Subsequent to the revolution Capt. Barney purchased a tract of land in Kentucky for the purpose of a permanent residence. During 1786-7-8 he travelled through the West, the Carolinas and Georgia. He was a strong advocate of the Federal Constitution and freely expressed his views on all proper occasions. In 1789 he was in poor health and joined with another gentleman in the purchase of a brig. They sailed to Carthagena, South America and returned by the way of Havana. In 1792 he was at Cape Francois when the town was burned. Being on shore he was compelled to fight his way to his ship and brought off with him about sixty distressed women and children. On his return he was captured by an English privateer and all his crew taken from him except his carpenter, boatswain and cook. Three officers and eleven men were put in charge of the prize and ordered to New Providence. Capt. Barney was treated with cruelty because he refused to surrender the keys of his iron chest. Having secreted several loaded guns he and his three men retook the vessel, wounding two of the officers and compelling the Englishmen to work the ship into Baltimore. The little sleep Capt. Barney obtained up to the time his craft was moored at the monumental city was in his arm-chair on the quarter-deck. The next year he repeated his visit to Cape Francois and on his way home was captured by a British privateer—taken to Jamaica—his ship condemned and he confined in prison. It was acts like this that hastened the war of 1812. In 1794 Capt. Barney was again restored to his family. In company with James Monroe he visited the transient Republic of France in 1795 and was the bearer of the star spangled banner to the French convention. So delighted were the members with the veteran captain that they proffered him a command in their navy. The ensuing year he accepted the offer and arrived at Norfolk with two frigates where he was a long time blockaded by a British squadron. He offered to measure skill with an equal force which was prudently refused. In 1800 he surrendered his command without having had an action with the enemy. In 1805 he declined the offered command of the Navy Yard at Washington. In 1806-8 he was an unsuccessful candidate for Congress—the interests of party having become paramount to the substantial merit and righteous claims of a candidate who was notpolitically availablealthough covered with scars and wounds received inthe purchase of our liberty—endowed with sterling talents matured by cool reflection and long experience—with a pure and honorable reputation in all respects—deficient in one thing only—a political gum-elastic conscience.
In 1812 he removed to Elkridge with his family. On the declaration of war against Great Britain in June of that year he was immediately called into service. He was first commissioned to cruise in a privateer and succeeded in speedily capturing eighteen British vessels—several of a superior force to his. In 1813 he was invited to take command of the armed flotilla in Chesapeake Bay. On his arrival at Washington he was surprised to find a letter to the Secretary of the Navy from a merchant in Baltimore derogatory to his character. He at once called the writer to an account and settled the matter by the inverse rule offalsehonor by probing his breast with a blue pill which did not prove mortal. With the rank of Commodore, Barney took command of the flotilla in the spring of 1814. It consisted of twenty-six barges and nine hundred men. He first intended attacking the enemy at Tangier Island. On his way he met the British squadron off Patuxet and was compelled to run in there. During the summer he annoyed the enemy constantly—captured several of their smaller vessels and several times boldly attacked their frigates—materially injuring them—then retreating quickly into shoal water beyond their reach. On the first of July he was called to Washington to aid in devising the best plan of defence against the contemplated attack by the enemy. On the 3d he returned and moved the flotilla farther up the river. On the 16th of August the British fleet entered the Patuxet in full force. An express was despatched to the Secretary of the Navy apprising him of the movement. On the 21st Com. Barney landed most of his men—marched for Washington and joined Gen. Winder and Capt. Miller with his marines and five pieces of artillery. The marines were put under the command of the Commodore. On the 23d the troops were reviewed by the President and looked fine. On the 24th the enemy halted within three miles of the American camp. Skirmishing occurred between small advance parties. Com. Barney proceeded to the city and took station at the marine barracks determined to defend the bridge to the last extremity. Being advised of this the British changed their route by way of Bladensburg. The main body of the American troops met them there on the 25th about 11 A. M. At a late hour Com. Barney obtained permission from the President to join them. Within a mile of that town he found the Americans formed in irregular detached parties engaged in battle. His troopswere nearly out of breath—having ran—not marched to the scene of action under the burning rays of an August sun. He had scarcely formed and brought his guns to bear when the militia broke in confusion and ran for dear life. The whole British army then advanced upon the Spartan band of Barney. He saw no hope of rallying the mushroom troops that were flying but determined not to be shot on the wing himself and fill a coward's grave. He reserved his fire until the enemy came within a few yards when a discharge of round and grape shot left the front ranks struggling in death. A second time the English veterans advanced—a second time their front ranks fell like grass before a scythe. The British then left the road and approached from another direction by fording the creek then very low. All the so-called American troops had left the Commodore and his brave phalanx. Still he stood his ground against an overwhelming force of the veterans of Waterloo. Although simultaneously charged on the right and left, he repulsed them several times with great slaughter. He had received a ball in his thigh which was bleeding profusely. At the same time his horse was killed under him. To add to his chagrin the mushroom militia had ran off with his ammunition wagon. On being nearly surrounded by the enemy and Capt. Miller severely wounded, he ordered those to retreat who were able to do so. He was carried a few yards by three of his officers and fell from loss of blood. Two of them he ordered to conduct the retreat of his gallant men. Gen. Ross and Admiral Cockburn were conducted to him and treated him kindly. They ordered him and Capt. Miller to be carried to a house in Bladensburg where their wounds were dressed and they made as comfortable as circumstances would permit. The British left 80 of their killed and wounded on the battle ground—who had fallen through the bravery of the bold sailors and marines who stood like men and fought like lions. The Americans had 60 killed and wounded 50 of whom were those who nobly defended the star spangled banner of the brave Barney and Miller, showing how early in the action the shrimp militia entered leg bail and distanced all pursuit—only ten being shot on the wing as they were courageously flying from the field of glory. Had they fought as did Barney and Miller with their ocean band they would have repelled the invading foe and saved the capital of our nation from desecration. The means for success were as formidable at Bladensburg as at Baltimore and New Orleans.
After having committed the most wanton waste at the shamefully deserted city of Washington Gen. Ross retreated on the 26th with a loss of over 1000 men. He could boast of having visited and devastated the capital of a great nation filled with defenceless females and children left to his mercy and generosity by most of theirgallanthusbands and fathers. The whole transaction as conducted by both armies does not reflect thehighesthonor on any concerned but the brave Commodore and his companions in arms.
The day after the battle Mrs. Barney, a son and the family physician repaired to Bladensburg to aid and comfort the Commodore. It was impossible to extract the ball from his thigh which remained through life. In a few days he was able to ride home in a carriage. On the 7th of October he was so far recovered as to visit the British fleet for the purpose of exchanging prisoners. For his gallantry on the battle ground of Bladensburg the state of Georgia voted him hearty thanks—the city of Washington presented him with a splendid sword. On the 15th of October he resumed the command of the flotilla—still suffering severely from the pressure of the ball. During the ensuing winter he prepared for a vigorous spring campaign. Peace put an end to further military operations. He sailed on a mission to Europe on the 25th of May 1815 and returned on the 19th of the ensuing October. So much did his wound disable him that he was compelled to send his despatches from Baltimore to Washington. He was conveyed to his family at Elkridge and subsequently removed to Baltimore.
In 1816 he visited his lands in Kentucky in company with his lady. They were received with marked attention on their whole route. So highly pleased were they with the noble bearing, open frankness and proverbial hospitality of the Kentuckians, that they resolved on removing there at the earliest time possible. In 1818 the arrangements were completed and the journey commenced. He started his men and effects in advance and met them at Brownsville on the Monongahela. Owing to low water he was detained for some time before reaching Pittsburgh. At that place he was detained from the same cause. When the water rose he went on board with his family in the evening for the purpose of an early start the next morning. During the night he was taken ill and was removed on shore. His disease increased—his wounded thigh became highly inflamed—death did its work. On the 1st day of December 1818 Com. Joshua Barney was numbered with the silent dead. He breathed his life calmly away and descended to the tomb in peace. He was buried by the sympathizing citizens of Pittsburgh with all the honors of sepulture in the graveyard of the first Presbyterian church where his remains reposed until 1849 when they were removed to the splendid Allegheny Cemetery three miles from Pittsburgh. After the funeral obsequies were overand the widow and her family had partially recovered from the shock of their sudden bereavement they proceeded to their place of destination and located upon their land in Kentucky. As a small compensation for the valuable services of her husband, Congress granted Mrs. Barney a pension for life.
But few men have lived whose web of life has been filled with as many exciting events and sudden changes as was that of Com. Barney. His was a life of industry and usefulness without reaching the lofty summit of fame on which many have perched whose substantial worth was inferior to his. He discharged every duty that devolved upon him with the strictest fidelity—with an eye single to the good and glory of his country—without parade, pomp or vain show. Such men should elicit the gratitude of our nation as much as those who have filled a higher rank but have not been more useful.
In all the relations of public and private life Com. Barney stood approved, admired and beloved. He lived respected and died regretted.
UNION—enchanting word—a harmonious euphony vibrates from its sound. It is the most mellow word in our language. It was the watchword in Heaven before this mighty globe was spoke into existence—its melody will be chanted there through the rolling ages of eternity. This magic word has rallied millions to deeds of noble daring both for good and evil. No language thrills through the soul of a patriot like the watchword of '76—"OUR UNION." Is this still the watchword of the great mass of the American people?—or is the unholy leaven ofDissolutionworking its fearful progress from demagogues and factionists? Shall our UNION be preserved to millions yet unborn? or will we follow in the awful wake of nations who once were but now are not? Will the bone and sinew of our dear America suffer patriotism to be basely strangled by party spirit and internal dissensions? These are questions big with importance and should be promptly answered by every friend of the UNION in a voice of patriotic thunder that shall carry terror into the heart of every fanatic and disorganizer in our land.
For years too little attention has been given to the mental and moral qualifications of our legislators.Availableto the party has been the watchword in most cases. Cliques nominate—electioneer and hoodwink the dear people so that the destinies of our nation are emphatically placed in the hands of a meagre minority and many of this minority men of just seven principles—two loaves and five fishes. People of the United States! awake to a sense of impending danger! Return no man to a legislative hall whose uniform conduct has not proved him to be a pure patriot and no one a second time who deals in billingsgate, legislates by force of arms or favors dissolution. UnlessUnionis his watchword he cannot be trusted.
UNION was the glorious rallying word of the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution among whom was Josiah Bartlett born at Amesbury, Mass. in November 1729. He was the son of Stephen Bartlett a man of sterling merit and liberal principles. Josiah received a good academic education which he completed at the early age of sixteen. He then commenced the study of medicine under Dr. Ordway and pursued it with great industry for five years. He then entered upon a successful practice at Kingston, New Hampshire, where he gained the confidence and esteem of the community. Two years after he commenced practice he was reduced very low by a fever and given up by his attending physicians. More consistent than some physicians he experimented uponhimselfand saved his life. He commenced taking small and frequent doses of cider—a free perspiration ensued—the fever left and he soon recovered. From that time he watched the indications and wants of nature more closely in his patients and often made judicious and successful deviations from the old beaten path of practice.
Dr. Bartlett was the first physician who boldly assumed the position that theangina maligna tonsillaris[canker] wasputridand notinflammatoryand first gave Peruvian bark for this distressing disease. He also introduced the successful practice of using antiphlogistic remedies forcynanche maligna[sore throat] at that time terrific among children—four being sometimes buried in one grave from the same family. By the skill of this able physician this awful scourge was checked and stripped of its terrors. These improvements in his practice resulted from a close study and investigation of the laws of nature, ever in operation, which may beaidedbut nevercontrolledby artificial means. Let doctors remember this fact and govern themselves accordingly.
Dr. Bartlett held several important offices under Gov. Wentworth both civil and military. Enjoying the confidence of the people he was elected to the New Hampshire Assembly where he became a prominent opposer of the infringements of the crown upon chartered rights. Republican blood only flowed in his veins. With an Argus eye he watched the movements of the British ministry and the royalistsaround him. In granting charters for towns the royal governors had uniformly reserved for the ostensible use of the Episcopal Church the cream of the location. This was one of the bones of contention between the people and the governors. Taxation for illegitimate purposes was the vertebra of the hated animal. In effecting their settlements the colonists had conquered the wilderness and the savage unaided by the mother country. They were unwilling to be robbed of their hard earnings by those who desired to roll in luxury at their expense. Resistance was natural—was right. Taxation and representation are inseparable principles that cannot be divorced. They were incorporated in the eternal code of Nature and like the Siamese twins must journey together where intelligence and social order predominate. Kingly power adopts the unholy aphorism thatmight makes right. Upon this sandy foundation the British ministers based their policy towards the American Colonies.Theyput the Revolutionary ball in motion—its rebounding force demolished the superstructure of their power over our hardy ancestors. At the commencement of their oppressions, so prompt was resistance that the king loosened the screws for a time. But under his old preceptor, Lord Bute, backed by Lord North, he was bound to court ruin and affiance it. Most effectually did he perform his plighted vows which were freely sanctioned by the patriots of America.
Gov. Wentworth thought to secure Dr. Bartlett by making him a member of the judiciary. But there was no gift within the power of monarchy that could seduce him from the path of liberty. As the crisis was urged on by the hirelings of the crown his opposition increased in an equal ratio. A circumstance occurred that made him at once conspicuous. The favorite measure of securing a majority in the Assembly at all hazards was resorted to by the Governor. He obtained the king's writ for three new members from towns that were then fully represented. This open violation of the known law of the land roused the indignation of the Doctor who carried with him others who had not before come out in favor of freedom. The three new members were expelled—opposition to the governor rose like a July thunder gust. He was obliged to take refuge from the popular fury on board the man-of-war Fowey. His Excellency proceeded to annul the power of all liberals under commission from him. By using this air-pump too freely he produced a vacuum that caused an irreparable collapse of his own power. The line of demarcation was drawn—the war cry was raised.
Dr. Bartlett was elected to the Congress of 1774 but on account of the recent destruction of his house by fire was unable to attend. In September 1775, he took his seat and was at once placed upon several important committees. About the same time he was made colonel of a regiment of provincial troops. In Congress his duties were arduous. That body met at nine in the morning and continued in session until four in the afternoon. After that hour most of the business of the committees was faithfully attended to. At this day of inglorious ease no one can fully appreciate and but few bestow a thought upon the immense labor, treasure and blood that our UNION cost. When we learn from the historic page the difficulties that surrounded the Continental Congress—a tremendous storm bursting over their heads—retreating before a relentless foe from place to place—their country bleeding at every pore—without resources—their army nearly annihilated—we are led to wonder and admire and ask why their well formed resolutions were not shaken when the yawning gulf of destruction seemed open to devour them. To my mind the solution is plain. A majority of the Sages and Heroes of that eventful period were truly pious and put their trust in Him who directs the destinies of nations. Their trust was well founded.
In 1776 Dr. Bartlett was again a member of Congress and took a decided stand in favor of severing the maternal cords of allegiance to the mother country and declare the child capable of self government. Many zealous patriots feared it was yet too weak. Much discussion occurred and a majority pledged themselves to take the nursling in charge. On the 4th of July 1776 the contract was signed which relieved mother Britain from further responsibility.
When the final question was taken the name of Josiah Bartlett was first called. With his eyes raised to Heaven he responded in a loud voice—YeaandAmen! Echo caught the words from his lips and carried them on wings of wind to the remotest bounds of a nation of freemen. They ran through the dense crowd of spectators hovering around the Hall of Independence who made the welkin ring with long and repeated responses—YeaandAmen!!!
Worn down by fatigue the health of the Doctor became impaired and prevented his further attendance in Congress for two years. During that time he was able to aid his state in organizing her new government and in raising troops for the northern army. He served in 1778 and took a final leave of the National Legislature that he might gather up the scattered fragments of his ruined fortune and aid his own state in her effort to advance the glorious cause of national freedom. He was appointed Chief Justice of the Common Pleas and muster master of the troops then enlisting. In 1782 he was made a justice of the Superior Court and in 1788 was appointed Chief Justice. His marked usefulnessdid not close with the war. The ushering in of peace made a false impression upon the great mass. Few understood the herculean task of rising from the paralysis of a seven years contest with a powerful foe—the formation of a government entirely different from the one which had stamped its customs upon the people. In my view the wisdom of the sages of the revolution was more severely taxed in perfecting our system of government than in driving the Britons from our shores. It often requires more wisdom to retain and enjoy, than to obtain an object.
In the new work of preparing the people for the rational enjoyment of the Independence they had achieved Dr. Bartlett took an active part. Numerous conflicting interests were to be reconciled—an enormous debt was to be paid—many abuses and corruptions were to be corrected—a concert of feeling and action to be produced—the art of self government to be acquired. Storm after storm arose that threatened to throw our nation back into primeval darkness. It required the combined sagacity and wisdom of the boldest sages to preserve the laurels of victory, the trophies of freedom and the chart of our liberty. Long and arduous were the labors that effected a confederated consolidation. During the time this subject was under consideration several of the states were shook to the very centre by internal commotion. That concert of feeling and action which had carried the people through the perils of the war was now lost in the whirlpool of self. UNION was no longer the rallying word with the mass. Fortunately for our country those who stood at the helm during the revolutionary storm were still at the post of duty. Reason slowly resumed her sway—wise counsels prevailed—order was restored—liberty was saved.
Dr. Bartlett was a member of the Convention of N. H. that adopted the Federal Constitution and gave it his zealous support. In 1789 he was elected to the U. S. Senate—the next year President of N. H. and in 1793 was elected the first governor of the state under the new order of things. He enjoyed the universal esteem of his constituents and discharged the duties of the numerous offices he filled with so much dignity, wisdom and prudence that envy and slander could find no crevice for an entering wedge.
Worn down with toil—old age ploughing deep furrows in his face for the last seed time—the confines of a brighter world just before him, he resigned his authority and closed his public career on the 29th of January 1794, covered with living honors and not a spot to tarnish the glory of his fair escutcheon. He then retired to private life full of hope—anticipating the domestic enjoyments always desirable to those who accept of public office for the sake of their country—not for the sake ofthe loaves and fishes. But these long desired enjoyments were of short duration. Disease fastened its relentless grasp upon him. On the 19th of May 1795, his happy spirit left its tenement of clay—ascended to Him who gave it—leaving a nation to mourn the loss of one of its brightest ornaments—one of its noblest patriots.
In his private character he fulfilled the duties of citizen, friend, husband, father and Christian. No man was more generally esteemed—no man more richly deserved it. In his whole life we have one of the fairest pictures drawn upon the easel of history. His public career was of that solid character that imparts substantial usefulness. Without dazzling, his course was right onward in the cause of universal philanthropy. He could look back upon a life well spent—he stood approved at the stern tribunal of conscience. He nobly fulfilled the design of his creation—discharged his duty to his country, his fellow men and his God. He left examples that stand as beacon lights to erring man to guide him safely through this vale of tears—to statesmen and patriots to induce them to put forth their noblest powers to preserve our UNION.
Menwho forget right and abuse power often undermine the foundation of their own citadel. In reaching after more authority and larger enjoyments improperly, they are often shorn of what they have. Thus it was with England when she imposed unwarranted taxes and restrictions upon the American Colonies. Previous to the causes that produced the Revolution the plan of an independent government was ideal and had entered the minds of but few. With these it was only a nursling in theory not practically anticipated. When the impolitic measures of the British ministry were first reduced to practice the Colonists stood upon the firm basis, the broad platform of their chartered rights clearly defined and well understood and believed their grievances must and would be redressed when respectful petitions should be laid before the king. These were repeatedly forwarded to him couched in allegiate and eloquent language to which he turned a deaf ear, thus forging the first link in the revolutionary chain. Parliament was vainly appealed to. Remonstrances formed the next link in this chain. These were treated with contumely. A formal demand to desist from oppression in bold but still respectful language—every word breathing allegiance to the king was the third link in this chain but all to no purpose. The ministerial horse leech cry—give—give—GIVE—came rushing across the broad Atlantic from Albion'sshore and pierced more deeply the wounded hearts of the imploring suppliants. Resolutions of non-importation formed the fourth link. These were answered by threats and menaces. Preparations to resist formed the fifth link. These resulted in an open and wanton attack upon American citizens on the heights of Lexington when the great seal of allegiance was dissolved in blood. The sixth link was the war cry which roused millions to resolve on liberty or death. The Declaration of Rights was the seventh and swivel link to the golden chain of Liberty forged by the patriots of '76 which formed an impassable barrier to the power of Great Britain over the colonies. The broad ring of the Federal Constitution perfected this mighty chain which has thus far held the ship of state safely to her moorings amidst the storms that have been raised by foreign foes and internal traitors.
Among those who aided in forging this golden chain of Liberty was Carter Braxton son of George Braxton a wealthy planter who resided on the north bank of the Mattapony river, where he owned a large tract of valuable land situated in the county of King and Queen in Virginia. At this delightful place Carter was born on the 10th of September 1736. His connections were numerous, wealthy and of the first respectability. Several of them were crown officers at various periods. Carter was raised amidst the splendor of opulence without the tender care of a mother to correct his childish foibles or the wise counsels of a father to guard him against the errors of youth. The former died when he was but seven days old—the latter when he was a small boy. He was liberally educated at the college of William and Mary. At the age of nineteen he married the beautiful and amiable Judith Robinson who was very wealthy. He entered into full possession of his large estate, which, united with that of his wife, constituted a princely fortune. She survived but a brief period leaving two daughters, the youngest but a few hours old.
Borne down by grief Mr. Braxton visited England where he remained nearly three years and added greatly to his previous stock of knowledge. He became familiar with the feelings and designs of that kingdom towards his native country. His rank and fortune gave him access to the nobility from whom he obtained much valuable information relative to the ministerial conclave then concocting plans to support royalty in Great Britain by forcing money from the hardy pioneers of America. Although his relatives and friends were many of them favorites of the King and everything around him was calculated to foster aristocracy and bind him to those in power, he became a bold opposer of British usurpations and a warm advocate of liberal principles and equal rights.
In 1760 he returned from Europe and was elected to the House ofBurgesses and became an active and prominent member. His knowledge of the intentions of the mother country to impose increasing burdens upon the Americans enabled him to fully understand every movement of the monarchical hirelings around him. In 1765 he was in the House of Burgesses and was a warm supporter of the bold resolutions offered by Patrick Henry relative to the Stamp Act. He was in the House in 1769 when the proceedings of the members excited the ire of Gov. Bottetourt so highly that he dissolved them without ceremony. They immediately repaired to a private room in Williamsburg and entered into a solemn agreement not to import any articles from the mother country until their chartered rights were restored. The same members were elected to the next session. Being aware of the kind of material he had to manage the shrewd Governor lulled them into a more quiet mood by the siren song of promises of redress. They had yet to learn that deceit is an important part of political machinery. Still cherishing hopes that their rights would be restored they waited in respectful but watchful silence. In the House there were seven standing committees—on courts of justice, public claims, elections, privileges, trade, grievances, proposition and on religion. Of the three last Mr. Braxton was uniformly a member.
In 1771 Governor Bottetourt died and was succeeded by Lord Dunmore. Being fresh from the fountain of high notions and ministerial corruption he dissolved the turbulent Assembly then in commission and issued his king's writ for a new election. Mr. Braxton was then sheriff of the county and could not serve in the House. Promises of redress were renewed with apparent sincerity. The people lived on hope until the 27th of May 1774, when the House of Burgesses again took a bold stand against oppression and were unceremoniously dissolved by the Governor. By this act he dissolved the original contract in view of the people—they became enraged and doffed their allegianceinstanter. Immediately after the dissolution, eighty-nine of the members and many other bold patriots formed themselves into an association of resistance. From these live sparks the fire of freedom rose in curling flames.
In August of that year a convention met at Williamsburg to devise plans for future action of which Mr. Braxton was an efficient member. Seven delegates were elected to meet the Congress at Philadelphia and an agreement made to act in concert with the people of Boston in the common cause against the common enemy. Lord Dunmore had a new set of members elected to the House but being displeased with their proceedings prorogued them several times. On the night of the 7th of June 1775 the people in turn prorogued his lordship who took hisfinal exit on board the armed ship Fowey never again to wield his iron rod of despotism over the freemen of America. He took up quarters on board this ship and occasionally issued his mandates which came to the people as talismanic messengers to invigorate their patriotism. In April following he caused the powder to be removed from the magazine under a pretence that it would be needed in another part of the province to repel an expected insurrection of the blacks. The enraged people assembled in large numbers with a determination to take this important item into their own keeping. Through the persuasion of Peyton Randolph they dispersed. Some being still discontented a Spartan band assembled headed by Patrick Henry and proceeded to Williamsburg determined to have the powder or its equivalent. An armed force was sent from the Fowey to sustain the governor's orders. This was like adding bitumen to a blazing fire. The fury of the patriots was about to be poured out upon the minions of the crown—blood was about to flow when Mr. Braxton and others interfered—the powder was paid for by a crown officer—Mr. Henry gave his receipt for the money and his young Spartans returned home.
For a time the government of Virginia was managed entirely by the Committee of Safety of which Mr. Braxton was an active member. On the 15th of December 1775, he was elected to the Continental Congress and entered upon his duties with great zeal. He advocated, voted for and signed the Declaration of Rights that formally dissolved the maternal ties that bound the pilgrim fathers in slavery. On his return from Congress the next year Mr. Braxton took his seat in the first legislature of his state convened under the new form of government. A formal vote of thanks to him and Thomas Jefferson for their faithful services in Congress was entered upon the records of that body on the 12th of October 1776. From that time to his death he was almost constantly a member of one or the other branch of the legislature and but four days previous to his decease had taken his seat in the Council.
He had lost a large portion of his princely fortune by the British and after the war closed was the child of adversity. For a time his friends assisted him in the prosecution of several speculative projects, all of which proved abortive, injuring them without benefiting him. He finally sunk under a ponderous weight of affliction which produced paralysis, a second attack of which closed his useful and eventful career at Richmond, Virginia, on the 10th of October 1797.
Under all these adverse and trying circumstances his reputation did not suffer. He was known to be an honest man and povertythenwasnot an unpardonable sin or evenprima facieevidence of dishonesty. He lost none of his well-earned fame as an able and faithful public servant and worthy upright man. His private character was pure. He fulfilled all the relations of life with fidelity. He was one of the most polished gentlemen of the old school. His name is justly placed high upon the list of enduring fame. He was a faithful sentinel in the cause of freedom and contributed largely in consummating the Independence we now enjoy, theFreedomwe inherit, theLibertywe are bound to cherish, protect, preserve and perpetuate with our lives, fortunes and sacred honors and transmit it to our children in all the beauty of pristine purity.
Wyoming Valleyis the Paradise of Pennsylvania. Captivating in its location—rich in its soil—irrigated by the crystal Susquehanna—bordered with magnificent scenery of romantic grandeur—enlivened by beautiful farm-houses and productive fields—crowned with the flourishing town of Wilkesbarre—ornamented by several small villages of tasteful neatness—refreshed by cooling springs and mountain streams filled with sportive trout—evergreen forests adjacent towering to the clouds and full of game—graduated hills on every side rich with minerals and reaching to the mountains—a healthful atmosphere rendered pure by the untiring operations of nature's laboratory—inhabited by intelligent, enterprising, hospitable people—it is one of the most beautiful and delightful valleys in our expansive country. Its early history renders it sacred to the philanthropist and is read with thrilling sensations of painful sympathy. It has engaged the pens of our best historians—our ablest poets. It has been painted with the finest touches of our boldest artists. When strangers pass the narrow confines of the majestic mountains on the south and are ushered into this grand amphitheatre of creative wisdom—they gaze with pleasing surprise and wonder at the weakness of the most vivid descriptions they have read, compared with the sublime reality of the enrapturing view before them.
In this far-famed valley Zebulon Butler acted a conspicuous, brave and noble part. He was born at Lyme, Conn. in 1731. He received a good common school and religious education. The New Testament was then an approved school-book. He early planted himself on the firm basis of moral rectitude and primitive religious truth. Withoutthese the laurels of the hero are less fragrant—the talents of the legislator less brilliant—the noblest attributes of man less perfect. By these remarks I do not mean Pharisaical religion, poisonous fanaticism nor blighting sectarianism. It is the honest, consistent, Golden Rule man I admire. Such a man was Zebulon Butler. He was one of the first patriots who opposed British tyranny and dared to be free. He entered early into the Provincial service and served the mother country through the French war. He commenced his military career an Ensign and soon rose to the rank of Captain. He participated in the memorable hardships of the campaign of 1758 on the frontiers of Canada—at Fort Edward, Lake George, Ticonderoga and Crown Point. In 1762 he was at the protracted siege of Havana. On his way he was on board one of the six vessels that were shipwrecked. All on board narrowly escaped a watery grave. They were on the beach nine days before they were relieved. On the 9th day of August the last of the fleet arrived before Havana. The defence was obstinate—the sufferings of the besiegers great.
Capt. Butler shared largely in the dangers of the attack—the glories of the victory. He sailed for his long absent home on the 21st of the ensuing October in the Royal Duke. He encountered many perils during the voyage. On the 7th of November the ship began to leak so rapidly that it was with difficulty that her crew were transferred to another vessel near by before she went to the bottom. He arrived at New York on the 21st of December and once more met the warm embrace of anxious relatives and friends. He had won enduring laurels—he stood high as a brave and skilful officer—an esteemed and valued citizen. He then left the army and enjoyed the peaceful pleasures of private life until the revolutionary storm began to concentrate its fearful elements. He was ready to brave its pitiless peltings. He had rendered arduous and valuable service to the mother country—he was well qualified to repel her ungrateful conduct and render efficient aid in the defence of his native soil. The goadings and insolence of British hirelings had deeply penetrated his patriotic soul and prepared him for bold and noble action. When the tocsin of war was sounded from the heights of Lexington he promptly tendered his services—was appointed a lieutenant-colonel in the Connecticut line and repaired to the post of honor and danger. He was actively engaged in the campaigns of 1777-8-9. During the last year he was commissioned colonel of the 2d Connecticut regiment. He was with Washington in New Jersey and greatly esteemed by him.
A short time previous to the revolution he was one of a companyfrom his native place that had purchased Wyoming Valley from the Indians for a fair consideration. Many settlers had located there and cleared up much of the forest. Although fully remunerated for their lands pursuant to contract made with the Chiefs in grand council assembled—the red men were unwilling to leave a place so enchanting and congenial with their views of happiness. In that salubrious vale, fringed with hills and mountains on all sides, they fancied the Great Spirit had his dwelling-place and gave them audible audience as echo reverberated their stentorian yells from hill to mountain and back to the shores of the majestic Susquehanna. As the towering forest fell before the axe of the white man the Indians murmured and designed the extermination of the pale faces. In this they were encouraged by the British and black-hearted tories—most of the inhabitants having declared for liberty. Most of their effective force of near 200 men was in the American army. Soon after the departure of these troops the savages assumed a menacing attitude—manifesting a disposition to violate the terms of peace they had solemnly sanctioned when paid for their lands. Several stockade forts were erected—a company of rangers organized and placed under the command of Captain Hewitt. Every precaution was taken to guard against surprise—the movements of the red men were narrowly watched, their apparent designs closely observed. It soon became evident that they were preparing for a bloody sacrifice. An express was despatched to the board of war representing the approaching danger requesting the return of the troops who had recently joined the army—leaving their homes exposed to all the horrors of savage cruelty rendered more awful by the more bloodthirsty tories. The request was promptly granted but too late to ward off the fatal slaughter and carnage that took place when these brave men were within two days' march of their murdered wives, children and friends who slumbered in death deeply gashed with the tomahawk.
About the 1st of June 1778, a number of canoes were discovered descending the river just above the valley filled with Indian warriors. They attacked a party of the inhabitants who were at work on the bank of the Susquehanna—killing and making prisoners of ten. They were evidently concentrating their forces for the purpose of an attack upon the settlement. At that critical juncture Col. Butler arrived. A large body of the savages had assembled at the mouth of the Lackawanna at the head of the valley. The militia under the command of Col. Dennison assembled in the fort at Wilkesbarre on the 1st of July. They scoured the borders of the valley—discovered the bodies of thosewho had been massacred a few days before—killed two Indians and returned. Not supposing danger so near each man repaired to his own house for provisions. On the 3d most of the men able to bear arms assembled at the fort amounting to about 350. Some remained in the smaller forts with their families presuming on the delay of an attack. The command of the troops was given to Col. Butler. They were poorly armed and had but a small supply of ammunition. But few of them had ever been engaged in battle and were not familiar with military tactics. In a few moments after Col. Butler had assumed the command news was brought that the enemy had entered the upper end of the valley and were advancing rapidly. Fort Wintermote and another stockade fort was then in flames and their inmates weltering in blood and struggling in death. A council of war was held and an unfortunate resolve made to march out and attempt to arrest the savages in their career of desolation and carnage. The troops proceeded some distance from the fort and took an advantageous position on the bank of a creek where they supposed the enemy would pass on their way to the principal fort. There they remained for half a day without seeing the foe. Another council of war was held which resulted in adding to the error of leaving the fort that of attacking the enemy in their position contrary to the opinion of several officers who were as brave but more judicious than those who urged the fatal movement. The order to advance was given. They had not proceeded more than a mile when the advanced guard fired upon several Indians who were firing a house. The force of the enemy was concentrated at fort Wintermote amounting to near 1000 effective men commanded by Brandt, an Indian half-blood and Col. John Butler—not a relative of Col. Zebulon Butler as some writers have erroneously stated. Echo returned the demoniac yells of the savages from the surrounding hills—the forest resounded with the appalling war whoop. Another serious error was committed by the ill-fated Americans. Not until they were upon the battle-ground did they learn the superior force of the revengeful foe. As the little band approached they found the Indians and tories formed in a line—the right resting on a swamp commanded by Brandt—the left reaching to fort Wintermote headed by Col. John Butler. Col. Z. Butler led the right and Col. Dennison the left of the Americans to the attack. So determined was this Spartan band on victory that the left of the enemy gave way in a few minutes closely pursued by Col. Butler. In consequence of part of the Indians passing the swamp to gain his rear Col. Dennison ordered his men to fall back. Many supposing he had ordered a retreat the line becameconfused and broken. At that unfortunate juncture Brandt rushed upon it with such fury that it could not be rallied. At that critical moment Col. Butler rode towards the left and first learned the misfortune of Col. Dennison and saw his men retreating in disorder. He was then between two fires and near the advancing enemy. Before the troops on the right were apprised of the fate of the left they were nearly surrounded by the savages and compelled to retreat precipitately. The route was general—the slaughter horrible—the scene terrific. But about 50 survived among whom were Colonels Butler and Dennison who were more exposed than most of the others. The few who escaped from the dreadful carnage of that fatal day assembled at Forty Fort. So heart-rending was this defeat that the surviving inhabitants were willing to submit to any terms to save their lives. The enemy refused to treat with any officer of the continental army as unquestionably advised by the hyena tories. Nor would they give them or regular soldiers any quarter but insisted on their being delivered up to the Indians at discretion. Col. Butler at once left and proceeded to Gradenhutten on the Lehigh. On the 4th of July Col. Dennison entered into a capitulation with Col. John Butler and Brandt to surrender the Fort on condition the lives of the survivors should be preserved and not further molested in person or property. These conditions were solemnly agreed to by tory Butler and Brandt but most disgracefully violated. As the Indians marched in they commenced an indiscriminate plunder. Butler was appealed to and replied he could not control them—walked out and left them to finish their work in their own way. The man who could urge the savages on to murder could leave them to rob the helpless, regardless of his sacred pledge of honor.
Finding themselves still at the mercy of the Indians the inhabitants fled to the nearest settlement towards the Delaware about 50 miles distant through a dense wilderness and over rugged mountains. So rapidly did they fly on the wings of terror that numbers became exhausted from over fatigue and hunger and were carried on the last day by the stronger ones. After their departure the savage tories and red men laid waste the town of Wilkesbarre and most of the houses in the valley—plundering or destroying all the property they could find. They then drove the cattle and horses to Niagara. They had fully satiated their thirst for blood—desolation was completed—vengeance was gorged—nature mourned over the dismal scene.
From Gradenhutten Col. Butler communicated the sad intelligence of the bloody massacre to the Board of War and then proceeded to Stroudsburg then in Northampton county, where he met the returningWyoming troops and a few of those who had escaped on the day of the unfortunate battle. In August he was ordered to return with such force as he could collect and take possession of Wyoming valley. On his arrival he found a few Indians who were collecting the cattle that the main body had left. They fled precipitately without their plunder. Col. Butler erected a new fort at Wilkesbarre and established a well regulated garrison which he commanded until the winter of 1780—keeping the tories and savages at bay—not risking a general action but killing them off in detail by scouting parties of sharp-shooters whenever they approached the settlement. The expedition of Gen. Sullivan in 1779 paralyzed the Indian power upon the Susquehanna and restored a good degree of confidence in the inhabitants.
In December 1780 Col. Butler was ordered to join the continental army and left Capt. Alexander Mitchell in command of the fort. After serving his country faithfully to the close of the war of Independence the Colonel returned to the vale of Wyoming to enjoy the fruits of his perilous toils and the gratitude of the inhabitants whom he had nobly aided and protected. He subsequently filled sundry civil offices with credit and fidelity. He lived to see his loved Wyoming bloom with the fruits of industry—its inhabitants peaceful, prosperous, happy. He was amply rewarded for the perils and hardships of the past by the full fruition of the enjoyments of the present. His happiness was as complete as it could be made this side of heaven. Dearly beloved by his immediate friends, esteemed by all who knew him—the waning years of Col. Butler were crowned with the most refined comforts of social and domestic life. He glided down the stream of time smoothly and calmly to the 28th of July 1795, when he threw off his mortal coil—resigned his quiescent spirit into the hands of its Creator—fell asleep in the arms of his Lord and Master deeply mourned and sincerely lamented. His career closed as brightly as it had been glorious and useful. He was an amiable companion, a virtuous citizen, a consistent Christian—a brave, noble, worthy, honest man.
A creditable monument has been erected on the battle ground in memory of those who fell on the memorable 3d of July 1778 in the far famed valley of Wyoming.
Thefond and faithful parents who have guided to manhood a family of sons whose every action is a source of pleasure and delight—whowalk in wisdom's ways—who prove virtuous, generous, bold, brave and patriotic—whose lives shed new lustre on the world—whose achievements on the battle field or in the senate chamber stamp their names with enduring fame—enjoy a rich consolation, pure as the etherial sky—refreshing as evening zephyrs. More especially do their souls become enraptured with love if these sons deliver them from the iron grasp of a merciless tyrant—disenthrall them from the chains of slavery and make them free and independent.
All this was done for our country by her valiant sons who graced the memorable era of '76. Like a blazing meteor bursting from the clouds amidst the gloom of midnight darkness, they illuminated our nation with light—the world with glory—raised the star spangled banner and planted the tree ofLibertydeep in the soil ofFreedom. Noble sons of Columbia! Sages and heroes of the American Revolution! Your names will be held in grateful remembrance through the rolling ages of time. Millions yet unborn will chant your brilliant achievements, your triumphant victories, your unsurpassed wisdom, your god-like actions.
Among the sons of noble daring—champions of their injured country, was Charles Carroll of Carrollton, born at Annapolis on the 20th of September 1737. He was the son of Daniel Carroll who came from King's county Ireland and was named for his grandfather Charles Carroll. The elder Carrolls were highly charged with liberal principles and planted them deeply in the minds of their sons. Nor did the precious seed fall on barren ground. Obeying the precepts and imitating the examples of his patriotic sire, young Charles Carroll proved worthy of the high source from which he sprang. He was emphatically one of the same stamp.
At the early age of eight years his embryo talents shone so brightly that his father determined on giving them an opportunity to bud, blossom and expand amidst the literary bowers of Europe. He was first sent to a seminary in France. His untiring application to his studies and manly deportment at the different seminaries through which he passed, gained for him a finished education and the esteem of all his acquaintances. At the age of twenty he commenced the study of law in London, England, where he ripened into manhood and returned to his native State in 1764 with a rich fund of useful knowledge, prepared to act well his part through life.
The subject of oppression upon the Americans by the British ministry was freely discussed in England before he left and had prepared his mind for the exciting crisis that awaited the colonies. On his return he became an unflinching and able advocate for freedom. He possessed a clear head and discriminating mind. In action he was cool, deliberate, firm and decisive. His writing talent was of a high order. This was admirably developed in 1772. The governor had issued a proclamation derogatory to the constitutional rights of the people. In a series of essays published in the public papers, Mr. Carroll triumphantly vindicated the cause of his insulted constituents—conclusively answering and confuting the combined arguments of the governor and his cabinet in favor of the unwarranted pretensions of their master. So fully did these essays convince the people that the governor aimed at illegitimate power that they hung his proclamation upon a gallows and bid defiance to the minions of despotism. Before the writer was known the people instructed their representatives to record a vote of thanks to the author. When it was ascertained that Mr. Carroll was the champion who had bearded the British lion, they repaired to his house in great numbers and made the welkin ring with plaudits of thankful praise.
From that time he became a prominent leader of the liberal party—an espouser of equal rights—a stern opposer of ministerial wrongs. His benign influence radiated its genial rays upon the hearts and confirmed the wavering minds of many in the glorious cause ofLiberty. In bold and glowing colors he portrayed the aggressions of the king, the corrupt designs of his ministers and the humiliating consequences of tame submission to their arbitrary demands. He was among the first to kindle the flame of resistance and light up the torch of Independence. He was among the first to sanction the Declaration of Rights—the last of the noble band of sages who signed it who lived to see 1832.
On the 18th of July 1776 he was a member of the Maryland Convention convened to elect delegates to the Continental Congress. He was selected for that important station—took his seat on the 2d of August and signed the Declaration of Independence. His talents and zeal were highly appreciated by the members of Congress. He had previously endeared himself to them by a voluntary mission to Canada in conjunction with Franklin, Chase and Bishop Carroll. The object of their visit was to persuade the people of the Canadas to unite with the Colonies in throwing off the yoke of bondage imposed by the mother country. The Messrs. Carrolls were Roman Catholics, the prevailing religion of the Canadians. The other two gentlemen entertained universal charity for all good men irrespective of manufactured creeds. It was fondly hoped their mission would be crowned withsuccess. The defeat of the American troops at Quebec and the death of Gen. Montgomery had thrown so much darkness over the future prospects of the American cause that they refused to enter the compact. The consequences of that course have been fearfully developed for years and the time is not far distant when the Canadas will be free from England to the mutual benefit of both countries.
On his return he was surprised to find that the Maryland delegates in Congress had been instructed by a vote of the Assembly to oppose the Declaration of Independence. His influence caused the rescinding of that vote and a reversal of the instructions. He felt a strong desire that his native state should do full service in the cause of freedom. To effect this he spent more time in her legislative hall than in Congress. In the formation of her constitution and laws he rendered efficient aid. From 1788 to 1791 he was a member of the U.S. Senate. From that year to 1801 he served in the senate of his own state. He then retired from the great theatre of public action in the rich enjoyment of the esteem of a nation of freemen. For thirty years he was spared to enjoy the cheering comforts of domestic felicity and survived all the others who had placed their names upon the Chart of our liberty.
In his retirement he delighted in beholding the onward march of this favored country, prospering under the care of an all-wise Providence—populated by a free and independent people—in rank second to no nation on earth—in enterprise traversing the globe—in genius eclipsing the old world—in talent equal to the best. Like a majestic oak that had long braved the raging tempest, he stood alone as a signer of our Magna Charta calmly awaiting the time when he should be riven and gathered to his fathers. Gradually the world lost its former charms. More and more his mind became fixed on anticipated scenes of future and purer bliss. He seemed to ascend the ladder of faith and reach out his hand for that crown of unfading glory prepared for him by his Lord and Master. In this beatific state his soul was summoned from its tottering, trembling, falling tenement of clay on the 14th of November 1832. Calm and resigned he entered Jordan's flood—angels escorted his immortal spirit to Immanuel's peaceful shores whilst his grateful country deeply mourned and strongly felt the loss of one of her noblest sons—society one of its brightest ornaments—his relatives one of their dearest kinsmen.
Charles Carroll was a man of consistency in everything. He was a devoted Christian in communion with the Roman Catholic Church but decidedly opposed to a want of charity and kind feeling. He deprecateda spirit of persecution by one sect of Christians towards another. He was one of the few who reasoned correctly and acted wisely upon this important subject. It is a fact known to but few at this late day that the Roman Catholics of Maryland were the first who placed religious toleration on a statute book in America. [See laws of Maryland 1647.] It is also a fact that the Protestants first introduced proscription there. After the restoration of Charles II. in 1761, they obtained an order from him prohibiting all Roman Catholics from holding any office, which was in violation of the charter granted to Lord Baltimore by Charles I. upon which the colony was based. Still more. The Protestants having become the bride of the state, continued to draw more tightly the cords of persecution by authority from William III. The Catholics were taxed to support the churches of their oppressors. By an act passed in 1704, the celebration of mass or the instruction of youth by a Catholic insured him transportation to England. In the land of the Puritans, the Baptist and Quaker sects were treated more rigorous, being persecuted even unto death and by those too who fled from the very persecution they practised the moment they obtained the power. So it ever has been—so it ever will be until mankind become fully and feelingly sensible thatsectarianism is not religion—is not a child of Heaven—that charity is the crowning attribute of Deity—the brightest star in the Christian's diadem.
During the excitement in Maryland upon the unhallowed connection of church and state, the Carrolls used their best exertions to effect a reconciliation between the parties which was never fully done until the revolution compelled sectarianism to hide its hydra head by uniting all sects in the common cause against the common enemy and forever banishing its power from our land by the adoption of our Federal Constitution. Men are as prone to abuse power as the sparks are to fly upward.
In the life of Charles Carroll of Carrollton, we have examples rich with instruction for youth, manhood and old age—for the lawyer, the statesman, the patriot and the Christian. His career was guided by prudence and virtue. His every action was marked with frankness and honesty. He richly merited and freely received the esteem and veneration of a nation ofFreemen. His private and public career were prompted and directed by a purity of motive that never fails to render a man useful in life—triumphant in death.
Ostracismwas the title of a law once in full and practical force in the Republic of Athens. It required the banishment of any citizen when six thousand of the people voted for his expulsion—there being about twenty thousand voters—thus violating the fundamental principle of a republican government—the majority must rule and be obeyed. Ruin was the natural result.
Each voter wrote the name of the citizen that was to be banished on a shell called in Greek—Ostralcon.These were deposited as are ballots at our elections and were counted by persons appointed by law. To the ruin of Athens, envy, jealousy, and intrigue caused the banishment of several of her most illustrious sages and heroes who loved their country more than they did political corruption. Among them was Aristides—a noble patriot, statesman and general. When the people were voting in his case he mingled with the crowd and met an illiterate peasant who did not know him, who asked him to write Aristides upon his shell.What injury has Aristides done you?The peasant quickly answered—None at all but I am tired of hearing him called the just.Without revealing himself the patriot wrote his own name upon the fatal shell and handed it back to the deluded voter. He bowed submissively to his sentence of banishment for ten years and invoked a blessing on his enemies as he departed.
A species of political persecution practically analogous to the law of ostracism commenced its career in our country as early as the American Revolution. Political cliques and venal presses have been the executioners. No one of the sages or heroes of that eventful period was so severely persecuted by party ostracism after the formation of our republic as Samuel Chase who was born in Somerset County, Maryland, on the 17th day of April, 1741. He was the son of Rev. Thomas Chase who came from England to that province and became pastor of St. Paul's Parish in Baltimore, then a new country village and destitute of good schools. At the age of two years Samuel was deprived of the tender care of his mother by her premature death. Under the instruction of his father he became an accomplished classical scholar. At the age of eighteen he commenced the study of law under the direction of John Hammond and John Hull of Annapolis. At the age of twenty he was admitted to the bar of the Mayor's Court and two years after to that of the County Court and the Court of Chancery. He located at Annapolisand filled up the rib vacuum by marrying the worthy and intelligent Ann Baldwin—a very sensible and fair business transaction.
Mr. Chase was not long in acquiring the reputation of a sound lawyer and able advocate. He was of a sanguine temperament—bold, fearless, undisguised, independent in mind, language and action but honest, patriotic, and pure in his motives—immovable in his purposes—qualities that dignify a man if prudently balanced and prepare him for just such times as the Revolution—qualities that often rouse the spirit of ostracism in those who aim to ruin those they cannot rule. These leading traits, constitutional with Samuel Chase, with the times and circumstances that influenced his judgment and governed his actions must be kept constantly in view to enable the reader to form a just estimate of his character which I will impartially and plainly portray.
On the flood tide of a prosperous business—celebrated for his legal acumen and forensic fame—in the full enjoyment of domestic felicity and social intercourse with friends—Mr. Chase glided smoothly along until his country began to writhe under kingly oppression. The Stamp Act, the first born of the scrofulous revenue system devised by the putrescent British ministry, met with a hostile reception at Annapolis. Mr. Chase and a band of kindred spirits under the cognomen of "Sons of Liberty," forcibly seized and destroyed the newly imported stamps and burned in effigy the stamp distributer. No further violence was then committed. The king's officers opened a newspaper battery against this "furious mob" directing their whole artillery against Mr. Chase complimenting him with the courtly names—"busy restless incendiary—ringleader of mobs—foul mouthed inflaming son of discord and faction—a common disturber of the public tranquillity—a promoter of the lawless excesses of the multitude" and other similar emphatic appellations—conferring upon the young patriot a diploma of distinction little anticipated by them. His answers to these vituperations were manly, charged with strong and conclusive logic—keen and withering sarcasm. The attack brought him fairly into the political field. So delighted were the people with the manner he handled the hirelings of the crown that they elected him to the colonial assembly. There he took a conspicuous part and became the uncompromising opposer of all measures that were not within the pale of the constitution or were tinctured with oppression. So strongly was he in favor of liberal principles that he gave his whole influence and vote in favor of the repeal of the law that compelled the people to support the clergy by which the stipend of his father was reduced one-half. Pursuant to the law of primogeniture then in force this was voting money out of his own pocket. His boldand independent course made him a subject of persecution with the creatures of the crown and an object of pride and admiration with the people. His enemies found him a bramble full of the keenest thorns and were awfully scarified every time they approached him. His tongue, pen, logic, sarcasm—all were blighting as a sirocco wind.
After the repeal of the Stamp Act a calm in the public mind ensued but it was a calm of delusion such as precedes a tornado. The inquisitorial rack of the ministry was again put in motion—fresh impositions commenced—the fire of discontent was again blown to a blaze. The Bill closing the port of Boston with directions to the King's officers to seize and send to England for trial those who dared resist the royal authority—roused the indignation of colonies that had been rather passive. The Congress of 1774 was then devised of which Mr. Chase was a member. The deep solemnity, unparalleled wisdom and patient deliberations that marked the proceedings of that Congress—shed a lustre upon the cause of liberty then in embryo that forced applause from its most violent opposers. Had not the cabinet of Great Britain been blinded by sordid avarice, mad ambition and political delusion—had not the King been a mere automaton, scarcely a moving, walking, talking machine—the loyal and logical appeals from that august body of sages would have been treated with merited respect and quiet restored. The colonists asked for nothing but what was clearly right and asked in the most respectful and even suppliant manner. Ministers were left without excuse for their subsequent course.Theirsacrilegious hands broke the great seal of the social compact—theiragents sowed the seeds of rebellion—theircruelty kindled the flame that devoured them—theirvisionary policy severed the cords of maternal affection—theirtreachery spread the mantle of righteousness over the cause of the Revolution. We justly censure them for their corrupt designs but rejoice in the glorious result of their plans. Haman erected his own gallows. Grenville and North destroyed their own power.
In 1775 Mr. Chase was returned to Congress with instructions to pursue a conciliatory course contrary to his judgment but which he implicitly obeyed. He was active and persevering on committees and took a deep interest in every measure proposed in favor of freedom. He was returned to Congress the next year still trammelled with instructions which he truly predicted would soon be removed. In the spring of 1776 he was associated with Messrs. Franklin, Charles and Bishop Carroll on a mission to Canada to induce the people there to join in the struggle for liberty. They wanted courage to be free and still wear the yoke of bondage. On his return he was delighted to find thequestion of final separation from mother Britain under consideration and boldly advocated the measure. It was the very proposition to animate the soul of Samuel Chase. His instructions became burdensome as the discussion increased. They were removed just in time for him to record his vote in favor of that imperishable instrument that has immortalized the names of the signers and is the pride of every true American. The act of signing the Declaration of Rights gave him more joy than any public duty he had ever performed. A short time previous to the glorious 4th of July Mr. Chase discovered that a Judas was among them in the person of Rev. Dr. Zubly of Georgia who was clandestinely corresponding with the enemy. So bold and so suddenly did he expose the traitor on the floor of Congress that "the gentleman from Georgia" plead guilty and suddenly retired. His arrest was ordered but when the officer went to his cage the bird had flown and was never bagged. As an able statesman recently remarked, he was left in the very worst company—with himself. Mr. Chase was all industry in every position in which he was placed. In the discussions upon the Articles of Confederation he took a deep interest and active part. He considered their adoption indispensable in carrying on the good work of political regeneration. The basis of representation and the mode of voting were the two great points at issue that consumed the most time in argument.
In the fall of 1776 Messrs. Chase, Wilson, Clymer, Stockton and Smith were made a committee to take charge of the War Department—then the most important of either. Mr. Chase was upon the committee for suppressing internal enemies and became a terror to the tories and certain Quakers in and adjacent to Philadelphia who were circulating papers adverse to the American cause and were in communication with the enemy. A report, with documents proving the charge was submitted to Congress. Several leading members of the Society of Friends were confined—the seditious papers suppressed and a respectful neutrality induced on the part of that very respectable Society whose creed opposing war had led some of its members into an erroneous interference. The tories took shelter under the wings of the British army. The course pursued by Congress was then deemed harsh by some and will still appear so to a casual reader who is not familiar with the rules of war. Agreeably to the martial code of other nations—then the precedent guide for Congress—the punishment would have been much more severe. The mildness of the sentence was an antepast of a more enlarged liberty under the new form of government. By the religious tenets of the Friends it can never be sanctioned—byevery friend of liberty the necessity of such a case is always regretted. Each social compact and individual in every government must be subject to the laws of the land—must submit to the ruling power that order may be maintained.
In 1778 the British Parliament devised a stratagem by which they hoped to create a division among the patriots. Printed papers were circulated among the people containing conciliatory and flattering propositions and announcing the appointment of commissioners to perfect these inglorious terms of peace. So ingeniously were these papers worded that it was deemed necessary to prepare an answer. This important task was imposed upon Mr. Chase. Most ably did he perform his duty. He unmasked the base hypocrisy of the scheme—exposed the delusive gull-trap to the consuming fire of sarcastic logic—poured upon it the burning lava of ridicule and raised the indignation and scorn of the people against it to ninety degrees above zero. So well was it received by Congress that a larger number than usual was ordered printed and a resolution passed recommending all the clergy to read it to their congregations after service on Sunday. Like all the other plans the British ministers devised to enslave the colonies—it recoiled upon their own heads with all the force of fearful reaction.
This brilliant display of talent closed the congressional labors of this devoted friend of liberty. He retired crowned with the rich honors of an able statesman, sage, patriot and honest man. He had stood firm at his post—a faithful public servant, a bold advocate for freedom, a safe counsellor in every emergency, a fearless champion when danger pressed, an ornament to his country, a terror to the enemies of liberty. As a working man he had no superior—as a debater he had few equals. Without the mellifluous elocution of a Cicero—free from pleonastic parade—he spoke forcibly, reasoned closely, demonstrated clearly, deduced conclusively. He sought to inform the judgment, enlighten the understanding and convince by sound argument. Until the close of the struggle for freedom he continued to render efficient service to the glorious cause and then resumed his profession in the full enjoyment of the confidence of his constituents and the consolation of an approving conscience.
Soon after the close of the Revolution Mr. Chase was employed by the state of Maryland to prosecute a claim for bank stock in England and obtained for it six hundred and fifty thousand dollars. His journal shows that he was a minute observer of men and things. His high legal attainments, scholastic and legislative reputation, gentlemanly deportment, thorough business habits—combined to make a favorableimpression upon parliament, the English courts and barristers generally. He was absent less than a year and accomplished more business than some would have done in five. On his return he again took his place at the Bar.