his sympathies co-extensive with the afflictions of Adam's race. He was created for usefulness—nobly did he fulfil the design of his creation. If his were not the fruits ofpracticalChristianity, the immaculate Redeemer and the Apostles did not truly describe them. You who basely chargeThomas Jeffersonwith infidelity, remember—O! remember, that his last words were those uttered by many of the martyrs—"I resign myself to God and my child to my country."
A lovefor the land of our birth is natural—commendable. A continued oppression from those in power may drive us from that land—compel us to seek an asylum under a more congenial government—still the associations of our native spot are a source of frequent and pleasing thought never to be entirely eradicated from our minds.
No man should ever adopt a new country and government without a full determination to become a good and useful citizen and submit implicitly to the laws as they are until he shall find himself in a majority of the virtuous who rise in their majesty to change for the better. With this principle for a polar star—foreigners who seek a peaceful asylum in our country may become as staunch supporters of our national Constitution andUnionas native born patriots. If they cannot—they should retrace their steps quickly and return to the iron blessings of monarchy. We want none among us who do not love our country and her noble institutions. An open door—a hearty welcome awaits every foreignpatriotthat comes to this land of the brave and home ofthe free. We have an overplus of native demagogues, fanatics, ultraists, disunionists and bigots—without importing any from Europe.
During the American Revolution a number of illustrious and noble patriots of high standing came from the old world to aid in planting the tree ofLibertyin the new. Among them was the brave Baron de Kalb, a native of Germany. Of his early history we have no record. He was a brigadier-general in the French army and had earned a high military reputation. He was a knight of the order of Military Merit and highly esteemed by his fellow officers. A philanthropist of high order—imbued with liberal principles—in favor of a Republican form of government—familiar with the oppressions of England in America—acquainted with the noble efforts of the oppressed to free themselves from tyranny—Baron de Kalb at once resolved to be the companion of the patriotic La Fayette. On his arrival he was commissioned a major-general in the Continental army and placed in command of the Maryland division. He readily gained the esteem and confidence of all who made his acquaintance. He was a man of strong common sense—great experience—a close observer of men and things—an admirable disciplinarian—a brave and prudent officer. With a robust frame and iron constitution—he was able to endure the proverbial fatigues and privations of the American army. He was remarkably abstemious—living mostly on bread and water. His industry and zeal in the glorious cause he had espoused were worthy of all praise. He was up early and late and spent all his leisure from official duty in writing in some retired place. Unfortunately his writings were lost and the subject matter was known to no one but himself.
The brilliant career of this noble patriot soldier was closed at the battle of Camden, S. C. He there commanded the right wing of the American army composed of regulars. The left wing was composed of militia who fled at the sight of the red coats advancing with fixed bayonets—as terrified as young horses at a locomotive. Not so with the right wing. Although contending against overwhelming numbers they stood their ground and fought like tigers. In his last desperate attempt to seize the laurels of victory—the Baron fell helpless with eleven wounds. In this prostrate condition a base attempt was made to pierce him with several bayonets which was prevented by one of his aids—Chevalier de Buysson—who threw himself over the fallen hero and received the bayonets in his own body—exclaiming "Save the Baron de Kalb!" The British officers interfered—saved him from instant death and made him their prisoner. He was kindly treated by his captors and survived but a short time. To an officer who expressed his sorrow for his sufferings he replied—"I thank you for your sympathy—I die the death I always prayed for—the death of a soldier fighting for the rights of man."
In his last moments he dictated a letter to Gen. Smallwood who succeeded him in command of his division. He expressed his ardent affection for his officers and men—lauded their bravery which had forced admiration from their enemies—urged them to persevere in the glorious cause offreedomuntil triumphant victory should perch upon their manly brows. He then invoked a benediction on his beloved division—reached out his trembling hand to Col. de Buysson—resigned his soul to God and closed his eyes in death.
In that battle both armies suffered severely. Several others of the American officers were killed—among them Col. Potterfield who was a favorite of the whole army.
Baron de Kalb was a man of amiable disposition—modest and unassuming in his manners—frank and generous in his intercourse—strictly moral and temperate in his habits—was highly esteemed by all who knew him and died deeply lamented. He was buried at Camden. His memory is cherished by every friend ofliberty.
Some years after he had slumbered under the clods of the valley, Gen. Washington visited his grave. He contemplated it thoughtfully for a few moments and remarked—"So there lies the brave De Kalb—the generous stranger who came from a distant land to fight our battles and to water the tree of ourlibertywith his blood. Would to God he had lived to share its fruits."
In 1780 Congress caused a monument to be erected to his memory in Annapolis, Maryland, with the following inscription,
Sacred to the memory of theBARON DE KALB,Knight of the royal order of Military Merit,Brigadier of the armies of France,andMajor GeneralIn the service of the United States of America.Having served with honor and reputationFor three years,He gave a last and glorious proof of his attachmentto the liberties of mankindAnd the cause of America,In the action near Camden in the State of South CarolinaOn the 16th of August 1780,Where, leading on the troops of theMaryland and Delaware linesAgainst superior numbersAnd animating them by his examplesTo deeds of valor,He was pierced with many woundsAnd on the nineteenth following expiredIn the 48th year of his age.The CongressOf the United States of America,In gratitude to his zeal, services and merit,Have erected this monument.
Patriotismis one of the noblest attributes of man. It is the soul of freedom—the fulcrum of liberty—the lever of independence. It soars sublimely above self—is prompted by honest motives—aims at glorious ends. It is the motive power of philanthropy and would gladly consolidate the human family in one harmonious universal brotherhood by the heavenly law of love which can fraternize the world. It is opposed to all oppression—abhors all tyrants—rejoices in the promulgation of liberal principles. Its desires to do good are diffusive as the sun light—it is not confined to country—nation or caste. No sectarianism can swerve it—no monarch suppress it—no obstacle paralyze it. The patriot may be crushed in person by illegitimate power—the principle—never. Chains and dungeons will kindle it to a brighter flame—persecution will increase its volume. The history of all time proves the truth of these assertions—they form a corollary firm as the perpetual hills—incontrovertible as the problems of Euclid. The man who is destitute of this noble attribute is a mere automaton. There is a vacuum in his soul which nature abhors and all despise—except kings, aristocrats and demagogues. Patriotism is the dread incubus that hangs over thrones. The true patriot delights to see all basking in the refulgent rays of rational liberty and is ever ready to peril life and fortune in the cause of equal rights whenever the people of any nation rise in their native dignity to reclaim them from oppressors.
Thus it was with Gilbert Mottier de La Fayette, born on the 6th of September 1757 at the castle Chavaniac in Auvergne. Soon afterthe birth of this son, his father fell at the battle of Minden. As childhood dawned upon young La Fayette he exhibited talents of unusual strength and vigor. Under the genial rays of science they rapidly burst from embryo—budded, blossomed and ripened into fruit of the most perfect kind. At the age of seven years he was placed in the college of Louis le Grand at Paris. His rapid progress in the elements of his education exceeded the fondest anticipations of his numerous friends. By his modesty, urbanity and innate goodness of heart he gained the esteem of all who knew him. He graduated at an early age and was made a page to the queen and soon rose to the rank of a commissioned officer—an honor then conferred upon none but those presumed to possess superior merit and talent. At the age of seventeen he married the Countess Anastatie de Noailles—one of the most beautiful and amiable ladies of France. With kindred spirits they united splendid fortunes sufficient to support them in princely style through a long life. They were in the enjoyment of all the pleasures earth could give—favorites at the gayest court in Europe—caressed and beloved by those they held most dear—an ornament to every circle in which they moved. Mutual esteem gave a rich zest to every enjoyment—their social felicity was complete. All things combined to rivet La Fayette to his happy—his enchanting home. Nothing but the loftiest patriotism—the purestphilanthropycould have induced him to burst these infatuating bands and peril his life, fortune and sacred honor in the cause of human rights in a foreign country.
Amidst the fascinating allurements that surrounded him, this noble youth paused, reflected and reasoned. Through the bright vista of the future Columbus saw the cheering vision of a new world. Through the same clear mirror La Fayette saw the sun offreedomreflecting its refulgent rays over Columbia's prolific land. A band of patriots had sounded the clarion ofliberty. Echo had wafted it from Bunker's bloody mount to the ears of this young hero. The thought that there was a remnant left in the world who dared to assume their native dignity and strike for their just rights enraptured his soul. Contrary to the wishes of his friends and the King of the French, he resolved to fly to the aid of the oppressed Americans and participate in the unfading glory of planting the standard offreedomin the western hemisphere. Nor did he split on the rock of resolves and re-resolves where many waste away their lives. He at once proposed to the American Commissioners, then in Paris, to enter the army of Washington. They informed him of the recent adverses of those who were struggling for Liberty. They could present no bright picture toinduce him to hope for laurels or emolument. It was not necessary. Nobler motives incited him to action. He still resolved to go. Anxious as were Messrs. Franklin, Dean and Lee to secure his services, they had not the means to convey him to the scene of action. Obstacles of various kinds were vainly thrown across his path. Impelled to an onward course by the noble impulses of patriotism—no difficulties were too great for him to surmount—no hardships too severe for him to endure, no sacrifice of wealth too large for him to make. Embarrassments strengthened the resolution he had formed to enroll his name with the brave and the free, even should he perish in the attempt.
He immediately fitted out a vessel at his own expense—freighted it with munitions of war and clothing—received letters of high commendation from the American commissioners to the Congress of their bleeding country and embarked secretly for the land of the pilgrim fathers in the winter of 1777. He then looked forward with anxious solicitude to that happy day when he should aid in unfurling the banner of freedom—in planting deep the tree of liberty in a soil congenial to its growth and take by the hand those bold and daring sages and heroes who had thrown the stars and stripes to the breeze in defiance of despotism—resolved on freedom or death. Nothing short of a deep, strong, inherent devotion to liberal principles could have induced La Fayette to leave his native country under the existing circumstances and peril everything in behalf of strangers. In vain we search history for a benevolence so broad and disinterested. Call it ambition if you please. Would to God the same laudable ambition reigned triumphant in the breast of every human being. We should then see tyrants trembling—thrones crumbling—crowns falling—fetters bursting and the grand jubilee offreedomcelebrated amidst the expiring groans of monarchy—the chaotic ruins of tyranny. Call it a thirst for glory. Would to God that all who have figured largely on the grand theatre of public action could have the same glory emblazoned on the escutcheon of their names. A purer, fairer sheet of biography would then meet the eyes of the present and generations to come.
On the 25th of April 1777 Lafayette and his companions landed in South Carolina near Charleston and were warmly welcomed by Gen. Moultrie, Major Huger and the little band of veterans around them. The destitute condition of the American soldiers excited the sympathy of the Marquis. He distributed clothing to those under Gen. Moultrie and a sword to each of his officers. From Charleston he hastened to Philadelphia and delivered his letters and despatches from the American Commissioners to Congress. He offered himself as a volunteer—desiring to enter the army with no remuneration except the proud satisfaction of enrolling his name with the brave heroes whose motto was—Liberty or Death. His unassuming manners, patriotic sentiments, stern resolution, devotedness to the cause and dignified bearing—combined to inspire confidence in all who made his acquaintance. In July Congress passed a resolution accepting his services and commissioned him a Major-General in the Continental army. He immediately placed himself under the supervision of Washington and commenced a brilliant career that gained increased lustre during a long life of usefulness. Shortly after he entered the service he acted a conspicuous part in the battle of Brandywine where he was wounded and disabled for six weeks. In the battle of Germantown he proved himself a cool, brave and skilful officer. He soon gained the full confidence of Washington and was put in command of a choice corps of daring young men selected by himself and was entrusted with several expeditions which he conducted with great prudence and success and to the entire satisfaction of Washington and Congress. On all occasions he exhibited talents of the highest order. Discretion—the strong helm of human action, guided him in all his actions.
At that period the question of maintaining American Independence was truly problematical. Prospects darkened as time rolled on. The general gloom was an impetus to this young patriot that impelled him to more vigorous exertion. In the autumn of 1778 he returned to France and exerted his influence in favor of a treaty of alliance and greatly aided in consumating thatdesideratum. This imparted fresh courage to the American army—then writhing under privations and distress that truly tried the souls and bodies of men. Nothing short of an Almighty hand could have sustained the Sages and Heroes of the Revolution and nerved them to persevere in their noble undertaking until crowned with triumphant victory. La Fayette returned in the spring of 1780 and was followed by a French naval force in July which came to the rescue. A new impetus was thus given to the cause of human rights in America. La Fayette was put in command of the expedition against Lord Cornwallis in Virginia. He found his troops in a naked, forlorn condition and Congress without means to furnish them with the common comforts of an army. Upon his own credit he borrowed money from merchants in Baltimore—purchased a portion of the necessary supplies—appealed to the fair daughters of the monumental city who responded nobly to the call. Their eyes and needles brightened as they made up garments for the brave soldier boys—soon the Marquis saw his men comfortably clad,fully equipped—eager to drive the minions of tyranny from their blood stained soil.
La Fayette took the field with a force far inferior to that of Cornwallis who was the pride of his king and acknowledged no superior in the science of military tactics. In the wary and sagacious "boy" as La Fayette was termed by the veteran British General, Cornwallis found a leader too formidable to be treated with contempt—too cautious to be easily ensnared. He was constantly annoyed without being able to bring his antagonist to a general action. Chagrined and disgusted he retired to Yorktown and commenced formidable fortifications. As his army was now the bulwark of England in America, the combined forces of the United Colonies and France lost no time in concentrating in front of his entrenchments. A vigorous siege was commenced on the 29th of September 1781. The British General felt that an awful crisis had arrived. By a surrender—the Colonies were lost. A tremendous responsibility rested upon him. His resistance corresponded with these high considerations. His spirited defence was worthy of a better cause.
On the 14th of October it was found necessary to silence two redoubts that were pouring a destructive fire into the works of thebesiegers. This was to be done with the bayonet. The young Marquis was selected to lead the assault. The order was no sooner received than obeyed. He led his men to the charge with the impetuosity of a tornado. Like a mighty avalanche, rushing from the mountain top with the fury of Mars—they bore down all opposition. Although the enemy were double in number—so sudden and irresistible was the onset that they were all killed or taken prisoners but six. Against such troops fighting for Liberty, Cornwallis found it useless to contend. The injured Colonists had risen in their might—a fearful retribution awaited him. The last ray of success was expiring in the socket of hope—his cruel military career was about to close in the new world. Keen and blighting anguish seized his tortured soul in view of outrages committed upon an oppressed people. The cries of murdered innocents rang through his ears—his courage lost its equilibrium and was supplanted by despair. On the 18th of October the proud hero of Britain surrendered his whole army to the illustriousWashingtonand the braveLa Fayette—the champions of liberal principles and human rights.
That signal victory closed the long, bloody, doubtful struggle. Several nations promptly acknowledged the Independence of the United States. The ensigns of royalty were banished from our shores—the star spangled banner waved triumphantly over the land of the brave and free. Washington and La Fayette mingled tears of gratitude andthankfulness for their preservation, success and final deliverance. They richly merited and freely received the plaudits of the American people and of admiring nations. A gazing world looked upon them withecstaticdelight as they stood on the loftiest pinnacle of fame in all the sublime majesty of republican simplicity. They were among the brightest of the dazzling luminaries of emancipation—the terror of tyrants—the hope offreemen. The consummation of Liberty was then and there proclaimed to grateful and happy millions. Seraphs listened to the cheering news with thrilling joy—carried the glad tidings to the unerring chancery of the great Eternal where they received the sanction of Jehovah's high authority and were recorded on the unfading pages of the book of lasting renown in letters of gold by the Grand Scribe of Heaven. Echo caught the talismanic sound and wafted it to the remotest bounds of every nation on wings of mighty wind.