{Signatures from Declaration of Independence}
Early in the winter of 1776 Mr. Adams wrote a form of government for the colonies which was substantially the same as the present constitutions of the states. It was first submitted to Richard Henry Lee in a letter with these remarks.
"A constitution founded on these principles introduces knowledge among the people and inspires them with a conscious dignity becoming freemen. A general emulation takes place which causes good humor, sociability, good manners and good morals to be general. That elevation of sentiment, inspired by such a government, makes the common people brave and enterprising. That ambition which is inspired by it makes them sober, industrious and frugal. You will find among them some elegance, perhaps, but more solidity—a little pleasure but a great deal of business—some politeness but more civility. If you compare such a country with the regions of domination, whether monarchical or aristocratical, you will fancy yourself in Arcadia or Elysium."
Here is inscribed upon the tablet of truth the blessings derived from a government like our own in its principles—faithfully adhered to by everytruepatriot but trampled under foot by the demagogues of the present day and the aristocracy of all time.
Among all the great men of our country, no one has exhibited a more clear and minute conception of human nature and human government, than John Adams. He traced causes and effects through all their labyrinthian meanderings and deduced conclusions that seemed the result of inspiration. Many of his predictions of the future bear the impress of prophecy and show how deeply he investigated—how clearly he perceived.
On his return from Congress, Mr. Adams was elected to the legislature of Massachusetts under the new constitution. He was also appointed Chief Justice which he declined.
In 1777 he resumed his seat in Congress and performed an amount of labor, which, if imposed upon any tendemagoguelegislators of the present day might induce suicide. He was an active member of ninety committees—chairman of twenty-five—chairman of the board of war and appeals, discharged all his duties promptly and was uniformly in his seat when any important measure was under discussion.
In December, 1777, he was appointed a commissioner to France. In February following he embarked on board the frigate Boston. During the voyage a British armed ship hove in sight—an action commenced—Mr. Adams seized a musket, gave the enemy a well-directed shot but was immediately deprived of this recreation by Capt. Tucker, who led him out of danger, pleasantly remarking—"I am commanded by the Continental Congress to carry you in safety to Europe and I will do it."
Before his arrival, Dr. Franklin and his colleague had succeeded in concluding a treaty of alliance with the French nation. After an absence of a little more than a year he returned and was elected to a convention of his native state, convened for the purpose of perfecting a constitution and the full organization of government. The original draft of the constitution of Massachusetts is from his pen. Before his term closed in this convention he was appointed by Congress—"A minister plenipotentiary for negotiating a treaty of peace and a treaty of commerce with Great Britain." In Oct. 1779, he embarked from Boston. The passage was boisterous, it being February before he arrived at Paris. Chagrin and pride prevented the British ministry from at once placing themselves on an equality with our own. The negotiation, on their part, commenced with equivocations. Mr. Adams could not be ensnared and was determined to submit to nothing wrong and left them to farther reflection.
On learning that Mr. Laurens, American commissioner to Holland, had been captured, Mr. Adams repaired to that kingdom. In August he received a commission from Congress to negotiate a loan—to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce and to accede to any treaty of neutral rights that might arise from regulations to be made by a congress of the European states then in contemplation. In a few months he was overwhelmed with important duties. Minister to Great Britain—to the States General of Holland—to all the European states for pledging the United States to the armed neutrality—with letters of credit to the Russian, Swedish and Danish envoys in Holland and a commissioner to negotiate a loan of ten millions of dollars for the support of the Home department and foreign embassies. All these duties he discharged with skill and approbation, a lasting monument of the gigantic powers of his mind. At every point he encountered intrigue which he uniformly discovered and crushed in embryo.
In July, 1781, he was directed to repair to Versailles to make a further attempt at negotiation with England. The terms offered did not fully recognize the rights of the United States as an independent nation. Peace was desirable and ardently urged by the Duke de Vergennes, who was the head and front of the French cabinet. Mr. Adams was anxious for peace—but only on just, dignified and honorableterms. The Duke, who had uniformly manifested a disposition to make the United Statesfeela dependence on France, dictated to Mr. Adams, placing him in the position of a subordinate agent. This was aFrenchbull. Mr. Adams recognized no dictator but the Continental Congress and his own keen perception and penetrating judgment. This independence of the American minister enraged the Duke. He wrote to the minister of France in the United States to lay a formal complaint before Congress against the recusant for insubordination. This the minister did ingeniously but not successfully. As a matter of respect for their new and important ally, Congress partially modified the instructions of Mr. Adams but did not place him under the dictation of the Duke as requested. They knew the granite man too well to suppose he would ever compromise the dignity of his country. They had full confidence in his capacity to perceive right—in his moral courage to enforce it.
From all the evidence in the premises I am fully convinced that the motives of the FrenchCourtin aiding our country during the revolutionary struggle, were not based on patriotism but had ulterior objects in view. Not so with the noble La Fayette and others who came to the rescue.
Again Mr. Adams left ministers to arrive at a second sober thought and learn their true position. He then returned to Amsterdam.
Owing to sad reverses in the cause of freedom the French minister made such an impression in favour of the position of the French cabinet as an umpire between England and the United States, that congress added to the commission of Mr. Adams—Dr. Franklin, Jefferson, Jay, and Laurens—with the humiliating directions, "That they should govern themselves by the advice and opinion of the ministers of the King of France." The Duke de Vergennes was elated with triumph. He was virtually made sovereign minister of the United States. This act is the darkest spot upon the proud escutcheon of the Continental Congress—an act that I would gladly "expunge from the record." No full apology can be found. The tremendous revolutionary tornado that was then sweeping over our country, charged with the dismaying materials of terror, is apartialone and the true cause of this quailing error.
The exultation of the Duke was transient. Adams and Franklin were there, masters of ceremony. They dared to disobey instructions believing they had been improperly extorted by an intriguing and designing court. They at once took a bold stand and were promptly sustained by their colleagues and ultimately by congress, to whichAdams communicated the chicanery of the Duke and the duplicity, or rather thetoolicityof the French minister in the United States. The result was glorious. An honourable peace was obtained—the dignity of our nation preserved. A provincial treaty was signed at Paris on the 30th of November, 1782 and a definitive treaty on the 3d day of September, 1783 and all without the advice or consent of the Duke de Vergennes, whose golden schemes of finesse proved abortive. He addressed a bitter letter of reproach to the American commissioners, expressing great astonishment at their presumption in daring to act independent of him, which was not answered.
Among the golden schemes of the court of France, two are worthy of particular note. 1. To secure to France and Spain the fisheries of the United States. 2. To secure the perpetual and uninterrupted navigation of the Mississippi. Very modest. Other propositions were made, equally absurd, all of which form an unanswerable excuse for our commissioners in disobeying instructions.
After the important commission of concluding peace with England was completed, Mr. Adams returned to Holland where he had negotiated a loan of eight millions of guilders in September, 1782, which was one of the means of terminating the war by enabling the United States to prosecute it with more vigor. It had a direct influence on England, inducing Lord Shelburne to make proposals of peace soon after this was known.
During the same year he was placed at the head of a commission empowered to negotiate commercial treaties with all foreign nations. He returned to Paris where he met Franklin and Jefferson who were associated with him—forming a trio of combined, versatile and exalted talent—never surpassed if ever equalled.
In 1785 Mr. Adams was appointed the first minister to Great Britain after the acknowledgment of the Independence of the United States. He was received with marked attention and courtesy so far as courtly etiquette was concerned but found the ministry morose and bitter towards the new Republic. They seemed disposed to treat the peace as a mere truce between the two nations. Mr. Adams performed the delicate duties of his station with great sagacity and wisdom—patiently removing subsisting difficulties. Nor did he forget the internal interests of his country at home. To win independence wasonething—to preserve itanotherand more important matter. The theories of a Republican form of government by Thurgot and others, had been freely circulated in the United States. These he deemed wild and visionary. This was proved by the transient existence ofthe first French Republic and has been more fully demonstrated recently in Europe and South America. More success might attend these experiments, even with imperfect skeletons of a free government were the people as well prepared to receive it as were the colonists at the time of the American Revolution.Intelligence and primitive Christianity must pervade the mass.The European pioneers came to this country with the bible in their hands and based our government upon its eternal principles, where it will securely rest until ignorance darkens intellect and the bible is banished. Letallread its plain truths, teaching, as they do, freedom in religion, freedom of conscience—pointing us to our high origin and final destiny—then our Republic cannot be destroyed by kingly influence, aristocratic corruption, ultra fanaticism, reckless demagogues, or heartless politicians. Troubles have arisen, now exist, may continue to occasionally break out—but they ever have been and I trust ever will be confined to a small portion of the great and accumulating mass—the bone and sinew of our beloved country.
To strip from these delusive theories of a free government their sophistry, Mr. Adams published a learned and able disquisition on Republican constitutions which became a polar star to his own country and operated powerfully in correcting error and allaying prejudices in England adverse to the United States. His "Defence of the Constitution" placed him on a lofty literary eminence in view of theliteratiof Europe.
In 1788 he obtained permission to return home and in the autumn of that year was elected the first Vice President of the United States. He became the confidential counsellor of Washington on all important questions. He was re-elected in 1792 and in 1796 was elected President of that Republic for which he had freely periled life, fortune and honor.
At that time party spirit had commenced its reckless career which afforded an example set by Adams and Jefferson worthy of all praise and imitation. No bitterness of party spirit, no abuses from their partisans and party press, could sever the patriotic and moral ties of friendship that bound them together up to time death removed them from the theatre of life. So high did party spirit rage that Mr. Jefferson thus rebuked a clique of politicians who were hurling slanders against Mr. Adams.
"Gentlemen, you do not know that man. There is not upon earth a more perfectly honest man than John Adams. Concealment is no part of his character. Of that he is utterly incapable. It is not in hisnature to meditate anything he would not publish to the world. The measures of the general government are a fair subject for difference of opinion—but do not found your opinions on the notion that there is the smallest spice of dishonesty, moral or political, in the character of John Adams for I know him well and I repeat—that a man more perfectly honest never issued from the hands of the Creator." Demagogues—read the above just encomium upon his opponent by a candidate for an office—then search for a parallel case of magnanimity among modern politicians—if you find one, proclaim it to the people of our vast country that they may be convinced a true patriot is in our midst—a lump of genuine salt in the body politic.
Mr. Adams proceeded to the conscientious and independent discharge of his presidential duties, prompted by the best motives for the good and glory of the infant Republic. He was an open, frank old-school federalist. During his administration the ranks of the democratic party increased rapidly, which defeated his re-election. Much has been written and more said relative to the causes that produced his political overthrow. To my mind the solution is plain and brief. His cabinet was not of his own choice—he was too independent to bend to party intrigue—he opposed the humiliating demands of the then self-styled democratic France—he advocated the augmentation of the navy of the United States and recommended the law for the suppression of the venality of the press. In the two first points he was impolitic as the head of a party—in the two next he did what all now acknowledge to be right in principle. On the last, he took the wrong method to correct an evil that has caused unceasing trouble from that time to the present—an evil that will ever exist in a government like ours, because, in annihilating this, we should destroy an essential part of our political machinery—a free press. The three last were the strong points seized upon by his opponents, which enabled them to achieve an easy victory. He retired with a good grace on the best of terms with his successful opponent and his own conscience. He supported the policy of Mr. Jefferson towards England and approved of the declaration of war in June 1812. He attributed the opposition of the eastern states to the impolicy of our government in neglecting the navy. He compared them to Achilles, who, in consequence of his being deprived of Briseis, withdrew from the Grecian confederacy. The increase of the navy was a long-nursed theory of his national policy. Had his views been carried out by our country, our nation would now have been mistress of the seas. As it is, we have scarcely armed vessels enough to protect the expanding commerce of our enterprising merchants—a fact thatis often tauntingly referred to by Englishmen and has often crimsoned the cheeks of liberal-minded Americans. If all the money that has been expended within the last twenty years in worse than useless legislation and speech-making throughout these United States had been appropriated in building ships of war, our navy would now be larger than that of Great Britain. Add what has gone into the hands of peculators since the formation of our Republic—it would sustain that navy for thirty years. Some of our people have been occasionally a littletoofree.
Soon after his retirement from the presidential chair, Mr. Adams was solicited to become the governor of his native state, which he declined on account of his advanced age. In 1817 he was placed at the head of the list of presidential electors. In 1820 he was elected president of the convention that revised the constitution that he had written forty years previous. The compliment was duly appreciated by him but his infirmities did not permit him to preside. He imparted much counsel and rendered special aid in the revision. This was the last public act of this great man. Two years before this, the partner of his bosom had gone to her final rest—an affliction most keenly felt by him. She was a Christian—to know was to love her.
Surrounded by friends who delighted to honor him—his country prosperous and happy—enjoying the full fruition of divine grace which had produced the green foliage of piety through a long life—political animosities buried in oblivion—his now frail bark glided smoothly down the stream of time until the fiftieth anniversary of Independence dawned upon our beloved country. On the morning of the 4th of July 1826, an unexpected debility seized him but no one supposed he was standing on the last inch of his time. He was asked for a sentiment to be given for him at the celebration on that day. "Independence forever," burst from his dying lips, which were the last words he ever uttered with a loud and animated voice. He expired about four in the afternoon without a groan, sigh, murmur or apparent pain, with a full assurance of a happy reception in that brighter world where sin and sorrow never interrupt the peaceful joys of the angelic throng.
On the same day and but a few hours previous, the immortal spirit of the illustrious Jefferson had left its tenement of clay, thrown off its mortal coil and returned to Him who gave it. Perhaps these kindred spirits met in mid air and ascended together to an ecstatic meeting with the friends they had loved and lost and whom they should gain, love and never lose.
This unparalleled coincidence in death produced a deep sensationin the United States and in Europe. The simultaneous departure of two of the noblest spirits that ever graced the theatre of human life—illuminating the world with freedom—whose acts had elicited the admiration of all civilized nations—whose mighty deeds will be a theme of praise through all time—was an incident that seemed designed by the great Jehovah to impress their precepts—their examples and their names upon the minds of the human family with all the force of Divinity.
Mr. Adams was a plain man, low in stature, not graceful in his movements—at times rather repulsive. In public he was austere but in the social circle, familiar, pleasing and instructive. He disliked formal ceremony and abhorred pedantry. He admired and exemplified strong common sense. He spoke his sentiments freely and could not have been transformed into a moderntechnicalpolitician. His open frankness was proverbial. He called it one of his failings. When looking at Stuart's fine paintings, he fixed his eyes upon the portrait of Washington with compressed mouth—then upon his own, with open lips, and facetiously remarked—"Ah! that fellow never could keep his mouth shut." Such a man never can be apopularpolitician as the writer knows from experience.
The highest eulogy that can be pronounced upon John Adams is the history of his bright and useful career. For more than half a century he served our country ably and faithfully. He continued to impart salutary counsel until the curtain of death closed the scene.
In all the relations of private life he was too pure for the palsying touch of slander. The foulest of all pestiferous atmospheres—party spirit—could not,darenot approach his private character with its damning miasma or impute to his public action an iota of political dishonesty or impurity of motive. If any demagogue dares to contradict this position, let him hear the voice of Jefferson from the tomb—"An honester man than John Adams never issued from the hands of the Creator."
Manyof the sages and heroes of the American Revolution were consistent and devoted Christians—some of them eminent ministers of the gospel of Christ. They all were evidently actuated by motives of purity, prompted by the demands of imperious duty based upon the inalienable rights of man. They had no innate love of military gloryaiming only at conquest. Their pilgrim fathers fled front servile oppression—planted the standard offreedomin the new world—spread civilization over our happy land and transmitted the rich behest to their children. With the principles of rational liberty each succeeding generation was made familiar. When tyranny reared its hydra head, the monster was readily recognized. The people were prepared to drive the invading foe from their shores.
Samuel Adams was one of the revolutionary sages who boldly espoused the cause of equal rights. He was born in Boston, Mass. on the 22d of Sept. 1722. His parents were highly respectable. His father was long a member of the Assembly of Massachusetts, from whom this son imbibed those liberal principles which he so fearlessly and successfully vindicated during his subsequent life. In childhood he exhibited a strong inquiring mind—talents of a high order. He was prepared for college by Mr. Lovell. His application to study was close—his progress rapid. His highest pleasure was found in his books. Being naturally sedate, his father placed him in Harvard College, believing him destined for the gospel ministry. In that institution he advanced rapidly in science and in favor. During his whole course he was reproved but once and that for sleeping too late. In conjunction with other studies he had thoroughly investigated theology. The affairs of state had also occupied his mind. When he graduated, he chose for his subject of discussion the following question. "Is it lawful to resist the supreme magistrate if the commonwealth cannot otherwise be preserved?"
His hearers were astonished at the masterly manner he advocated the affirmative of this bold proposition. With enrapturing eloquence and convincing logic, he painted in vivid colors the beauties of that liberty for which he so nobly contended during the Revolution. From that time he became a prominent politician—an advocate of equal rights—a stern opposer of British wrongs.
By rigid economy during his time in college he had saved a sum of money from that allowed him by his father to defray expenses. This first fruit of his pecuniary prudence he sacrificed upon the altar of Liberty. With it he published a pamphlet from his own pen entitled—"The Englishman's Rights." This was one of the entering wedges of the Revolution. It awakened a spirit of inquiry—kindled a flame of opposition to the increasing oppression of the crown. It did great credit to the head and heart of this devoted patriot then dawning into manhood.
Anxious that his son should embark in some business his fatherplaced him in the counting-house of Thomas Cushing, an eminent merchant, that he might be prepared for commercial business. For this sphere nature had not designed him. Political knowledge, international law and the rights of man engrossed his mind. To this end he formed a club of kindred spirits for the purpose of political inquiry and discussion. They furnished political essays for the Independent Advertiser which were so severe in their strictures upon the conduct of the creatures of the crown, that the association obtained the name of "Whipping Post Club." The hirelings of the King treated these essays with derision—upon the people they exerted an influence that prepared them for the approaching crisis. Stamped with plain truth, sound reasoning, uncontroverted facts—they operated upon British power like the sea-worm upon a vessel—silently and slowly but with sure destruction. They contributed largely in perforating each plank of the proud ship of monarchy, then riding over the American colonies, until she sank to rise no more.
After remaining a suitable time with Mr. Cushing, his father furnished him with a liberal capital with which he commenced business. Owing to the pernicious credit system he lost all his stock in trade. By the death of his father he was left, at the age of twenty-five, to take charge of the paternal estate and family. In the discharge of that duty he proved himself competent to manage pecuniary matters. The estate was involved and under attachment—he relieved it entirely from debt. This done he again spent the most of his time in disseminating liberal principles. He was a keen sarcastic writer—analyzed every point at issue between our own and the mother country—exposed the British ministry in their corrupt and corrupting policy and roused the indignation of the populace against their oppressive measures. He was hailed as one of the boldest leaders of the whig party.
No man had examined more closely or understood better the relative situation of Great Britain and her American Colonies. He weighed every circumstance in the scale of reason—based his every action upon the sure foundation of immutable justice. He was not impetuous—appealed to the judgment of his hearers and readers—sought to allay—not to excite the passions of men. He was a friend of order—opposed to sudden bursts of popular fury—to every thing that could produce riotous and tumultuous proceedings. Religion, in its pristine purity, was ever his polar star.
Organized and systematic opposition against the unwarranted encroachments of the crown, emanating from the great majority of the sovereign people was his plan. Petitions, remonstrances—every thingconsistent with the dignity of man to be resorted to before an appeal to arms. If this was rebellion it was in a very modified form.
When the offensive Stamp Act was proclaimed he exposed its odious features with unsurpassed severity and boldness. When the climax of oppression was capped by the imposition of taxes upon articles of daily consumption he believed forbearance no longer a virtue and openly advocated resistance as an imperious duly. He demonstrated fully that Great Britain had violated the constitution. Americans had vainly claimed protection under its banner—its sacred covering was rudely snatched from over them—they were left exposed to foreign officers who were drawing them closer and more effectually within the coils of tyranny. To beslavesorfreemenwas the question.
Being a member of the assembly and clerk of the house, Mr. Adams exercised an extensive and salutary influence. With great zeal he united prudence and discretion. From 1765, to the time he took his seat in congress he was a member of the state assembly. He had exerted the noblest powers of his mind to prepare the people for the approaching storm and had kindled a flame of patriotic fire that increased in volume as time rolled on. He was the first man who proposed the non-importation act—the committees of correspondence and the congress that assembled at Philadelphia in 1774. He corresponded with the eminent patriots of the middle and southern states and contributed largely in producing unity of sentiment and concert of action in the glorious cause of liberty throughout the colonies. Over his own constituents his influence was complete. At the sound of his voice the fury of a Boston mob would cease. He could lead it at pleasure with a single hair. The people know well he would maintain what was clearly right and willingly submit to nothing clearly wrong.
When the affray occurred on the 5th of March, 1770, between the British soldiers and citizens, the influence of Samuel Adams prevented the further effusion of bloodafterthe populace had become roused and were on the point of avenging the death of their friends who had just fallen. He obtained the immediate attention of the assembled enraged multitude—proposed the appointment of a committee to wait on the governor and request the immediate removal of the troops. His plan was approved—a committee appointed of which he was chairman. The governor at first refused to grant the request. The chairman met all his objections fearlessly—confuted them triumphantly and told him plainly that an immediate compliance with the wishes of the people would alone prevent disastrous consequences and thathe would be held responsible for the further waste of human life. The governor finally yielded.
Mr. Adams was one day surprised by a message from Gov. Gage communicated through Col. Fenton, offering him what modern truckling politicians would call a great inducement tochangeand in case he refused, to inform him he would be arrested and sent beyond the seas there to be tried for high treason. To the last part of the message he listened with most attention and asked Col. Fenton if he would truly deliver his answer. Receiving an affirmative assurance Mr. Adams rose from his chair, assumed an air of withering contempt and said—"I trust I have long since made my peace with theKing of Kings. No personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my country. Tell Gov. Gage it is the advice of Samuel Adams to him—no longer to exasperate the feelings of an insulted people." This reply roused the ire of the royal governor and when he subsequently issued a proclamation offering a free pardon to those rebels who would return to whathetermed their duty he expected Samuel Adams and John Hancock—the highest compliment within his power to bestow on the two patriots. They received this mark of distinction as a special commission from the throne directing their future course—a royal diploma of liberty that left them as free as mountain air in their future action.
No bribe could seduce—no threat divert Mr. Adams from the path of duty. He placed his trust in the Rock of Ages—enjoyed the rich consolations of an approving conscience—the unlimited confidence of his friends, the approbation of every patriot. These were more dearly prized by him than all the dazzling honors of kings and potentates. He became an object of vengeance and was the immediate cause of the memorable battle at Lexington on the 19th of April 1775—the troops sent being in pursuit of him and John Hancock. Apprised of their mission Gen. Joseph Warren sent an express late in the evening to the two patriots warning them of approaching danger. In a few minutes after they had left, the British troops entered the house which they had just emerged from. In a few ominous hours the crimson curtain rose—the revolutionary tragedy commenced. The last maternal cord was severed—the great seal of the original compact was broken—the covenants of the two parties were cancelled in blood.
Mr. Adams remained in the neighborhood during the night. The next morning, as the sun rose without an intervening cloud, he remarked to a friend, "This is a glorious day for America." Heviewed the sacrifice as an earnest of ultimate success and future blessings.
To rouse the people to action now became the sole business of this devoted friend of his bleeding country. The grand signal for action had been given—the tocsin of war had been sounded—the requiem of battle had been sung—its soul-stirring notes had been wafted far and wide on the wings of wind and were responded to by millions of patriotic hearts.
Mr. Adams mourned deeply the death of his friends, the martyrs of that tragical but auspicious day. He knew well that martyrs must be sacrificed and that the funeral knell of those who had just fallen would shake British colonial power to its very centre. He believed their blood would cry to Heaven for vengeance and incite the hardy sons of Columbia's soil to vigorous and triumphant action. The event added new strength to his propulsive powers and doubly nerved him to meet the fiery trials in reserve for him. As dangers increased he became more urgent for the people to maintain their rights. As the wrath of his enemies waxed hotter he was more highly appreciated by the people and was uniformly styled—Samuel Adams the Patriot. His fame and influence strengthened under persecution, his friends were animated by his counsels, his foes were astounded and chagrined at the boldness of his onward career. In the Assembly he effected the passage of a series of resolutions deemed treasonable by the royal governor.
In the Congress of 1776 he was among the first to advocate the Declaration of Independence—contending that it should have followed immediately after the battle of Lexington. In all his debates he was earnest and zealous but not rash—ardent and decisive but wise and judicious. When the Declaration of Rights was adopted he affixed his name to that important instrument without the least hesitation although he stood proscribed by the royal power.
During the darkest periods of the Revolution he was calm and cheerful and did much to reanimate the desponding. In 1777 when Congress was obliged to fly to Lancaster and a dismal gloom hung over the cause of the patriots like a mantle of darkness several of the members were in company with Mr. Adams lamenting the disasters of the American arms, concluding that the chances for success were desperate. Mr. Adams promptly replied—"If this beourlanguage, they are so indeed. Ifwewear long faces they will become fashionable. Let us banish such feelings and show a spirit that will keep alive the confidence of the people. Better tidings will soon arrive.Our cause is just and righteous. We shall never be abandoned by Heaven while we show ourselves worthy of its aid and protection." At that time there were but twenty-eight members in Congress. Mr. Adams said—"It was thesmallestbuttruestCongress they ever had."
Soon after that dark period the surrender of Burgoyne was announced which proved a panacea for long faces and put a new aspect upon the cause of Liberty. Many recovered from a relapsed state—hearts beat more freely, courage revived from a typhoid stupor—the anchor of hope held the ship of state more firmly to her moorings.
The arrival of Lord Howe and Mr. Eden with whattheytermed the olive branch of peace from Lord North, added to the excitement. Mr. Adams was one of the committee to meet these high functionaries. On examining the terms proposed, the committee found that the proposedolive branchhad been plucked from the Bohun Upas of an overbearing and corrupt ministry and promptly replied through Mr. Adams—"Congress will attend to no terms of peace that are inconsistent with the honor of an independent nation." This reply was as unexpected to the royal messengers as it was laconic and patriotic. The grand Rubicon had been passed—the galling chains had been thrown off—the Sodom of British power was doomed and nothing could induce the sages and heroes of '76 to look back or tarry on the plain of monarchy. Lord Howe and his colleague had permission to return—report progress of locomotion and walk again. Mr. Adams continued one of the strong pillars in the rising temple of liberty until the superstructure was completed—recognized and approved by the mother country and all Europe.
In 1787 he was a member of the convention of Massachusetts convened to act upon the Federal Constitution. He did not fully approve of some of its provisions but avoided opposition believing it to be the best policy to adopt it, subject to future amendments. He was most particularly opposed to the article rendering the states amenable to the national courts. He submitted sundry amendments that were adopted by the convention and submitted with the Constitution for the future consideration of Congress, some of which have since been adopted.
From 1789 to '94, Mr. Adams was lieutenant-governor of his native state and from that time to '97, was governor. He performed the executive duties with great ability and contributed largely in raising the commonwealth to a flourishing and dignified condition. He watched over all her interests with parental care—viewed her rising greatness with an honest pride. He had seen her sons writhing under the lash of oppression and their bones bleaching in the field. He nowbeheld the people independent, prosperous, virtuous and happy. He could now be gathered peacefully to his fathers when his time should arrive to depart. Age and infirmity compelled him to retire from the great theatre of public life where he had been so long conspicuous. His health continued to fail sensibly with each returning autumn. On the 3d of October 1803, his immortal spirit left its mansion of clay—soared aloft on the wings of faith to mansions of bliss beyond the skies. He died rejoicing in the merits of his immaculate Redeemer who had given him the victory. He had fought the good fight of faith as well as that ofLibertyand felt a full assurance of receiving a crown of glory at the hands of King Immanuel.
Amidst all the turmoils of political and revolutionary strife Mr. Adams never neglected religious duty. When at home he was faithful to the family altar and uniformly attended public worship when practicable. He was a consistent every day Christian—free from bigotry and fanaticism—not subject to sudden expansions and contractions of mind—rather puritanical in his views yet charitable in his feelings and opposed to censuring any one for the sake of opinion. He adorned his profession by purity of conduct at all times.
Mr. Adams was of middle size, well formed, with a countenance full of intelligence indicating firmness of purpose and energy of action. As a public man and private citizen he was highly esteemed and richly earned a place in the front rank of the American patriots. He placed a low value upon wealth—died poor but not the less esteemed for his poverty which wasthenno crime. He placed a high value upon common school education andproperlyestimated the higher branches of science. General intelligence among the great mass he considered the strongest bulwark to preserve our independence.
As a writer Mr. Adams had few equals. His answer to Thomas Paine's writings against Christianity is probably superior to that of any other author. His few letters on government published in 1800, show a clear head, a good heart and a gigantic mind.
As an orator he was eloquent, chaste, logical—rising with the magnitude of his subject. He always spoke to the point—addressing the understanding—not the passions.
His manners were urbane, unaffected and plain—his mode of living frugal and temperate—his attachments strong—his whole life a golden chain of usefulness. Let his examples be imitated by all—then our UNION will be preserved from the iron grasp of ambitious partisans—the snares of designing demagogues—the whirlpool of blind fanaticism—the tornado of party spirit. Let these examples be discarded—ourUnionwill prove a mere rope of sand—the temple of ourLibertywill crumble and moulder in the dust withSamuel Adams. O! think of this disorganizers and tremble!
Causeis treated with cold neglect by a large portion of the human family. All gaze at effect—but few trace it to its producing original. Especially is this true with men in forming opinions of the conduct of their fellow-men. Petty errors are construed into crimes—petty crimes into felonies. Often have I known this to be the case in sectarian churches where charity was loudly professed but sparingly practised. The causes that operated upon the erring brother may have been extenuating but are not examined.Awaywith him is the simultaneous cry. Kindness might have reclaimed and saved him. Too rarely are extenuating causes sought for—too partially are they credited when brought to light. But a limited number stop to analyze human nature—divest themselves of prejudice and become competent to pass an intelligent, impartial judgment upon the conduct of others. They do not inquire how formidable a force of temptationtheycould vanquish if attacked by the arch enemies of ethics and Christianity. They can never fully know their own strength in morals until they measure arms with the foe. In the balmy days of prosperity a man may act justly in all things and be the censor of others. Reverses may drive this same man into great error—perhaps crime. Keen adversity is a crucible from which but few emerge like gold seven times tried. Charity is the specific to ameliorate these evils but too cheap to obtain a wide circulation. Abstruse dogmas cost more labour and by many are more highly prized.
There are crimes so flagrant that no extenuating circumstances can form a legal excuse—crimes that blight like the sirocco—crimes so dark that they hide the noblest deeds—the most brilliant talents—the most towering genius—consigning the perpetrator to lasting disgrace—enduring infamy. Treason stands high on the black catalogue. But one traitor was found among the disciples of Christ—but one was found among the sages and heroes of the American Revolution. That traitor was Benedict Arnold, a Major General in the army of the illustrious Washington.
He was a native of New London, Connecticut. At the commencement of the struggle for liberty he resided at New Haven and wascaptain of a volunteer company. When the hoarse clarion of war was sounded on the heights of Lexington he was among the first to march his company to the American headquarters at Cambridge where he arrived in ten days after that painful event.
The Massachusetts authorities conferred upon him the commission of Colonel with directions to raise 400 men and make an attempt to capture Ticonderoga. He repaired to Castleton, Vermont, where he met Col. Allen. On the 10th of May, 1775, this fortress surrendered at discretion. On the 6th of September of that year he commenced his march for Canada through the dense forest with 1000 men from New England consisting of infantry, one company of artillery and three companies of riflemen. A portion of his troops were obliged to return for want of provision to sustain them all, through the wilderness. The balance endured the severest hardships on the march and arrived at Point Levi opposite Quebec at the end of six weeks. But from the fact that Arnold had sent a letter forward to a friend by an Indian who betrayed his trust by giving information of the approaching troops it is believed Quebec would have been easily captured. To prevent this all means of crossing the river had been removed and the fortifications put under rapid improvement. It was not until the night of the 14th of October that he led his little band of 700 men up the heights that had been surmounted by Wolfe and formed them near the memorable plains of Abraham. The city had become so well fortified that the summons to surrender was treated with contempt. To attack with so small a force would be a reckless waste of human life. In a few days he marched to Point aux Trembles twenty miles above Quebec to await the coming of Gen. Montgomery who arrived on the first day of December. A siege upon the city was immediately commenced which was successfully resisted. On the morning of the 31st of that month a simultaneous assault was made on two sides of the city in which Montgomery was killed and Arnold severely wounded in the leg. Officers and men behaved with great gallantry. No other assault was attempted—the blockade was continued to May 1776. On the 18th of June Arnold withdrew from Canada. He subsequently commanded the small fleet on Lake Champlain and exhibited great skill and bravery.
In August, 1777, he relieved Fort Schuyler, then besieged by Col. St. Leger with, an army of near 1800 men. At the battle near Stillwater on the 19th September he fought like a tiger for four hours. After the British had been driven within their lines in the action of the 8th of October, Arnold pressed forward under a destructive fireand assaulted their works, forced their entrenchments and entered their lines with a handful of desperate followers and only retreated upon his horse being killed and himself severely wounded again in his unfortunate leg. For desperate bravery on the field of battle he had no superior. He seemed enchanted with danger and infatuated with military glory. But this was not his ruling passion. He was licentious, voluptuous, amorous and epicurean. The want of means to fully pamper these ruinous propensities, which had destroyed all sense of moral rectitude—solves the problem of his treason.
Being disqualified by his wounds for field service he was put in command of the garrison at Philadelphia. He made the house of Gov. Penn his headquarters which he furnished in princely style and commenced a course of extravagant living and equipage far beyond his salary. To raise funds he laid violent hands upon all property belonging to those who did not enter fully into the cause of the patriots. He oppressed, extorted, used public money and properly for private purposes and made his public accounts more than duplicate. He rushed into unsuccessful trading speculations and made himself amenable to a series of grave charges and was summoned to appear before the commissioners of accounts who rejected more than half the amount of his charges against government. He appealed to Congress whose committee confirmed the report of the commissioners with the remark that Arnold had been allowed too much. So violent was his language and conduct towards his superiors that he was arraigned before a court-martial and sentenced to be reprimanded by Washington. This sentence was sanctioned by Congress and promptly executed. His mortification had now reached its zenith. He was bankrupt in means—his reputation wounded—his pride lacerated. He became surcharged with fell revenge—treason was the best panacea for that dark passion. He was quick to see that West Point would command the most money and inflict the deepest wound upon the cause of liberty. He suddenly professed deep repentance and applied to the New York delegation in Congress to obtain for him the command of that important post. Through Gen. Schuyler the same application was made to Washington who was anxious to have his services in the field but willing to comply with his wishes. Early in August, 1779, Arnold repaired to the camp of Washington and made the application in person without apparent anxiety, stating that his wounds disqualified him for field service. With full confidence in his fidelity he received the desired command.
It has been intimated by some writers that the plan of treason wassuggested to Arnold by an English courtesan with whom he was intimate. It is true that he wrote to Col. Robinson of the British army upon the subject before he applied for the command. That letter opened to him a correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton who sanctioned the project and probably fixed the price of the base deed. On the conclusion of these preliminaries the traitor solicited the appointment he received. He repaired to the garrison at West Point and opened an ostensible mercantile correspondence with Major Andre the British agent to consummate the nefarious plot. The names assumed were Gustavus and Anderson. For convenience of escape the British sloop of war Vulture was moved up the river at a distance not to excite suspicion. An interview was arranged for the night of September 21, 1780. Andre was landed below the garrison under a pass for John Anderson. Arnold received him at the house of a Mr. Smithwithinthe American lines in violation of his sacred promise not to do so to avoid the penalty of a spy—showing the reckless daring of the traitor. The sun rose upon them before their plans of operation were completed. Andre remained with Arnold during the day. When ready to leave in the evening it was found the Vulture had been compelled to move too far down the river for him to reach her with a boat. He exchanged his regimentals for a plain suit—received a pass from Arnold and proceeded by land for New York. On the 23d he had proceeded so far that he felt perfectly secure when one of a militia scout suddenly seized the reins of his bridle and brought him to a stand. Instead of producing his pass he asked the man where he belonged. He answered—"below." "So do I" was the response and declared himself an English officer on urgent business and wished not to be detained. At that moment two others of the scout came up when the spy discovered his true position. He offered a purse of gold and his gold watch to let him pass. To those patriot soldiers the offer was an insult. He then offered them any amount they would name in money or dry goods, with himself as a hostage until the amount should be received. Fortunately for the cause of freedom, British gold could not purchase these honest men in humble life. They had met the tempter and had moral courage to repel all his assaults. Their virtue paralyzed the treason of the only traitor in the American army. Let their names be handed down to posterity with profound veneration. John Paulding, David Williams and Isaac Vanwert secured Andre and foiled Arnold. Williams lived respected and died regretted in my native neighborhood. Often have I heard him relate the minute circumstances of that important capture. He claimed to be the one whofirst arrested the spy. These three men proceeded to examine their prisoner and found concealed in his boots an exact account of the garrison at West Point in detail in the handwriting of Arnold. They took him to Lieut. Col. Jameson who commanded the scouting parties. Anxious to save the traitor, he persisted in the character assumed and shrewdly asked that Arnold should be informed that Anderson was taken, who would explain and make every thing satisfactory. The ruse succeeded—an express was sent to the garrison which enabled Arnold to escape on board the Vulture on the 25th of September, a few hours only before Gen. Washington reached West Point. He proceeded to Sir Henry Clinton at New York where he received $50,000 and the commission of brigadier general in the British army—the price of his base treachery. Although the foul transaction was tolerated by the English government, all honorable men in England detested the traitor and his treason. This was frequently manifested after his location in that country at the close of the Revolution. Lord Lauderdale expressed his disgust on seeing Arnold seated on the right hand of the king and exclaimed—"His majesty is supported by a traitor." Lord Surry rose to speak in the House of Commons and on perceiving the traitor in the gallery sat down and exclaimed—"I will not speak while that man is in the House." In addition to the money paid and the disgrace of associating with this vile man—the British army lost one of its brightest ornaments in the death of Maj. Andre. Contrary to his sacred pledge Arnold made him a spy by taking him within the American lines. He was tried, convicted and hung. Washington would gladly have warded off the dreadful sentence could he have found any excuse for doing so. The law demanded the sacrifice—it was made from the necessity of the case.
The news of Arnold's treason created surprise and indignation among the people of his native country. At Philadelphia his effigy was made large as life and drawn through the streets at night in a cart with a figure of the devil at his side holding a lighted lantern to his face and the inscription in large capitals—TRAITOR ARNOLD. The cart was followed by a dense crowd with martial music playing the rogue's march. The principal being absent the representative was hung and then burnt. Arnold had become so hardened by a long indulgence in improper practices that he was apparently steeled against all reflection upon the past. Soon after he commenced his murderous career in the British service, Washington remarked of him in a private letter-"I am mistaken, if,at this timeArnold is undergoing a mental hell. He wants feeling. From some traits of his characterwhich have lately come to my knowledge, he seems to have been so hackneyed in crime—so lost to all sense of honor and shame, that while his faculties still enable him to continue his sordid pursuits there will be no time for remorse." An ingenious, bold but unsuccessful attempt was made to abduct him from New York before the execution of the unfortunate Andre. He made a hair-breadth escape.
The baseness of Arnold's treason was increased in blackness by his subsequent conduct. He had the assurance to write to Washington the day he escaped on board the Vulture, stating that he was acting for the good of his country and requesting the commander-in-chief to protect his wife and pass her and his baggage to him. Mrs. Arnold was immediately forwarded to New York with her effects and those of her husband. Arnold professed to his new companions in arms to be radically changed to a staunch loyalist. The Declaration of Independence he declared a treasonable paper—its authors a company of ambitious rebels seeking power to enslave the people. He wrote a threatening letter to Washington relative to the execution of Andre and assured him of a fearful retaliation unless a reprieve was granted. He published an address to the people of America fully justifying his treasonable conduct. He then issued an artful tirade of insulting sophistry for the purpose of inducing others to plunge into the same quagmire of disgrace with himself—calling it a proclamation with the following caption. "To the officers and soldiers of the Continental army who have the real interests of their country at heart and who are determined no longer to be the tools and dupes of Congress or of France."
All his vile paper demonstrations deepened his infamy, increasing the boiling indignation of the American people without inducing a single one to desert the cause of his country. To do this was a part of the consideration of the Arnold purchase. Sir Henry Clinton was deceived by the traitor and egregiously mistaken in the stern integrity of the patriots. Finding his Proteus brigadier powerless over the minds of his former companions, Sir Henry deducted $100,000 from the $150,000 which was the stipulated price for West Point and the traitor and despatched him to Virginia to act upon the persons and property of the obstinate rebels. In January 1781 Arnold entered Chesapeake Bay with a protecting naval force and landed with about 1700 men. His cruelties, ravages and plunders along the unprotected coast could not be surpassed by a band of practised pirates. Revenge seemed to be the motive power of his action. During one of his predatory excursions he captured an American captain of whom heinquired what the Americans would do with him if he fell into their hands, to which the officer replied—"If my countrymen should catch you I believe they would first cut off that lame leg which was wounded in the cause offreedomand bury it with the honors of war and afterwards hang the remainder of your body in gibbets."
After returning from Virginia he was sent on an expedition against New London where he first breathed the vital air. He landed his troops in two detachments—one on each side of the harbor. He led one against Fort Trumbull which could make but a feeble resistance. Fort Griswold made a spirited defence against the other division commanded by Lieut. Col. Eyre but was compelled to yield to an overwhelming force. When the Americans surrendered but seven men had been killed within the lines—after the surrender a murderous slaughter was commenced by the British and about 100 killed and wounded. On entering the fort an English officer inquired who commanded the garrison. Col. Ledyard presented his sword and answered—"Idid—butyoudo now." His sword was taken by the officer and immediately plunged through his heart. In the attack the enemy had 48 killed and 145 wounded. Arnold commenced his favorite work of plunder—loaded and sent away 15 vessels mostly freighted with private property—fired the place and reduced 60 dwelling-houses and 84 stores to ashes and in his haste four of his own ships were burned. He completed this work of destruction and was absent from New York only eight days. Such expeditions afforded the richest aliment for the black heart of this traitor. He continued the scavenger of the British army to the close of the war and then removed to London where he died in 1801. To the lasting disgrace of the British government Arnold received a liberal pension to the time of his death which is continued to his descendants and is frequently complained of by the British press.
With the blackness of eternal disgrace resting upon his character this traitor has had apologists among American writers. They attribute his treason to a want of liberality on the part of our government. I have said the want of means to give full scope to his sordid passions was the cause. A want of liberality does not appear upon the record. He was allowed more than justice demanded—more than other officers under like circumstances. He was unsound at the core—void of moral rectitude—was proved dishonest before the commissioners of accounts—the committee of Congress and the court-martial. His name shouldthenhave been erased from the roll of officers regardless of consequences. That would have saved him from the treason he perpetrated—the accomplished Andre from the scaffold and thousands from the ravages subsequently committed by the reckless traitor. All apologies for Arnold are sophisms. His name is stamped with a lasting infamy that blots out the noble deeds that preceded his Lucifer-fall.
Thenavy of a nation is justly termed the right arm of its strength. The life of a mariner is full of romance—often spiced with thrilling events—sometimes fraught with danger. The sons of the main are a hardy, noble, generous, bold class of men. None but those who have rode upon the green mountain waves of old ocean when lashed to a foaming fury by mighty wind, can fully appreciate the perilous service of a seaman.
The importance of increasing our navy is felt but by a few of our legislators and not urged by them. Americans are the favorite sons of Neptune. With shamefully limited means they have fought their way to the temple of fame. With a maritime force far inferior to the resources and magnitude of our prosperous and expansive country—far inferior to that of the enemy whom they met and conquered—they have snatched the laurels of victory from the mistress of the seas and placed them upon their own manly brows. Had our government been as forward in providing ships of war as our naval officers and noble tars have been in courting danger, shedding their blood and sacrificing life in defence of the star spangled banner—the combined forces of the old world would dread our power more than they now respect our flag. By an equal force our seamen cannot be conquered. History points to a long list of heroes—sons of America—who have carved their names as high on the temple of fame as Sidney and Nelson.
Among them is that of Joshua Barney—born in Baltimore, Maryland on the 6th day of July 1759. His father was a respectable farmer cultivating the soil now within the city limits. His son was sent to a common school until he was ten years of age and was then placed in a retail dry goods store at Alexandria. In 1771 he revealed to his parents his long nursed vision of a seaman's life. Reluctantly his father obtained for him a place on board a pilot boat commanded by an intimate friend. After a few months service he was apprenticed to Capt. Drisdall whose brig was bound to Ireland. After a long and rough passage the vessel reached the cove of Cork. From thence the Captain proceeded to Liverpool where he sold his cargo and brig.Young Barney returned home by the way of Dublin. Soon after his arrival his father was killed by the accidental discharge of a pistol in the hands of a young son but seven years of age. Joshua subsequently made a voyage to Cadiz and Genoa. In 1775 he sailed to Italy. On arriving there the mate was discharged, the captain taken sick which put Barney in command of the ship. He was not then sixteen years of age.
In July of that year he joined an unsuccessful Spanish expedition against Algiers. In October 1776 he arrived in Chesapeake Bay where he was boarded by the officers of the British sloop of war King Fisher and plundered of all his letters and arms. He there first received intelligence of the battle of Bunker Hill. He was at length permitted to proceed to Baltimore where his vessel was laid up. He had been her captain eight months—had passed through many perils with courage and skill that would have done credit to a man ripe in years and experience. He had earned the fame of a skilful navigator and judicious commander. He was not long in choosing whom he should serve for the future. He was born a patriot. The fire of liberty illuminated his soul. Freedom pointed him to the service of his beloved country. He was appointed master's mate on the sloop of war Hornet under Capt. Stone. Com. Hopkins presented him with a flag which he mounted on a staff—obtained martial music—beat up for volunteers and in one day raised a full complement of men for the sloop. He was the first one who unfurled the star spangled banner in Maryland.
In November the Hornet and Wasp sailed for the Delaware to join Com. Hopkins. The British fleet was in Hampton Roads to intercept them but could not bag the game. On their arrival the fleet of the Commodore consisted of two small frigates, two brigs and four sloops. With this infant navy just bursting into life he sailed for the Bahama Island New Providence—took the fort without opposition—secured the military stores—treated the people and private property with due respect and returned safely to the Delaware with his booty. Soon after his return Barney was stationed on board the Wasp under Capt. Alexander who was ordered to conduct the ship beyond the capes that conveyed Benjamin Franklin to France. On its return the Wasp was closely pursued by two British ships carrying 72 guns and escaped by running into Wilmington creek. The next morning Com. Hazelwood went down from Philadelphia with several row gallies and boldly attacked the Englishmen which enabled the Wasp to come out and take part in the action. This little schooner stung the British brigTender so severely that she surrendered in a short time and was immediately taken to the Jersey shore. On his return to join the games amidst a dense fog, Capt. Alexander came in close contact with the fleet of the enemy. He met with a warm reception and returned the salutation promptly and effectually. After an exchange of the most impressive compliments he returned to the gallies. A brisk fire was kept up during the day which convinced the creatures of the crown that the infant navy was not to be trifled with. During the action young Barney went on board another vessel that was not fully manned. His bold and noble daring on that occasion elevated him in the esteem of his superiors and companions in arms. Robert Morris, then President of the Marine Committee, presented him with a lieutenant's commission and put him in command of the sloop of war Sachem. He was then but seventeen years of age. Shortly after receiving his commission Lieut. Barney participated with Capt. Robinson in a severe action of two hours which resulted in the capture of an English brig. A large sea turtle, designed as a present to Lord North, was one of the delicacies of the prize. It was presented to Robert Morris. In a few days after his return Lieut. Barney spread the canvas of his little craft in company with the Andrew Dorin with fourteen guns and the Lexington—all under the command of Capt. Barry and sailed for the West Indies. On their return they fell in with the British sloop of war Race Horse—tender to Admiral Parker's fleet, which he had sent out from Jamaica on purpose to capture these American "small craft." After a sanguinary action of two hours the English nag was cut in pieces, distanced and surrendered at discretion. Shortly after that brilliant victory the British sloop of war Snow was captured and Lieut. Barney placed on board as prize-master. He was overtaken by a gale that threatened to land all hands in Davy Jones' locker—was badly crippled and captured by the Perseus of twenty guns. During the passage young Barney was insulted by the purser of the Perseus and knocked him down the hatchway for which he was commended by the British captain. On their arrival at Charleston an exchange of prisoners took place which enabled Lieut. Barney to return to Philadelphia with fresh laurels on his youthful brow.
In the spring of 1777 he joined the squadron for the defence of the Delaware composed of the Delaware—32 guns—the Sachem, Andrew Dorin and several smaller vessels—all under the command of Com.Hazelwood. They were stationed near Fort Mifflin and bravely maintained their position until the next autumn when the little fleet and fort were compelled to yield to a superior force. Lieut. Barneywas then ordered on board the frigate Virginia at Baltimore commanded by Capt. Nicholson. In an attempt to run her to sea at night the pilot brought up on the opposite shore where she and her crew fell an easy prey to the enemy. In August the ensuing year Lieut. Barney was exchanged—proceeded to Baltimore—took command of a small schooner with two guns and eight men and was again captured in an attempt to run out of Chesapeake Bay. He was soon exchanged and joined his old friend Capt. Robinson at Alexandria on board a vessel with 12 guns, 35 men and but a small supply of ammunition. On the third evening after leaving port they fell in with the British privateer Rosebud—fully manned and eager for action. A running fight was continued during the night. Daylight revealed a rapid opening and expansion of the Rosebud—she hauled off with 47 of her men killed and wounded. Capt. Robinson had none killed and but one man wounded. He then sailed to Bordeaux—mounted eighteen guns—shipped 70 men—took in a cargo of brandy and sailed for home. On his way he captured a valuable prize—placed it in charge of Lieut. Barney who arrived with it at Philadelphia in October 1779. He was received with great enthusiasm and applause. Lavished praises did not inflame his youthful mind. Vanity had no resting-place in his noble soul. Pomp and parade had no charms for him. He bore his prosperity with the calm dignity of a Socrates. He steered clear of the alluring quicksands of vice—the rocks of sinful pleasure on which many young men founder and are lost forever. His manly conduct gained the esteem of the great and good—his fame was based on substantial merit. Familiarity with scenes of blood and carnage—the rage of battle and the clash of arms did not enervate the exalted powers of his refined sympathies and softer passions. These were commingled with those of an accomplished daughter of Alderman Bedford of Philadelphia and were consolidated in one at the hymeneal altar before he left the city of brotherly love. After basking in the rays of the honey-moon for a few days he proceeded to Baltimore. On the way his money was stolen from the box of his carriage where he thought it more safe than in his pocket. He returned to Philadelphia—concealed his loss—went to sea in the Saratoga of 16 guns under Capt. Young.
Their first prize was a vessel carrying 12 guns. In a short time they came in contact with an English ship mounting 32 guns with 90 men accompanied by two brigs. Under the disguise of British colors Capt. Young ran alongside the ship. In a few brief moments the star spangled banner was floating in the breeze upon the three English vessels. Lieutenant Barney was put in charge of one of them. Becoming separated from the others he was captured by the seventy-four Intrepid commanded by Capt. Malloy and treated with great cruelty. On arriving at New York Lieut. Barney and 70 other prisoners were placed on board the ship of war Yarmouth by Admiral Rodney. They were confined under five decks in a dark filthy apartment but three feet between floors—twelve feet by twenty in area and ordered to England. They were 53 days performing the passage. Eleven of the prisoners died on the way—the survivors were scarcely able to walk. They were covered with vermin and when landed could not bear the light for some time. They were sent to Mill prison where they found nearly three hundred of their fellow-countrymen sharing the same tender mercies with themselves. Soon after this new accession of rebels preparations for escape were discovered. Lieut. Barney was suspected—loaded with heavy irons and thrown into a dungeon for thirty days. By the assistance of a soldier he made his escape from prison on the 18th of May 1781—was discovered and remanded. In a second attempt he succeeded—visited Bristol, London, Amsterdam, Rotterdam and the Hague. He reached Philadelphia in March 1782 amidst the heart-felt congratulations of his family and numerous friends. His sufferings had been aggravated and heart-rending. He had almost tasted death. The barbarous treatment of the American prisoners on board the English prison-ships is without a parallel. It has left a stigma on the Christian escutcheon of the British nation that time or angels' tears can never expunge—a foul blot, lasting as the pages of history. My strong language may be excused when I inform the reader that one out of eight of my patriot uncles was literally suffocated and starved to death on one of those ships in the port of New York. Were I to draw a full picture of the demoniac cruelties heaped upon the American prisoners in the loathsome dungeons of these floating Pandemoniums—a horror too painful to be borne would oppress the aching heart of the reader.
As a manifestation of the high value placed upon the services of young Barney, the State of Pennsylvania presented him with a captaincy and placed him in command of the Hyder Ally of 16 guns with 110 men. In a few days he proceeded down the Delaware as a convoy. On the 8th of April 1782 he was anchored in Cape May road waiting for a move favorable wind. At 10 A. M. he discovered four vessels making all sail towards him. On nearing they proved to be a British frigate, ship, brig and sloop of war. About noon the frigate made for Cape Henlopen channel—the other vesselssteering for Cape May. Capt. Barney weighed anchor and sailed up the bay to elude pursuit. At 1 P. M. the ship and brig came into the bay by Cape May channel—the frigate coming round under Cape Henlopen. The following account of the action is from a gentleman who was a volunteer on board the Hyder Ally.
"At one P. M. prepared for action—all hands to quarters. At three quarters past one the brig passed us after giving us two fires. We reserved our fire for the ship then fast coming up. We received very little, damage from the brig which stood after our convoy. She mounted 16 guns and was formerly the Fair American privateer commanded by Capt. Decatur and equal to us in force. At 2 P. M. the ship ranged upon our starboard quarter and fired two guns at us. We were then at good pistol shot. We attempted to run her on board by laying her across the starboard bow—at the same time poured in ourbroadsidefrom great guns and small arms. Our fire was briskly kept up for twenty-six minutes when she struck her colors. Immediately sent our first lieutenant on board and stood up the bay—the frigate being in chase under all sail and the brig ahead in pursuit of our convoy. We again prepared for action and stood for the brig. On perceiving this she tacked for the frigate and got aground. We were obliged to pass her as the frigate was gaining upon us. At 4 P. M. the frigate came to anchor in the bay—as we supposed for want of a pilot. We then spoke the prize for the first time and learned that she was his majesty's ship Gen. Monk—Capt. Rodgers—with 20nine-pounders—136 men of whom 30 were killed and 53 wounded, including 15 out of 16 officers." The Hyder Ally had four killed and eleven wounded—mounted 12sixand 4nine-pounders—a little more than half the weight of metal carried by the Gen. Monk—with a crew of 110 men and 5 volunteers who went on board as a matter of recreation. Capt. Barney proceeded to Philadelphia with his prize—treating his conquered foe with great kindness, soaring above retaliation for the recent base treatment he had received when a prisoner.
On his arrival at Philadelphia the welkin rang with plaudits of praise from the multitude who hailed him as one of the deliverers of their oppressed country. For his gallantry the legislature of Pennsylvania voted him a splendid sword which was presented to him by the governor with appropriate ceremonies. The General Monk was purchased by the U. S. government—fitted for a cruise and placed in command of Capt. Barney. He sailed for Paris in November of that year with despatches to Benjamin Franklin. His naval fame had preceded him in France and prepared the way for an enthusiasticreception at her proud metropolis. On his return he brought the loan that had been obtained by Franklin for the United States. That voyage closed his useful, adventurous, brilliant revolutionary career.