BOOK VII.

Schoenbeck considers the subject of this book to have been an attack upon the crafty and dishonest tricks of pleaders in the forum. Gerlach sees in it little more than Lucilius' favorite theme, the exposure of vile and sordidavarice. The miser's anxious alarm for the safety of his money-bags (Hor., i., Sat. i., 70, "Congestis undique saccis indormis inhians"), which he can not bear out of his sight, and from which no earthly power can tear him away (Fr. 1, 2), the miserable appliances of his scanty furniture, and the absence of any thing approaching to luxury, or even comfort, form the first portion of the Satire. The remaining Fragments seem rather to apply to the manners of the nobles. Their insolent disregard of the feelings of others (Fr. 4), their unbridled licentiousness, their arrogance of look and bearing, and haughty contempt of all union with plebeians, are depicted in very bold language. Yet these same men are described as condescending to the most servile and fulsome flattery in courting the favor of these same plebeians, when such condescension is necessary to advance their own ambitious schemes. The extravagant gesture and overstrained language of some bad orator is then described (Fr. 3), which Gerlach considers to apply to one of these patricians when pleading his own cause. Van Heusde refers to no one in particular, but Corpet supposes there is an allusion to Caius Gracchus, who is mentioned by Plutarch as having been "the first of the Romans who used violent gesticulation in speaking, walking up and down the rostrum, and pulling his toga from his shoulder." What connection the Fragment in which Crassus and Mucius are mentioned has with the main subject, as also the allusion in Fr. 5 to some immodest female, is not known.

Schoenbeck considers the subject of this book to have been an attack upon the crafty and dishonest tricks of pleaders in the forum. Gerlach sees in it little more than Lucilius' favorite theme, the exposure of vile and sordidavarice. The miser's anxious alarm for the safety of his money-bags (Hor., i., Sat. i., 70, "Congestis undique saccis indormis inhians"), which he can not bear out of his sight, and from which no earthly power can tear him away (Fr. 1, 2), the miserable appliances of his scanty furniture, and the absence of any thing approaching to luxury, or even comfort, form the first portion of the Satire. The remaining Fragments seem rather to apply to the manners of the nobles. Their insolent disregard of the feelings of others (Fr. 4), their unbridled licentiousness, their arrogance of look and bearing, and haughty contempt of all union with plebeians, are depicted in very bold language. Yet these same men are described as condescending to the most servile and fulsome flattery in courting the favor of these same plebeians, when such condescension is necessary to advance their own ambitious schemes. The extravagant gesture and overstrained language of some bad orator is then described (Fr. 3), which Gerlach considers to apply to one of these patricians when pleading his own cause. Van Heusde refers to no one in particular, but Corpet supposes there is an allusion to Caius Gracchus, who is mentioned by Plutarch as having been "the first of the Romans who used violent gesticulation in speaking, walking up and down the rostrum, and pulling his toga from his shoulder." What connection the Fragment in which Crassus and Mucius are mentioned has with the main subject, as also the allusion in Fr. 5 to some immodest female, is not known.

1 ... who has neither hackney nor slave, nor a single attendant. His bag, and all the money that he has, he carries with him. He sups with his bag, sleeps with it, bathes with it. The man's whole hope centres in his bag alone. All the rest of his existence is bound up in this bag![1687]2 ... whom not even bulls bred in the Lucanian mountains, could draw away with their sturdy necks, in one long pull.[1688]3 ... this, I say, he will bray and bawl out from the Rostra, running about like a courier, and loudly calling for help.[1689]4 ... they think they can offend with impunity, and by their nobility easily keep aloof those who are not their equals.[1690]56 If he has spattered his garments with mud, at that he foolishly sets up a loud and hearty laugh—78 ... what you would wish him to do—9 Lewdness fills their faces; impudence and prodigality—10 if you know him, he is not a big man, but a big-nosed, lean fellow—11 That alone withstood adverse fortune and circumstances.1213 Three beds stretched on ropes, by Deucalion.[1691]14 ... down and velvet, or any other luxury.[1692]15 The hair-dresser sports round the impluvium, in a circle.[1693]16 ... this he believes some one begg'd from your bath[1694]17 ... he makes a good bargain, who sells a cross-bred horse.[1695]18 ... they think one of their own should enter and pass over.[1696]19 ... they do not prevent your going farther—[1697]20 ... to bid "All hail!" is to wish health to a friend.[1698]21 Give round the drink, beginning from the top—[1699]22 The Sardinian land23 ... both the things we abound in, and those we lack.

1 ... who has neither hackney nor slave, nor a single attendant. His bag, and all the money that he has, he carries with him. He sups with his bag, sleeps with it, bathes with it. The man's whole hope centres in his bag alone. All the rest of his existence is bound up in this bag![1687]

2 ... whom not even bulls bred in the Lucanian mountains, could draw away with their sturdy necks, in one long pull.[1688]

3 ... this, I say, he will bray and bawl out from the Rostra, running about like a courier, and loudly calling for help.[1689]

4 ... they think they can offend with impunity, and by their nobility easily keep aloof those who are not their equals.[1690]

5

6 If he has spattered his garments with mud, at that he foolishly sets up a loud and hearty laugh—

7

8 ... what you would wish him to do—

9 Lewdness fills their faces; impudence and prodigality—

10 if you know him, he is not a big man, but a big-nosed, lean fellow—

11 That alone withstood adverse fortune and circumstances.

12

13 Three beds stretched on ropes, by Deucalion.[1691]

14 ... down and velvet, or any other luxury.[1692]

15 The hair-dresser sports round the impluvium, in a circle.[1693]

16 ... this he believes some one begg'd from your bath[1694]

17 ... he makes a good bargain, who sells a cross-bred horse.[1695]

18 ... they think one of their own should enter and pass over.[1696]

19 ... they do not prevent your going farther—[1697]

20 ... to bid "All hail!" is to wish health to a friend.[1698]

21 Give round the drink, beginning from the top—[1699]

22 The Sardinian land

23 ... both the things we abound in, and those we lack.

FOOTNOTES:[1687]Bulgam(cf. ii., Fr. 16), from the Greek μολγός, "a hide or skin" [cf. Arist., Frag. 157; Schol. ad Equit., 959], is a leathern bag suspended from the arm or girdle, and seems to have answered the purpose either of a traveling valise or purse. Compare the gypciére of the middle ages. Hor., Ep., II., ii., 40. Juv., viii., 120; xiv., 297. Suet., Vitell., xvi. It was a Tarentine word, as we learn from Pollux, x., 187. From bulga comes the Spanishbolsa, the Frenchbourse, and ourpurse.Dormit.Hor., i., Sat. i., 70. Virg., Geor., ii., 507, "Condit opes alius, defossoque incubat auro."[1688]Protelo.The ablative of the old protelum, which is interpreted as "the continuous, unintermitting pull of oxen applied to a dead weight." Nothing could more forcibly express the hopeless task of attempting to detach the miser from his gains. Cf. xii., Fr. 2. Plin., IX., xv., 17. Lucret., ii., 532; iv., 192.[1689]Concursans.iv., Fr. 17.Ancarius.The ἄγγαρος, "a mounted courier of the Persians," such as were kept in readiness at regular stages for carrying the royal dispatches. (Cf. Herod., viii., 98; iii., 126. Xen., Cyr., VIII., vi., 17. Æsch., Agam., 282. Marco Polo describes the same institution as existing among the Mongol Tartars. Heeren, Ideen, i., p. 497. Cf. Welcker's Æschyl., Trilog., p. 121.) The name was then applied to any porter, or carrier of burdens, and hence specially to "an ass," which, Forcellini says, is its meaning here. Hencerudet, cf. Pers., Sat. iii., 9.Quiritare, is to appeal to the citizens for help, by calling out "Cursum," etc. Cic. ad Div., x., 32. It was thecitycry. Countrymen were said "Jubilare." Varro, L. L., v. 7. Cf. Liv., xxxix., 8. Plin., Pan., xxix. Quinctil., iii., 8, "Rogatus sententiam, si modo est sanus, non quiritet."[1690]Facul, i. e., facilè. "Haud facul fœmina invenietur bona." Pacuv. ap. Non., ii., 331. "Difficul" is used in the same manner.[1691]Descriptive probably of the meanness and antiquity of the miser's furniture. Grabatum, from the Macedonian word κράβατος, is used for the coarsest kind of bed. Cf. Cic., Div., ii., 63. Mart., vi., Ep. xxxix., 4; xii., Ep. xxxii., 12, "Ibat tripes grabatus et tripes mensa;" where Martial is describing a somewhat similarly luxurious establishment. Virg., Moret., 5. Sen., Epist. xviii., 5; xx., 10. These sort of beds seem to have been supported on ropes. Cf. Petr., Sat. 97. Mart., v., Ep. lxii., 6, "Putris et abrupta fascia reste jacet." S. Mark, ii., 9. (See the lines attributed to Sulpicia, quoted in the old Schol. to Juv., Sat. vi., 538. Lucil., xi., Fr. 13.)[1692]Amphitape.Lib. i., Fr. 21.[1693]TheAtrium, which was generally the principal apartment in the house, had an opening in the centre of the roof, called Compluvium, or Cavum Ædium, toward which the roof sloped so as to throw the rainwater into a cistern in the floor (commonly made of marble), called Impluvium. (See the drawings of the houses of Pansa and Sallust, Pompeii, vol. ii., p. 108, 120. Bekker's Gallus, p. 257.) The two terms are used indifferently. TheCinerariusseems to be the same as the Ciniflo (Hor., i., Sat. ii., 98, "a cinere flando," Acron. in loc.), "the slave who heated the Calamistri, or curling pins." Bekker's Gallus, p. 440.[1694]Latrinam, quasi lavatrinam, "the private bath;" balneum being more commonly applied to the public one. Cf. Plaut., Curc., IV., iv., 24. Turneb. It is sometimes put for a worse place, as we say "wash-house." Vid. Bekker's Gallus, p. 265.[1695]Musimois put for any hybrid animal, as a mule, etc. "Animal ex duobus animalibus diversæ speciei procreatum." It is applied to a cross between a goat and a sheep. So Plin., VIII., xlix., 75. Compare the Greek μούσμων.[1696]See Argument.Suamseems to imply "one of their own order." Nonius explainsinnubereby "transire," because women when married pass to their husbands' houses: it generally means the same as nubere. But Cort. (ad Lucan, iii., 23, "Innupsit tepido pellex Cornelia busto") explains it "marryingbeneath one'sstation," which is very probably its force here. See Bentley's note on the line, who suggests the emendation "transitivè," no doubt correctly.[1697]Porcent, i. e., porro arcent, prohibent, used by Ennius, Pacuvius, and Accius.[1698]"The conventional phrase of forced courtesy implies the familiarity of equal friendship." See Arg.[1699]Ter., And., III., ii, 4, "Quod jussi ei dari bibere, date."Ab summo, i. e., beginning from him that sits at the top of the table. Vid. Schol. ad Hom., Il., i, 597. Cic., de Sen., xiv. Plaut., Pers., V., i., 19. As V., ii., 41, "Da, puere, ab summo: Age tu interibi ab infimo da suavium." So in Greek, ἐν κύκλῳ πίνειν.

[1687]Bulgam(cf. ii., Fr. 16), from the Greek μολγός, "a hide or skin" [cf. Arist., Frag. 157; Schol. ad Equit., 959], is a leathern bag suspended from the arm or girdle, and seems to have answered the purpose either of a traveling valise or purse. Compare the gypciére of the middle ages. Hor., Ep., II., ii., 40. Juv., viii., 120; xiv., 297. Suet., Vitell., xvi. It was a Tarentine word, as we learn from Pollux, x., 187. From bulga comes the Spanishbolsa, the Frenchbourse, and ourpurse.Dormit.Hor., i., Sat. i., 70. Virg., Geor., ii., 507, "Condit opes alius, defossoque incubat auro."

[1687]Bulgam(cf. ii., Fr. 16), from the Greek μολγός, "a hide or skin" [cf. Arist., Frag. 157; Schol. ad Equit., 959], is a leathern bag suspended from the arm or girdle, and seems to have answered the purpose either of a traveling valise or purse. Compare the gypciére of the middle ages. Hor., Ep., II., ii., 40. Juv., viii., 120; xiv., 297. Suet., Vitell., xvi. It was a Tarentine word, as we learn from Pollux, x., 187. From bulga comes the Spanishbolsa, the Frenchbourse, and ourpurse.

Dormit.Hor., i., Sat. i., 70. Virg., Geor., ii., 507, "Condit opes alius, defossoque incubat auro."

[1688]Protelo.The ablative of the old protelum, which is interpreted as "the continuous, unintermitting pull of oxen applied to a dead weight." Nothing could more forcibly express the hopeless task of attempting to detach the miser from his gains. Cf. xii., Fr. 2. Plin., IX., xv., 17. Lucret., ii., 532; iv., 192.

[1688]Protelo.The ablative of the old protelum, which is interpreted as "the continuous, unintermitting pull of oxen applied to a dead weight." Nothing could more forcibly express the hopeless task of attempting to detach the miser from his gains. Cf. xii., Fr. 2. Plin., IX., xv., 17. Lucret., ii., 532; iv., 192.

[1689]Concursans.iv., Fr. 17.Ancarius.The ἄγγαρος, "a mounted courier of the Persians," such as were kept in readiness at regular stages for carrying the royal dispatches. (Cf. Herod., viii., 98; iii., 126. Xen., Cyr., VIII., vi., 17. Æsch., Agam., 282. Marco Polo describes the same institution as existing among the Mongol Tartars. Heeren, Ideen, i., p. 497. Cf. Welcker's Æschyl., Trilog., p. 121.) The name was then applied to any porter, or carrier of burdens, and hence specially to "an ass," which, Forcellini says, is its meaning here. Hencerudet, cf. Pers., Sat. iii., 9.Quiritare, is to appeal to the citizens for help, by calling out "Cursum," etc. Cic. ad Div., x., 32. It was thecitycry. Countrymen were said "Jubilare." Varro, L. L., v. 7. Cf. Liv., xxxix., 8. Plin., Pan., xxix. Quinctil., iii., 8, "Rogatus sententiam, si modo est sanus, non quiritet."

[1689]Concursans.iv., Fr. 17.

Ancarius.The ἄγγαρος, "a mounted courier of the Persians," such as were kept in readiness at regular stages for carrying the royal dispatches. (Cf. Herod., viii., 98; iii., 126. Xen., Cyr., VIII., vi., 17. Æsch., Agam., 282. Marco Polo describes the same institution as existing among the Mongol Tartars. Heeren, Ideen, i., p. 497. Cf. Welcker's Æschyl., Trilog., p. 121.) The name was then applied to any porter, or carrier of burdens, and hence specially to "an ass," which, Forcellini says, is its meaning here. Hencerudet, cf. Pers., Sat. iii., 9.

Quiritare, is to appeal to the citizens for help, by calling out "Cursum," etc. Cic. ad Div., x., 32. It was thecitycry. Countrymen were said "Jubilare." Varro, L. L., v. 7. Cf. Liv., xxxix., 8. Plin., Pan., xxix. Quinctil., iii., 8, "Rogatus sententiam, si modo est sanus, non quiritet."

[1690]Facul, i. e., facilè. "Haud facul fœmina invenietur bona." Pacuv. ap. Non., ii., 331. "Difficul" is used in the same manner.

[1690]Facul, i. e., facilè. "Haud facul fœmina invenietur bona." Pacuv. ap. Non., ii., 331. "Difficul" is used in the same manner.

[1691]Descriptive probably of the meanness and antiquity of the miser's furniture. Grabatum, from the Macedonian word κράβατος, is used for the coarsest kind of bed. Cf. Cic., Div., ii., 63. Mart., vi., Ep. xxxix., 4; xii., Ep. xxxii., 12, "Ibat tripes grabatus et tripes mensa;" where Martial is describing a somewhat similarly luxurious establishment. Virg., Moret., 5. Sen., Epist. xviii., 5; xx., 10. These sort of beds seem to have been supported on ropes. Cf. Petr., Sat. 97. Mart., v., Ep. lxii., 6, "Putris et abrupta fascia reste jacet." S. Mark, ii., 9. (See the lines attributed to Sulpicia, quoted in the old Schol. to Juv., Sat. vi., 538. Lucil., xi., Fr. 13.)

[1691]Descriptive probably of the meanness and antiquity of the miser's furniture. Grabatum, from the Macedonian word κράβατος, is used for the coarsest kind of bed. Cf. Cic., Div., ii., 63. Mart., vi., Ep. xxxix., 4; xii., Ep. xxxii., 12, "Ibat tripes grabatus et tripes mensa;" where Martial is describing a somewhat similarly luxurious establishment. Virg., Moret., 5. Sen., Epist. xviii., 5; xx., 10. These sort of beds seem to have been supported on ropes. Cf. Petr., Sat. 97. Mart., v., Ep. lxii., 6, "Putris et abrupta fascia reste jacet." S. Mark, ii., 9. (See the lines attributed to Sulpicia, quoted in the old Schol. to Juv., Sat. vi., 538. Lucil., xi., Fr. 13.)

[1692]Amphitape.Lib. i., Fr. 21.

[1692]Amphitape.Lib. i., Fr. 21.

[1693]TheAtrium, which was generally the principal apartment in the house, had an opening in the centre of the roof, called Compluvium, or Cavum Ædium, toward which the roof sloped so as to throw the rainwater into a cistern in the floor (commonly made of marble), called Impluvium. (See the drawings of the houses of Pansa and Sallust, Pompeii, vol. ii., p. 108, 120. Bekker's Gallus, p. 257.) The two terms are used indifferently. TheCinerariusseems to be the same as the Ciniflo (Hor., i., Sat. ii., 98, "a cinere flando," Acron. in loc.), "the slave who heated the Calamistri, or curling pins." Bekker's Gallus, p. 440.

[1693]TheAtrium, which was generally the principal apartment in the house, had an opening in the centre of the roof, called Compluvium, or Cavum Ædium, toward which the roof sloped so as to throw the rainwater into a cistern in the floor (commonly made of marble), called Impluvium. (See the drawings of the houses of Pansa and Sallust, Pompeii, vol. ii., p. 108, 120. Bekker's Gallus, p. 257.) The two terms are used indifferently. TheCinerariusseems to be the same as the Ciniflo (Hor., i., Sat. ii., 98, "a cinere flando," Acron. in loc.), "the slave who heated the Calamistri, or curling pins." Bekker's Gallus, p. 440.

[1694]Latrinam, quasi lavatrinam, "the private bath;" balneum being more commonly applied to the public one. Cf. Plaut., Curc., IV., iv., 24. Turneb. It is sometimes put for a worse place, as we say "wash-house." Vid. Bekker's Gallus, p. 265.

[1694]Latrinam, quasi lavatrinam, "the private bath;" balneum being more commonly applied to the public one. Cf. Plaut., Curc., IV., iv., 24. Turneb. It is sometimes put for a worse place, as we say "wash-house." Vid. Bekker's Gallus, p. 265.

[1695]Musimois put for any hybrid animal, as a mule, etc. "Animal ex duobus animalibus diversæ speciei procreatum." It is applied to a cross between a goat and a sheep. So Plin., VIII., xlix., 75. Compare the Greek μούσμων.

[1695]Musimois put for any hybrid animal, as a mule, etc. "Animal ex duobus animalibus diversæ speciei procreatum." It is applied to a cross between a goat and a sheep. So Plin., VIII., xlix., 75. Compare the Greek μούσμων.

[1696]See Argument.Suamseems to imply "one of their own order." Nonius explainsinnubereby "transire," because women when married pass to their husbands' houses: it generally means the same as nubere. But Cort. (ad Lucan, iii., 23, "Innupsit tepido pellex Cornelia busto") explains it "marryingbeneath one'sstation," which is very probably its force here. See Bentley's note on the line, who suggests the emendation "transitivè," no doubt correctly.

[1696]See Argument.Suamseems to imply "one of their own order." Nonius explainsinnubereby "transire," because women when married pass to their husbands' houses: it generally means the same as nubere. But Cort. (ad Lucan, iii., 23, "Innupsit tepido pellex Cornelia busto") explains it "marryingbeneath one'sstation," which is very probably its force here. See Bentley's note on the line, who suggests the emendation "transitivè," no doubt correctly.

[1697]Porcent, i. e., porro arcent, prohibent, used by Ennius, Pacuvius, and Accius.

[1697]Porcent, i. e., porro arcent, prohibent, used by Ennius, Pacuvius, and Accius.

[1698]"The conventional phrase of forced courtesy implies the familiarity of equal friendship." See Arg.

[1698]"The conventional phrase of forced courtesy implies the familiarity of equal friendship." See Arg.

[1699]Ter., And., III., ii, 4, "Quod jussi ei dari bibere, date."Ab summo, i. e., beginning from him that sits at the top of the table. Vid. Schol. ad Hom., Il., i, 597. Cic., de Sen., xiv. Plaut., Pers., V., i., 19. As V., ii., 41, "Da, puere, ab summo: Age tu interibi ab infimo da suavium." So in Greek, ἐν κύκλῳ πίνειν.

[1699]Ter., And., III., ii, 4, "Quod jussi ei dari bibere, date."Ab summo, i. e., beginning from him that sits at the top of the table. Vid. Schol. ad Hom., Il., i, 597. Cic., de Sen., xiv. Plaut., Pers., V., i., 19. As V., ii., 41, "Da, puere, ab summo: Age tu interibi ab infimo da suavium." So in Greek, ἐν κύκλῳ πίνειν.

ARGUMENT.

Thegeneralsubject of the book seems to be agreed upon by all commentators, though they differ as to the details. Schoenbeck says it is directed against the lusts of women; particularly the occasions where those lusts had most opportunity of being exhibited and gratified, the festivals of the Matronalia and the kindred Saturnalia. Petermann considers that it referssimply to the intercourse between husbands and wives, in which view Dousa seems to coincide. Duentzer takes a wider view, and says it refers toalllicentious pleasures. Van Heusde leaves the matter undecided. Gerlach coincides with the general view, but supposes that the passions and the quarrels alluded to must be referred toslaves, or at all events persons of the lowest station, for whom festivals, like the Sigillaria (alluded to in Fr. 4), were more particularly intended. The first two Fragments evidently refer to a matrimonial brawl. The tenth, eleventh, and twelfth refer to an unhallowed passion. The fifth, sixth, and thirteenth to the unnatural and effeminate refinements practiced by a class of persons too often referred to in Juvenal and Persius. The fifteenth, to the fastidious taste of those who professed to be judges of such matters. The connection of the seventh Fragment is uncertain, as it applies apparently to rewards for military service.

Thegeneralsubject of the book seems to be agreed upon by all commentators, though they differ as to the details. Schoenbeck says it is directed against the lusts of women; particularly the occasions where those lusts had most opportunity of being exhibited and gratified, the festivals of the Matronalia and the kindred Saturnalia. Petermann considers that it referssimply to the intercourse between husbands and wives, in which view Dousa seems to coincide. Duentzer takes a wider view, and says it refers toalllicentious pleasures. Van Heusde leaves the matter undecided. Gerlach coincides with the general view, but supposes that the passions and the quarrels alluded to must be referred toslaves, or at all events persons of the lowest station, for whom festivals, like the Sigillaria (alluded to in Fr. 4), were more particularly intended. The first two Fragments evidently refer to a matrimonial brawl. The tenth, eleventh, and twelfth refer to an unhallowed passion. The fifth, sixth, and thirteenth to the unnatural and effeminate refinements practiced by a class of persons too often referred to in Juvenal and Persius. The fifteenth, to the fastidious taste of those who professed to be judges of such matters. The connection of the seventh Fragment is uncertain, as it applies apparently to rewards for military service.

1 When he wishes to punish her for her misdeed, the fellow takes a Samian potsherd and straightway mutilates himself—[1700]2 I said, I come to the main point; I had rather belabor my wife, grown old and mannish, than emasculate myself—[1701]3 ... who would love you, prove himself the patron of your bloom and beauty, and promise to be your friend.4 This is the slaves' holiday; a day which you evidently can not express in Hexameter verse.[1702]5 I am shaved, plucked, scaled, pumice-stoned, bedecked, polished up and painted—[1703]6 Did I ever compare this man with Apollo's favorite Hyacinthus.[1704]7 Five spears: a light-armed skirmisher, with a belt of gold.[1705]8 first glows like hot iron from the forge—9 If he moves and flattens his nostrils as a dolphin at times.[1706]10 The one grinds, the other winnows corn as it were....[1707]11 ... bloom and beauty, like a go-between and kind procuress.[1708]12 like that renowned Phryne when....[1709]13 that no dirt settle on the ear ... no vermin—14 ... that have no eyes, or nose....15 We are severe; difficult to please; fastidious as to good things.1617 ... and the goose's neck.[1710]1819 ... We murmur, are ground, sink down....[1711]20 you whimper in the same way—[1712]21 With such passion and hatred for him am I transported.[1713]22 Here is Macedo if Acron is too long flaccid.[1714]

1 When he wishes to punish her for her misdeed, the fellow takes a Samian potsherd and straightway mutilates himself—[1700]

2 I said, I come to the main point; I had rather belabor my wife, grown old and mannish, than emasculate myself—[1701]

3 ... who would love you, prove himself the patron of your bloom and beauty, and promise to be your friend.

4 This is the slaves' holiday; a day which you evidently can not express in Hexameter verse.[1702]

5 I am shaved, plucked, scaled, pumice-stoned, bedecked, polished up and painted—[1703]

6 Did I ever compare this man with Apollo's favorite Hyacinthus.[1704]

7 Five spears: a light-armed skirmisher, with a belt of gold.[1705]

8 first glows like hot iron from the forge—

9 If he moves and flattens his nostrils as a dolphin at times.[1706]

10 The one grinds, the other winnows corn as it were....[1707]

11 ... bloom and beauty, like a go-between and kind procuress.[1708]

12 like that renowned Phryne when....[1709]

13 that no dirt settle on the ear ... no vermin—

14 ... that have no eyes, or nose....

15 We are severe; difficult to please; fastidious as to good things.

16

17 ... and the goose's neck.[1710]

18

19 ... We murmur, are ground, sink down....[1711]

20 you whimper in the same way—[1712]

21 With such passion and hatred for him am I transported.[1713]

22 Here is Macedo if Acron is too long flaccid.[1714]

FOOTNOTES:[1700]Samosproduced a particular kind of earth (Samia creta), peculiarly serviceable in the potter's art. Hence the earthenware of Samos acquired, even in very early ages, considerable celebrity; and the potters at Samos, as at Corinth, Athens, and Ægina, formed a considerable portion of the population. See the pun on "Vas Samium," Plaut., Bacch., II., ii., 23. Vid. Müller's Ancient Art, § 62. With the sharp fragments of the Samian potsherds, the Galli, or priests of Cybele, were accustomed to mutilate themselves. Plin., XXXV., xii., 46. Juv., vi., 513, "Mollia qui ruptâ secuit genitalia testâ." Mart, iii., Ep. lxxxi., 3.[1701]Virosus, φιλανδρος, "viri appetens."[1702]The Scholiast on Hor., i., Sat. v., 87, tells us that the allusion is to the festival of the Sigillaria. (Auson., Ecl. de Fer. Rom., 32, "Sacra Sigillorum nomine dicta colunt.") The Saturnalia were originally held on the 19th of December (xiv. Kal. Jan.), and lasted for one day only. They were institutedB.C.497 (Liv., ii., 21; xxii., 1), and were intended to commemorate the golden days of Saturn, when slavery was unknown; hence slaves were waited on by their masters, who wore a short robe, called the Synthesis, for that purpose. It was a time of general festivity and rejoicing; and presents were interchanged between friends. The festival was afterward extended to three days by an edict of Julius Cæsar, which Augustus confirmed; and, commencing on the 17th, terminated on the 19th. (Macrob., Sat. i., 10.). Caligula added two more days (or one at least, Suet., Cal., 17), which custom Claudius revived when it had fallen into desuetude. Then the Sigillaria were added, so that the period of festivity was extended to seven days. Mart., xiv., Ep. 72. The Sigillaria were so called from sigillum, "a small image." (From the words of Macrobius, it seems that these sigilla wereimagesof men offered to Dis, and intended as substitutes for thelivingsacrifices which were offered in more barbarous ages. Macrob.,u. s.) The name was applied to the little figures which were sent as presents on the occasion of this festival. These not unfrequently were confectionery or sweetmeats made in this form. Senec., Ep., xii., 3. Suet., Claud., 5. The Easter cakes in Roman Catholic countries are no doubt a remnant of this custom. (Cf. Blunt's Vestiges, p. 119.)[1703]Pumicor.Cf. Ov., A. Am., i., 506, "Nec tua mordaci pumice crura teras." Juv., viii., 16, "Si tenerum attritus Catinensi pumice lumbum." ix., 95, "res Mortifera est inimicus pumice lævis." The pumice-stone, particularly that found at the foot of Mount Ætna, was used to render the skin delicately smooth. Resin, and a kind of plaster made of pitch, was used to eradicate all superfluous hairs. Plin., xiv., 20; xxxv., 21. Cf. ad Juv., viii., 114, "Resinata juventus." ix., 14, "Bruttia præstabat calidi tibi fascia visci." ii., 12. Pers., iv., 36, 40, Plaut., Pseud., I., ii., 9. Mart., xiv., Ep. 205.[1704]Hyacintho.Cf. ad Virg., Ecl., iii., 63. Ov., Met., x., 185,seq.Cortinipotensis an epithet of Apollo as lord of the Cortina; i. e., the egg-shaped basin on the Delphian tripod whence the oracles were echoed. Vid. Hase's Ancient Greeks, p. 144. Serv. ad Virg., Æn., iii., 92, "Mugire aditis Cortina reclusis." vi., 347, "Neque te Phœbi cortina fefellit." Suet., Aug., 52.Contendi.Cf. lib. i., Fr. 15.[1705]Cinctusis sometimes put for a soldier. Plin., vii., Ep. 25. Juv., xvi., 48.TheRorariiwere light companies who advanced before the line, and began the battle with slings and stones; so called from ros. "Quod ante rorat quam pluit." Cf. Varro, L. L., vi., 3. Liv., viii., 8. TheVelites, from vexillum.[1706]Simat.Cf. ad lib. v., Fr. 19.[1707]Molere.Hor., i., Sat. ii., 35. Auson., Epig., lxxi., 7. Theoc., iv., 58, μύλλει. Cf. lib. ix., Fr. 26.[1708]Saga.Tibull., i., El. v., 59, "Sagæ præcepta rapacis desere."[1709]Phryne.Vid. Athen., xiii., p. 591. Plin., xxxiv., 8. The name was not uncommon in the same class at Rome. Tibull., ii, El. vi., 45. Hor., Epod., xiv., 16.[1710]16 and 17 seem hopelessly corrupt. Gerlach supposes some "remedy for languishing love" to be intended ("irritamentum Veneris languentis"), and reads "Callosa ova et bene plena: tunc olorum atque anseris collus" (cf. Hor., ii., Sat. iv., 14), "Hard and well-filled eggs; then swan's and goose's neck." But the emendation is too wide to be admitted into the text.[1711]Muginoris used by Cicero in the sense of "dallying, trifling." "Nugas agere, causari, moras nectere, tarde conari." Att., xvi., 12. But its primitive meaning is conveyed by its etymology, "Mugitu moveo." It refers to the noise made by those who move heavy weights, that their efforts may be exerted in concert. Coupled with Fr. 10, its meaning is obvious here.[1712]Ogannis, i. e., obgannis. It is properly applied to a dog. Cf. Juv., vi., 64, "Appula gannit." Compare the Greek λαγνεύειν.[1713]Cf. lib. iv., Fr. 8.[1714]Gerlach reads "Acron" for the oldlorum, which Scaliger approved, and connected this Fragment with the second of the eighth book.

[1700]Samosproduced a particular kind of earth (Samia creta), peculiarly serviceable in the potter's art. Hence the earthenware of Samos acquired, even in very early ages, considerable celebrity; and the potters at Samos, as at Corinth, Athens, and Ægina, formed a considerable portion of the population. See the pun on "Vas Samium," Plaut., Bacch., II., ii., 23. Vid. Müller's Ancient Art, § 62. With the sharp fragments of the Samian potsherds, the Galli, or priests of Cybele, were accustomed to mutilate themselves. Plin., XXXV., xii., 46. Juv., vi., 513, "Mollia qui ruptâ secuit genitalia testâ." Mart, iii., Ep. lxxxi., 3.

[1700]Samosproduced a particular kind of earth (Samia creta), peculiarly serviceable in the potter's art. Hence the earthenware of Samos acquired, even in very early ages, considerable celebrity; and the potters at Samos, as at Corinth, Athens, and Ægina, formed a considerable portion of the population. See the pun on "Vas Samium," Plaut., Bacch., II., ii., 23. Vid. Müller's Ancient Art, § 62. With the sharp fragments of the Samian potsherds, the Galli, or priests of Cybele, were accustomed to mutilate themselves. Plin., XXXV., xii., 46. Juv., vi., 513, "Mollia qui ruptâ secuit genitalia testâ." Mart, iii., Ep. lxxxi., 3.

[1701]Virosus, φιλανδρος, "viri appetens."

[1701]Virosus, φιλανδρος, "viri appetens."

[1702]The Scholiast on Hor., i., Sat. v., 87, tells us that the allusion is to the festival of the Sigillaria. (Auson., Ecl. de Fer. Rom., 32, "Sacra Sigillorum nomine dicta colunt.") The Saturnalia were originally held on the 19th of December (xiv. Kal. Jan.), and lasted for one day only. They were institutedB.C.497 (Liv., ii., 21; xxii., 1), and were intended to commemorate the golden days of Saturn, when slavery was unknown; hence slaves were waited on by their masters, who wore a short robe, called the Synthesis, for that purpose. It was a time of general festivity and rejoicing; and presents were interchanged between friends. The festival was afterward extended to three days by an edict of Julius Cæsar, which Augustus confirmed; and, commencing on the 17th, terminated on the 19th. (Macrob., Sat. i., 10.). Caligula added two more days (or one at least, Suet., Cal., 17), which custom Claudius revived when it had fallen into desuetude. Then the Sigillaria were added, so that the period of festivity was extended to seven days. Mart., xiv., Ep. 72. The Sigillaria were so called from sigillum, "a small image." (From the words of Macrobius, it seems that these sigilla wereimagesof men offered to Dis, and intended as substitutes for thelivingsacrifices which were offered in more barbarous ages. Macrob.,u. s.) The name was applied to the little figures which were sent as presents on the occasion of this festival. These not unfrequently were confectionery or sweetmeats made in this form. Senec., Ep., xii., 3. Suet., Claud., 5. The Easter cakes in Roman Catholic countries are no doubt a remnant of this custom. (Cf. Blunt's Vestiges, p. 119.)

[1702]The Scholiast on Hor., i., Sat. v., 87, tells us that the allusion is to the festival of the Sigillaria. (Auson., Ecl. de Fer. Rom., 32, "Sacra Sigillorum nomine dicta colunt.") The Saturnalia were originally held on the 19th of December (xiv. Kal. Jan.), and lasted for one day only. They were institutedB.C.497 (Liv., ii., 21; xxii., 1), and were intended to commemorate the golden days of Saturn, when slavery was unknown; hence slaves were waited on by their masters, who wore a short robe, called the Synthesis, for that purpose. It was a time of general festivity and rejoicing; and presents were interchanged between friends. The festival was afterward extended to three days by an edict of Julius Cæsar, which Augustus confirmed; and, commencing on the 17th, terminated on the 19th. (Macrob., Sat. i., 10.). Caligula added two more days (or one at least, Suet., Cal., 17), which custom Claudius revived when it had fallen into desuetude. Then the Sigillaria were added, so that the period of festivity was extended to seven days. Mart., xiv., Ep. 72. The Sigillaria were so called from sigillum, "a small image." (From the words of Macrobius, it seems that these sigilla wereimagesof men offered to Dis, and intended as substitutes for thelivingsacrifices which were offered in more barbarous ages. Macrob.,u. s.) The name was applied to the little figures which were sent as presents on the occasion of this festival. These not unfrequently were confectionery or sweetmeats made in this form. Senec., Ep., xii., 3. Suet., Claud., 5. The Easter cakes in Roman Catholic countries are no doubt a remnant of this custom. (Cf. Blunt's Vestiges, p. 119.)

[1703]Pumicor.Cf. Ov., A. Am., i., 506, "Nec tua mordaci pumice crura teras." Juv., viii., 16, "Si tenerum attritus Catinensi pumice lumbum." ix., 95, "res Mortifera est inimicus pumice lævis." The pumice-stone, particularly that found at the foot of Mount Ætna, was used to render the skin delicately smooth. Resin, and a kind of plaster made of pitch, was used to eradicate all superfluous hairs. Plin., xiv., 20; xxxv., 21. Cf. ad Juv., viii., 114, "Resinata juventus." ix., 14, "Bruttia præstabat calidi tibi fascia visci." ii., 12. Pers., iv., 36, 40, Plaut., Pseud., I., ii., 9. Mart., xiv., Ep. 205.

[1703]Pumicor.Cf. Ov., A. Am., i., 506, "Nec tua mordaci pumice crura teras." Juv., viii., 16, "Si tenerum attritus Catinensi pumice lumbum." ix., 95, "res Mortifera est inimicus pumice lævis." The pumice-stone, particularly that found at the foot of Mount Ætna, was used to render the skin delicately smooth. Resin, and a kind of plaster made of pitch, was used to eradicate all superfluous hairs. Plin., xiv., 20; xxxv., 21. Cf. ad Juv., viii., 114, "Resinata juventus." ix., 14, "Bruttia præstabat calidi tibi fascia visci." ii., 12. Pers., iv., 36, 40, Plaut., Pseud., I., ii., 9. Mart., xiv., Ep. 205.

[1704]Hyacintho.Cf. ad Virg., Ecl., iii., 63. Ov., Met., x., 185,seq.Cortinipotensis an epithet of Apollo as lord of the Cortina; i. e., the egg-shaped basin on the Delphian tripod whence the oracles were echoed. Vid. Hase's Ancient Greeks, p. 144. Serv. ad Virg., Æn., iii., 92, "Mugire aditis Cortina reclusis." vi., 347, "Neque te Phœbi cortina fefellit." Suet., Aug., 52.Contendi.Cf. lib. i., Fr. 15.

[1704]Hyacintho.Cf. ad Virg., Ecl., iii., 63. Ov., Met., x., 185,seq.Cortinipotensis an epithet of Apollo as lord of the Cortina; i. e., the egg-shaped basin on the Delphian tripod whence the oracles were echoed. Vid. Hase's Ancient Greeks, p. 144. Serv. ad Virg., Æn., iii., 92, "Mugire aditis Cortina reclusis." vi., 347, "Neque te Phœbi cortina fefellit." Suet., Aug., 52.Contendi.Cf. lib. i., Fr. 15.

[1705]Cinctusis sometimes put for a soldier. Plin., vii., Ep. 25. Juv., xvi., 48.TheRorariiwere light companies who advanced before the line, and began the battle with slings and stones; so called from ros. "Quod ante rorat quam pluit." Cf. Varro, L. L., vi., 3. Liv., viii., 8. TheVelites, from vexillum.

[1705]Cinctusis sometimes put for a soldier. Plin., vii., Ep. 25. Juv., xvi., 48.

TheRorariiwere light companies who advanced before the line, and began the battle with slings and stones; so called from ros. "Quod ante rorat quam pluit." Cf. Varro, L. L., vi., 3. Liv., viii., 8. TheVelites, from vexillum.

[1706]Simat.Cf. ad lib. v., Fr. 19.

[1706]Simat.Cf. ad lib. v., Fr. 19.

[1707]Molere.Hor., i., Sat. ii., 35. Auson., Epig., lxxi., 7. Theoc., iv., 58, μύλλει. Cf. lib. ix., Fr. 26.

[1707]Molere.Hor., i., Sat. ii., 35. Auson., Epig., lxxi., 7. Theoc., iv., 58, μύλλει. Cf. lib. ix., Fr. 26.

[1708]Saga.Tibull., i., El. v., 59, "Sagæ præcepta rapacis desere."

[1708]Saga.Tibull., i., El. v., 59, "Sagæ præcepta rapacis desere."

[1709]Phryne.Vid. Athen., xiii., p. 591. Plin., xxxiv., 8. The name was not uncommon in the same class at Rome. Tibull., ii, El. vi., 45. Hor., Epod., xiv., 16.

[1709]Phryne.Vid. Athen., xiii., p. 591. Plin., xxxiv., 8. The name was not uncommon in the same class at Rome. Tibull., ii, El. vi., 45. Hor., Epod., xiv., 16.

[1710]16 and 17 seem hopelessly corrupt. Gerlach supposes some "remedy for languishing love" to be intended ("irritamentum Veneris languentis"), and reads "Callosa ova et bene plena: tunc olorum atque anseris collus" (cf. Hor., ii., Sat. iv., 14), "Hard and well-filled eggs; then swan's and goose's neck." But the emendation is too wide to be admitted into the text.

[1710]16 and 17 seem hopelessly corrupt. Gerlach supposes some "remedy for languishing love" to be intended ("irritamentum Veneris languentis"), and reads "Callosa ova et bene plena: tunc olorum atque anseris collus" (cf. Hor., ii., Sat. iv., 14), "Hard and well-filled eggs; then swan's and goose's neck." But the emendation is too wide to be admitted into the text.

[1711]Muginoris used by Cicero in the sense of "dallying, trifling." "Nugas agere, causari, moras nectere, tarde conari." Att., xvi., 12. But its primitive meaning is conveyed by its etymology, "Mugitu moveo." It refers to the noise made by those who move heavy weights, that their efforts may be exerted in concert. Coupled with Fr. 10, its meaning is obvious here.

[1711]Muginoris used by Cicero in the sense of "dallying, trifling." "Nugas agere, causari, moras nectere, tarde conari." Att., xvi., 12. But its primitive meaning is conveyed by its etymology, "Mugitu moveo." It refers to the noise made by those who move heavy weights, that their efforts may be exerted in concert. Coupled with Fr. 10, its meaning is obvious here.

[1712]Ogannis, i. e., obgannis. It is properly applied to a dog. Cf. Juv., vi., 64, "Appula gannit." Compare the Greek λαγνεύειν.

[1712]Ogannis, i. e., obgannis. It is properly applied to a dog. Cf. Juv., vi., 64, "Appula gannit." Compare the Greek λαγνεύειν.

[1713]Cf. lib. iv., Fr. 8.

[1713]Cf. lib. iv., Fr. 8.

[1714]Gerlach reads "Acron" for the oldlorum, which Scaliger approved, and connected this Fragment with the second of the eighth book.

[1714]Gerlach reads "Acron" for the oldlorum, which Scaliger approved, and connected this Fragment with the second of the eighth book.

ARGUMENT.

The eighth book, as Schoenbeck supposes, consisted of an exposition of domestic life, with a discussion as to the virtues which a good wife ought to possess. Duentzer would rather connect it with the last book, and imagines unlawful love to have been the theme, and that the ancient title of the book countenanced this opinion. The second, fourth, fifth, eleventh, and thirteenth Fragments seem to confirm the conjecture; the drift of the others is not apparent.

The eighth book, as Schoenbeck supposes, consisted of an exposition of domestic life, with a discussion as to the virtues which a good wife ought to possess. Duentzer would rather connect it with the last book, and imagines unlawful love to have been the theme, and that the ancient title of the book countenanced this opinion. The second, fourth, fifth, eleventh, and thirteenth Fragments seem to confirm the conjecture; the drift of the others is not apparent.

1 When the victor cock proudly rears himself, and raises his front talons—2 When I drink from the same cup, embrace, press lip to lip....[1715]3 But on the river, and at the very parting of the waters, ... a merchantman ... with feet of holm-oak.[1716]4 ... that she is slender, nimble, with clean chest, and like a youth....[1717]5 ... then she joins side to side, and breast to breast.[1718]6 If he achieve the whole route, and the steep stadium at an ambling pace—[1719]7 To salt sea-eels, and bring the wares into the larder.[1720]8 But all trades and petty gains....9 the Hiberian island....[1721]10 a necessary close at hand; a bake-house, store-room, kitchen[1722]11 ... with friendly hand wipes off the tears....12 ... giblets, or else liver....[1723]13 ... the work flags....[1724]14 ... wine-bibbers.[1725]

1 When the victor cock proudly rears himself, and raises his front talons—

2 When I drink from the same cup, embrace, press lip to lip....[1715]

3 But on the river, and at the very parting of the waters, ... a merchantman ... with feet of holm-oak.[1716]

4 ... that she is slender, nimble, with clean chest, and like a youth....[1717]

5 ... then she joins side to side, and breast to breast.[1718]

6 If he achieve the whole route, and the steep stadium at an ambling pace—[1719]

7 To salt sea-eels, and bring the wares into the larder.[1720]

8 But all trades and petty gains....

9 the Hiberian island....[1721]

10 a necessary close at hand; a bake-house, store-room, kitchen[1722]

11 ... with friendly hand wipes off the tears....

12 ... giblets, or else liver....[1723]

13 ... the work flags....[1724]

14 ... wine-bibbers.[1725]

FOOTNOTES:[1715]Nonius reads "fictrices," and explains "fingere" by "lingere." Cf. Schol. ad Aristoph., Aves, 507.[1716]Gerlach says, "Ex his verbis vix probabilem eruas sensum."Thecercuruswas a large merchant-vessel, used by the Asiatics, undecked, and capable of carrying a large freight. It was invented, according to Pliny, by the Cyprians. Plin., vii., 56, 57. Cf. Plaut., Merc., I., i., 86. Stich., II., iii., 34. It appears, however, from Livy, that the name was sometimes applied to a vessel of smaller size. Liv., xxx., 19.Ilignis pedibus.Cf. Ter., Adelph., IV., ii., 46. Virg., Georg., iii., 330. Forconcinat, Gerlach proposes to read "concinnat."[1717]Pernixis the epithet Catullus applies to Atalanta: ii., 12, "Quam ferunt puellæ Pernici aureolum fuisse malum."[1718]Cf. Lib. v., Fr. 25. Probably from this Horace takes his line, i., Sat. ii., 126.[1719]Evadit.Cf. Virg., Æn., ii., 731; xii., 907. Ov., Met., iii., 19.Acclivisis properly applied to a "gentle ascent." Virg., Georg., ii., 276. Col., iii., 15.Tolutim, à tollendo. Pliny (viii., 42) tells us that the people of Asturias in Spain trained their jennets to a particular kind of easy pace: "mollis alterno crurum explicatu glomeratio." Varro speaks of giving a horse to a trainer, that he may teach him this pace: "ut equiso doceat tolutim incedere." Cf. Plaut., As., III., iii., 116, "Demam hercle jam hordeo tolutim ni badizas." Hence the "managed palfrey" of the Middle Ages. The pace probably resembled that now taught by the Americans to their horses, and called "racking." Cf. lib. xiv., 12, "equus gradarius, optimus vector."[1720]Thefrigidariumwas not only the "cold bath" (Bekker's Gallus, p. 385), but was also applied to a cool cellar or pantry for keeping provisions fresh.[1721]All the commentators seem to give up this line in despair.Colustrumis properly the first milk that comes after parturition; which, as being apt to curdle, was esteemed unwholesome, and produced an attack called "Colustratio." Schoenbeck supposes that the inhabitants of this "Hibera insula," wherever it was, usedfomentaandcolustraas medical remedies. Mart., xiii., Ep. 38.[1722]Posticum, Nonius makes equivalent toSella. Gerlach, however, thinks "cella" the correct reading here. Thepistrinumwas the name both for the bake-house and the mill for grinding the corn. Vid. Bekker's Gallus, p. 265.[1723]Gigeriaare the entrails of poultry: these were sometimes served with a kind of stuffing or forcemeat calledinsicia. The word occurs only in Lucilius, Petronius, and Apicius.[1724]Scaliger connects this Fragment with lib. vii., Fr. 22, and reads, "Hic est Macedo: si lorum longui' flaccet, Læna manu lacrymas mutoni absterget amicâ."[1725]Buawas the word taught by Roman nurses to children, equivalent to our "pap." "Potio posita parvulorum." Varro. HenceVinibuæforvinolentæ.

[1715]Nonius reads "fictrices," and explains "fingere" by "lingere." Cf. Schol. ad Aristoph., Aves, 507.

[1715]Nonius reads "fictrices," and explains "fingere" by "lingere." Cf. Schol. ad Aristoph., Aves, 507.

[1716]Gerlach says, "Ex his verbis vix probabilem eruas sensum."Thecercuruswas a large merchant-vessel, used by the Asiatics, undecked, and capable of carrying a large freight. It was invented, according to Pliny, by the Cyprians. Plin., vii., 56, 57. Cf. Plaut., Merc., I., i., 86. Stich., II., iii., 34. It appears, however, from Livy, that the name was sometimes applied to a vessel of smaller size. Liv., xxx., 19.Ilignis pedibus.Cf. Ter., Adelph., IV., ii., 46. Virg., Georg., iii., 330. Forconcinat, Gerlach proposes to read "concinnat."

[1716]Gerlach says, "Ex his verbis vix probabilem eruas sensum."

Thecercuruswas a large merchant-vessel, used by the Asiatics, undecked, and capable of carrying a large freight. It was invented, according to Pliny, by the Cyprians. Plin., vii., 56, 57. Cf. Plaut., Merc., I., i., 86. Stich., II., iii., 34. It appears, however, from Livy, that the name was sometimes applied to a vessel of smaller size. Liv., xxx., 19.Ilignis pedibus.Cf. Ter., Adelph., IV., ii., 46. Virg., Georg., iii., 330. Forconcinat, Gerlach proposes to read "concinnat."

[1717]Pernixis the epithet Catullus applies to Atalanta: ii., 12, "Quam ferunt puellæ Pernici aureolum fuisse malum."

[1717]Pernixis the epithet Catullus applies to Atalanta: ii., 12, "Quam ferunt puellæ Pernici aureolum fuisse malum."

[1718]Cf. Lib. v., Fr. 25. Probably from this Horace takes his line, i., Sat. ii., 126.

[1718]Cf. Lib. v., Fr. 25. Probably from this Horace takes his line, i., Sat. ii., 126.

[1719]Evadit.Cf. Virg., Æn., ii., 731; xii., 907. Ov., Met., iii., 19.Acclivisis properly applied to a "gentle ascent." Virg., Georg., ii., 276. Col., iii., 15.Tolutim, à tollendo. Pliny (viii., 42) tells us that the people of Asturias in Spain trained their jennets to a particular kind of easy pace: "mollis alterno crurum explicatu glomeratio." Varro speaks of giving a horse to a trainer, that he may teach him this pace: "ut equiso doceat tolutim incedere." Cf. Plaut., As., III., iii., 116, "Demam hercle jam hordeo tolutim ni badizas." Hence the "managed palfrey" of the Middle Ages. The pace probably resembled that now taught by the Americans to their horses, and called "racking." Cf. lib. xiv., 12, "equus gradarius, optimus vector."

[1719]Evadit.Cf. Virg., Æn., ii., 731; xii., 907. Ov., Met., iii., 19.Acclivisis properly applied to a "gentle ascent." Virg., Georg., ii., 276. Col., iii., 15.Tolutim, à tollendo. Pliny (viii., 42) tells us that the people of Asturias in Spain trained their jennets to a particular kind of easy pace: "mollis alterno crurum explicatu glomeratio." Varro speaks of giving a horse to a trainer, that he may teach him this pace: "ut equiso doceat tolutim incedere." Cf. Plaut., As., III., iii., 116, "Demam hercle jam hordeo tolutim ni badizas." Hence the "managed palfrey" of the Middle Ages. The pace probably resembled that now taught by the Americans to their horses, and called "racking." Cf. lib. xiv., 12, "equus gradarius, optimus vector."

[1720]Thefrigidariumwas not only the "cold bath" (Bekker's Gallus, p. 385), but was also applied to a cool cellar or pantry for keeping provisions fresh.

[1720]Thefrigidariumwas not only the "cold bath" (Bekker's Gallus, p. 385), but was also applied to a cool cellar or pantry for keeping provisions fresh.

[1721]All the commentators seem to give up this line in despair.Colustrumis properly the first milk that comes after parturition; which, as being apt to curdle, was esteemed unwholesome, and produced an attack called "Colustratio." Schoenbeck supposes that the inhabitants of this "Hibera insula," wherever it was, usedfomentaandcolustraas medical remedies. Mart., xiii., Ep. 38.

[1721]All the commentators seem to give up this line in despair.Colustrumis properly the first milk that comes after parturition; which, as being apt to curdle, was esteemed unwholesome, and produced an attack called "Colustratio." Schoenbeck supposes that the inhabitants of this "Hibera insula," wherever it was, usedfomentaandcolustraas medical remedies. Mart., xiii., Ep. 38.

[1722]Posticum, Nonius makes equivalent toSella. Gerlach, however, thinks "cella" the correct reading here. Thepistrinumwas the name both for the bake-house and the mill for grinding the corn. Vid. Bekker's Gallus, p. 265.

[1722]Posticum, Nonius makes equivalent toSella. Gerlach, however, thinks "cella" the correct reading here. Thepistrinumwas the name both for the bake-house and the mill for grinding the corn. Vid. Bekker's Gallus, p. 265.

[1723]Gigeriaare the entrails of poultry: these were sometimes served with a kind of stuffing or forcemeat calledinsicia. The word occurs only in Lucilius, Petronius, and Apicius.

[1723]Gigeriaare the entrails of poultry: these were sometimes served with a kind of stuffing or forcemeat calledinsicia. The word occurs only in Lucilius, Petronius, and Apicius.

[1724]Scaliger connects this Fragment with lib. vii., Fr. 22, and reads, "Hic est Macedo: si lorum longui' flaccet, Læna manu lacrymas mutoni absterget amicâ."

[1724]Scaliger connects this Fragment with lib. vii., Fr. 22, and reads, "Hic est Macedo: si lorum longui' flaccet, Læna manu lacrymas mutoni absterget amicâ."

[1725]Buawas the word taught by Roman nurses to children, equivalent to our "pap." "Potio posita parvulorum." Varro. HenceVinibuæforvinolentæ.

[1725]Buawas the word taught by Roman nurses to children, equivalent to our "pap." "Potio posita parvulorum." Varro. HenceVinibuæforvinolentæ.

ARGUMENT.

The subject of the ninth book is known from several notices in the old grammarians.[1726]It is said to have contained strictures on the orthography of the ancient writers; some emendations of the verses of Accius and Ennius (with especial reference to the former, who is said to have always used double vowels to express a long syllable), and a mention of the double genius, who, according to the notion of Euclides the Socratic, attends upon each individual of the human race. The exact connection of this latter topic with the foregoing, is not at present evident to us. It appears that this book had anciently the title of "Fornix" as the work of Pomponius on a cognate subject was called "Marsyas." Van Heusde supposes that it took its name from the Fabian arch on the Via Sacra, and that its subject resembled the ninth of Horace's first book of Satires. The poet, in his walk along the Via Sacra, meets with a troublesome fellow near the arch of Fabius, who pesters him with a speech which he is about to deliver, as defendant in a cause, and which he wishes Lucilius to look over and correct; and that this furnishes the poet with the groundwork for a discussion on several points in grammar, orthography, and rhetoric. With this view Gerlach so far agrees, as to suppose the subject of both Horace's and Lucilius's Satires to have been similar; especially since many similar phrases and sentiments occur in both; but he considers a detailed disquisition on single letters and syllables inconsistent with a desultory conversation, or with a cursory criticism of an oration, and considersit better to confess one's ignorance honestly than indulge in vain-glorious conjecture. Particularly, since many other Fragments of this book have come down to us, wholly irreconcilable with this view of the subject; some referring to avarice, others to the Salii; which, though they might certainly be incidentally mentioned, imply too diversified a subject to be definitely circumscribed within so limited an outline, as Van Heusde conjectures.

The subject of the ninth book is known from several notices in the old grammarians.[1726]It is said to have contained strictures on the orthography of the ancient writers; some emendations of the verses of Accius and Ennius (with especial reference to the former, who is said to have always used double vowels to express a long syllable), and a mention of the double genius, who, according to the notion of Euclides the Socratic, attends upon each individual of the human race. The exact connection of this latter topic with the foregoing, is not at present evident to us. It appears that this book had anciently the title of "Fornix" as the work of Pomponius on a cognate subject was called "Marsyas." Van Heusde supposes that it took its name from the Fabian arch on the Via Sacra, and that its subject resembled the ninth of Horace's first book of Satires. The poet, in his walk along the Via Sacra, meets with a troublesome fellow near the arch of Fabius, who pesters him with a speech which he is about to deliver, as defendant in a cause, and which he wishes Lucilius to look over and correct; and that this furnishes the poet with the groundwork for a discussion on several points in grammar, orthography, and rhetoric. With this view Gerlach so far agrees, as to suppose the subject of both Horace's and Lucilius's Satires to have been similar; especially since many similar phrases and sentiments occur in both; but he considers a detailed disquisition on single letters and syllables inconsistent with a desultory conversation, or with a cursory criticism of an oration, and considersit better to confess one's ignorance honestly than indulge in vain-glorious conjecture. Particularly, since many other Fragments of this book have come down to us, wholly irreconcilable with this view of the subject; some referring to avarice, others to the Salii; which, though they might certainly be incidentally mentioned, imply too diversified a subject to be definitely circumscribed within so limited an outline, as Van Heusde conjectures.

1 ... only let the nap of the woof stand erect within....[1727]2 First is A. I will begin with this; and the words spelled with it. In the first place, A is either a long or short syllable; consequently we will make it one, and, as we say, write it in one and the same fashion, "Pācem, Plăcide, Jānum, Aridum, Acetum," just as the Greeks do. Ἄρες Ἄρες.[1728]3 ... not very different from this, and badly put together, if with a burr like a dog, I say AR ... this is its name.[1729]4 ... and there is no reason why you should make it a question or a difficulty whether you should write ACCURRERE with a D or a T.[1730]5 But it is of great consequence whether ABBITERE have a D or B—[1731]6 "Now come PUEREI." Put E and I at the end, to make "pueri" the plural; if you put I only, as PupillI, PuerI, LuceilI, this will become the singular number. "Hoc illi factum est unI." Being singular, you will put I only. "Hoc IllEI fecere." Add E to mark the plural. Add also E to MendacEI and FurEI, when you make it the dative case." MEIle hominum, dub MEIlia." Here too we must have both vowels, MEIles, MEIlitiam. Pila, "a ball to play with," Pilum, "a pestle to pound with," will have I simply. But to PEIla, "javelins," you must add E, to give the fuller sound.[1732]7 Our S, and what after a semi-Greek fashion we call Sigma, admits of no mistake.8 ... in the word PeLLiciendo.[1733]9 For just as we see Intro (within) to be a very different word from Intus (inside), soapud seis very different from, and has not the same force as,ad se. "A man invites us to come in and join him (intro ad se). He keeps himself at home, inside his own house (intus apud se)."10 "The water boils," may be expressed byFervit(of the third conjugation), orFervet(of the second conjugation). Or again,Fervitmay be thepresenttense,Fervetthefuture; both of the third conjugation.11 So Fervĕre (with the E short, of the third conjugation).12 You do not perceive the force of this; or how this differs from the other. In the first place, this which we call "Poema" is a small portion. So also an epistle, or any distich which is of no great length, may be a "Poema." A "Poësis" is awholework, as the whole Iliad; it is one Thesis. So also the Annals of Ennius, that is also a single work, and of much greater magnitude than what I just now styled Poëma. Wherefore I assert, that no one who finds fault with Homer, finds fault with himall through; nor does he criticise, as I said before, thewholePoesis; but simply a single verse, word, proposition, or passage.13 ... that he is a misshapen old man, gouty in his joints and feet—that he is lame, wretched, emaciated, and ruptured—14 I seize his beak, and smash his lips, Zopyrus-fashion, and knock out all his front teeth.[1734]15 For he who makes bricks never has any thing more than common clay with chaff, and stubble mixed with mud.[1735]16 If she is nothing on the score of beauty, and if in former days she was a harlot and common prostitute, you must have coin and money.17 ... What if I see some oysters? Shall I be able to detect the very river, and mud, and slime they came from?[1736]18 He is a corn-chandler, and brings with him his bushel-measure and his leveling-stick.[1737]19 Study to learn: lest the fact itself and the reasoning confute you—20 with one thousand sesterces you can gain a hundred—-21 he had scratched himself, like a boar with his sides rubbed against a tree—22 ... hence the ancilia, and high-peaked caps, and sacrificial bowls[1738]23 as the priest begins the solemn dance, and then the main body takes it up after him.[1739]24 ... herself cuts all the thongs from the hide—25 ... how he differs from him whom Apollo has rescued. So be it.26 her motion was as though she were winnowing corn.[1740]

1 ... only let the nap of the woof stand erect within....[1727]

2 First is A. I will begin with this; and the words spelled with it. In the first place, A is either a long or short syllable; consequently we will make it one, and, as we say, write it in one and the same fashion, "Pācem, Plăcide, Jānum, Aridum, Acetum," just as the Greeks do. Ἄρες Ἄρες.[1728]

3 ... not very different from this, and badly put together, if with a burr like a dog, I say AR ... this is its name.[1729]

4 ... and there is no reason why you should make it a question or a difficulty whether you should write ACCURRERE with a D or a T.[1730]

5 But it is of great consequence whether ABBITERE have a D or B—[1731]

6 "Now come PUEREI." Put E and I at the end, to make "pueri" the plural; if you put I only, as PupillI, PuerI, LuceilI, this will become the singular number. "Hoc illi factum est unI." Being singular, you will put I only. "Hoc IllEI fecere." Add E to mark the plural. Add also E to MendacEI and FurEI, when you make it the dative case." MEIle hominum, dub MEIlia." Here too we must have both vowels, MEIles, MEIlitiam. Pila, "a ball to play with," Pilum, "a pestle to pound with," will have I simply. But to PEIla, "javelins," you must add E, to give the fuller sound.[1732]

7 Our S, and what after a semi-Greek fashion we call Sigma, admits of no mistake.

8 ... in the word PeLLiciendo.[1733]

9 For just as we see Intro (within) to be a very different word from Intus (inside), soapud seis very different from, and has not the same force as,ad se. "A man invites us to come in and join him (intro ad se). He keeps himself at home, inside his own house (intus apud se)."

10 "The water boils," may be expressed byFervit(of the third conjugation), orFervet(of the second conjugation). Or again,Fervitmay be thepresenttense,Fervetthefuture; both of the third conjugation.

11 So Fervĕre (with the E short, of the third conjugation).

12 You do not perceive the force of this; or how this differs from the other. In the first place, this which we call "Poema" is a small portion. So also an epistle, or any distich which is of no great length, may be a "Poema." A "Poësis" is awholework, as the whole Iliad; it is one Thesis. So also the Annals of Ennius, that is also a single work, and of much greater magnitude than what I just now styled Poëma. Wherefore I assert, that no one who finds fault with Homer, finds fault with himall through; nor does he criticise, as I said before, thewholePoesis; but simply a single verse, word, proposition, or passage.

13 ... that he is a misshapen old man, gouty in his joints and feet—that he is lame, wretched, emaciated, and ruptured—

14 I seize his beak, and smash his lips, Zopyrus-fashion, and knock out all his front teeth.[1734]

15 For he who makes bricks never has any thing more than common clay with chaff, and stubble mixed with mud.[1735]

16 If she is nothing on the score of beauty, and if in former days she was a harlot and common prostitute, you must have coin and money.

17 ... What if I see some oysters? Shall I be able to detect the very river, and mud, and slime they came from?[1736]

18 He is a corn-chandler, and brings with him his bushel-measure and his leveling-stick.[1737]

19 Study to learn: lest the fact itself and the reasoning confute you—

20 with one thousand sesterces you can gain a hundred—-

21 he had scratched himself, like a boar with his sides rubbed against a tree—

22 ... hence the ancilia, and high-peaked caps, and sacrificial bowls[1738]

23 as the priest begins the solemn dance, and then the main body takes it up after him.[1739]

24 ... herself cuts all the thongs from the hide—

25 ... how he differs from him whom Apollo has rescued. So be it.

26 her motion was as though she were winnowing corn.[1740]

FOOTNOTES:[1726]Isidorus Hispalensis, Q. Terentianus Scaurus, and Velius Longus.[1727]Panusis explained in two ways, as "tramæ involucrum," and as "tumor inguinis." Gerlach inclines to the latter interpretation. Schmidt supposes Lucilius to employ the metaphor of weaving to express the following sentiment: "as the outer surface of the woof is of little consequence if the inner part be good, so, provided a man's internal qualities, the virtues of his heart and head, are all that we can desire, it matters little what the outer integument is that shrouds this fair inside:" and that to this Horace alludes, ii., Sat. i., 63, "Lucilius ausus Primus in hunc operis componere carmina morem Detrahere etpellemnitidus quâ quisque per ora Cederetintrorsum turpis." (Lucilii Satyrarum quæ de lib. ix. supersunt disposita, c. L. F. Schmidt, p. 40.) But Gerlach thinks thatpanuscould not be used to expresspellis.[1728]This, we learn from Terentianus, is a criticism on Accius, who used to mark long syllables bydoublingthe vowels, which Lucilius considers a fault, there being no more necessity in Latin to mark the quantity by the orthography than in Greek, where, though the length of the vowel be changed, as in ἄρες ἄρες, the spelling remains unaltered. Cf. Hom., Il., v., 31. Mart., ix., Ep. xii., 15.[1729]Corpet supposes some rustic person is alluded to, who used the old-fashioned form. Cf. Plaut., Truc., II., xii., 17. Gerlach supposes it is the poet himself. Cf. Pers., Sat. i., 109, "Sonat hic de nare caninâ litera."[1730]Gerlach thinks there may be an allusion to Plautus, who often uses this word. Cf. Capt., III., iv., 72. Rud., III., iv., 72.[1731]Abbitereforabbireis Schmidt's reading, who also readssietforsive, omittinghabetat the end of the line.[1732]The rule contained in this Fragment seems superfluous, especially after the opinion Lucilius has given in the second.Iis equally long or short withA, nor does it appear why thegenitiveshould not be asessentiallylong as thedativesingular. If the insertion of the E were simply to mark the difference of number, there might be some apparent reason.[1733]"This Fragment is simply an illustration of the rule that the prepositionperin composition remains unchanged, unless it stand before the letter L, when by assimilation it is changed into the initial letter of the word: so per lacio becomes pellacio; per labor, pellabor; per luceo, pelluceo."[1734]Alluding to the story of Zopyrus, told by Herodotus, lib. iii., 154, and by Justin, lib. iii., 10,seq., who mutilated himself to gain Babylon for Darius. Cf. lib. xxii., Fr. 3.[1735]Acerosum, according to Nonius, is applied to coarse bread, not sufficiently cleared from chaff and husk. Cf. lib. xv., Fr. 18.Aceratum, to clay mixed with stubble and straw, fit for the brickmaker's use, the paleatum of Columella. V., vi., med. Cf. Exod., v., 16.[1736]Juvenal borrows and enlarges upon this idea, in describing the Epicurism of Montanus. Sat. iv., 139, "Nulli majus fait usus edendi tempestati meâ. Circæ nata forent an Lucrinum ad saxum, Rutupinove edita fundo.Ostrea, callebat primo deprendere morsa, etsemel aspectilitus dicebat echini."[1737]Rutellum, the diminutive of Rutrum. "a mattock," was the stick with which the corn-dealer struck off the heaped-up corn, so as to make it level with the top of his measure. It was also called Hostorium, from the old verb Hostire, "to strike." Compare the old English "strike," used for a measure.[1738]Capis(à capiendo, Varro, v., 121, "quod ausatæ ut prehendi possent") was a cup with a handle, generally made of earthenware, and ordinarily used in sacrifices. Vid. Liv., lib. x., 7. So also Capedo and Capula. Cf. Bekker's Gallus, p. 481. Theapexis the conical cap worn by the Salii.[1739]Præsulwas the name applied to the Princeps Saliorum, because he led the sacred dance, as προορχηστὴρ, ἔξαρχος. Called also Præsultor and Præsultator.Amtruo(fromam, ἀμφὶ, circum, andtrua, "an implement used for stirring things round while they were being cooked") is the technical phrase for the dancing of the Salii. The Præsul danced at the head of the procession,amtruabat; the rest followed, imitating his movements;redamtruabant. This procession took place in the Comitium on the Kalends of March.[1740]Cf. vii., Fr. 10.

[1726]Isidorus Hispalensis, Q. Terentianus Scaurus, and Velius Longus.

[1726]Isidorus Hispalensis, Q. Terentianus Scaurus, and Velius Longus.

[1727]Panusis explained in two ways, as "tramæ involucrum," and as "tumor inguinis." Gerlach inclines to the latter interpretation. Schmidt supposes Lucilius to employ the metaphor of weaving to express the following sentiment: "as the outer surface of the woof is of little consequence if the inner part be good, so, provided a man's internal qualities, the virtues of his heart and head, are all that we can desire, it matters little what the outer integument is that shrouds this fair inside:" and that to this Horace alludes, ii., Sat. i., 63, "Lucilius ausus Primus in hunc operis componere carmina morem Detrahere etpellemnitidus quâ quisque per ora Cederetintrorsum turpis." (Lucilii Satyrarum quæ de lib. ix. supersunt disposita, c. L. F. Schmidt, p. 40.) But Gerlach thinks thatpanuscould not be used to expresspellis.

[1727]Panusis explained in two ways, as "tramæ involucrum," and as "tumor inguinis." Gerlach inclines to the latter interpretation. Schmidt supposes Lucilius to employ the metaphor of weaving to express the following sentiment: "as the outer surface of the woof is of little consequence if the inner part be good, so, provided a man's internal qualities, the virtues of his heart and head, are all that we can desire, it matters little what the outer integument is that shrouds this fair inside:" and that to this Horace alludes, ii., Sat. i., 63, "Lucilius ausus Primus in hunc operis componere carmina morem Detrahere etpellemnitidus quâ quisque per ora Cederetintrorsum turpis." (Lucilii Satyrarum quæ de lib. ix. supersunt disposita, c. L. F. Schmidt, p. 40.) But Gerlach thinks thatpanuscould not be used to expresspellis.

[1728]This, we learn from Terentianus, is a criticism on Accius, who used to mark long syllables bydoublingthe vowels, which Lucilius considers a fault, there being no more necessity in Latin to mark the quantity by the orthography than in Greek, where, though the length of the vowel be changed, as in ἄρες ἄρες, the spelling remains unaltered. Cf. Hom., Il., v., 31. Mart., ix., Ep. xii., 15.

[1728]This, we learn from Terentianus, is a criticism on Accius, who used to mark long syllables bydoublingthe vowels, which Lucilius considers a fault, there being no more necessity in Latin to mark the quantity by the orthography than in Greek, where, though the length of the vowel be changed, as in ἄρες ἄρες, the spelling remains unaltered. Cf. Hom., Il., v., 31. Mart., ix., Ep. xii., 15.

[1729]Corpet supposes some rustic person is alluded to, who used the old-fashioned form. Cf. Plaut., Truc., II., xii., 17. Gerlach supposes it is the poet himself. Cf. Pers., Sat. i., 109, "Sonat hic de nare caninâ litera."

[1729]Corpet supposes some rustic person is alluded to, who used the old-fashioned form. Cf. Plaut., Truc., II., xii., 17. Gerlach supposes it is the poet himself. Cf. Pers., Sat. i., 109, "Sonat hic de nare caninâ litera."

[1730]Gerlach thinks there may be an allusion to Plautus, who often uses this word. Cf. Capt., III., iv., 72. Rud., III., iv., 72.

[1730]Gerlach thinks there may be an allusion to Plautus, who often uses this word. Cf. Capt., III., iv., 72. Rud., III., iv., 72.

[1731]Abbitereforabbireis Schmidt's reading, who also readssietforsive, omittinghabetat the end of the line.

[1731]Abbitereforabbireis Schmidt's reading, who also readssietforsive, omittinghabetat the end of the line.

[1732]The rule contained in this Fragment seems superfluous, especially after the opinion Lucilius has given in the second.Iis equally long or short withA, nor does it appear why thegenitiveshould not be asessentiallylong as thedativesingular. If the insertion of the E were simply to mark the difference of number, there might be some apparent reason.

[1732]The rule contained in this Fragment seems superfluous, especially after the opinion Lucilius has given in the second.Iis equally long or short withA, nor does it appear why thegenitiveshould not be asessentiallylong as thedativesingular. If the insertion of the E were simply to mark the difference of number, there might be some apparent reason.

[1733]"This Fragment is simply an illustration of the rule that the prepositionperin composition remains unchanged, unless it stand before the letter L, when by assimilation it is changed into the initial letter of the word: so per lacio becomes pellacio; per labor, pellabor; per luceo, pelluceo."

[1733]"This Fragment is simply an illustration of the rule that the prepositionperin composition remains unchanged, unless it stand before the letter L, when by assimilation it is changed into the initial letter of the word: so per lacio becomes pellacio; per labor, pellabor; per luceo, pelluceo."

[1734]Alluding to the story of Zopyrus, told by Herodotus, lib. iii., 154, and by Justin, lib. iii., 10,seq., who mutilated himself to gain Babylon for Darius. Cf. lib. xxii., Fr. 3.

[1734]Alluding to the story of Zopyrus, told by Herodotus, lib. iii., 154, and by Justin, lib. iii., 10,seq., who mutilated himself to gain Babylon for Darius. Cf. lib. xxii., Fr. 3.

[1735]Acerosum, according to Nonius, is applied to coarse bread, not sufficiently cleared from chaff and husk. Cf. lib. xv., Fr. 18.Aceratum, to clay mixed with stubble and straw, fit for the brickmaker's use, the paleatum of Columella. V., vi., med. Cf. Exod., v., 16.

[1735]Acerosum, according to Nonius, is applied to coarse bread, not sufficiently cleared from chaff and husk. Cf. lib. xv., Fr. 18.Aceratum, to clay mixed with stubble and straw, fit for the brickmaker's use, the paleatum of Columella. V., vi., med. Cf. Exod., v., 16.

[1736]Juvenal borrows and enlarges upon this idea, in describing the Epicurism of Montanus. Sat. iv., 139, "Nulli majus fait usus edendi tempestati meâ. Circæ nata forent an Lucrinum ad saxum, Rutupinove edita fundo.Ostrea, callebat primo deprendere morsa, etsemel aspectilitus dicebat echini."

[1736]Juvenal borrows and enlarges upon this idea, in describing the Epicurism of Montanus. Sat. iv., 139, "Nulli majus fait usus edendi tempestati meâ. Circæ nata forent an Lucrinum ad saxum, Rutupinove edita fundo.Ostrea, callebat primo deprendere morsa, etsemel aspectilitus dicebat echini."

[1737]Rutellum, the diminutive of Rutrum. "a mattock," was the stick with which the corn-dealer struck off the heaped-up corn, so as to make it level with the top of his measure. It was also called Hostorium, from the old verb Hostire, "to strike." Compare the old English "strike," used for a measure.

[1737]Rutellum, the diminutive of Rutrum. "a mattock," was the stick with which the corn-dealer struck off the heaped-up corn, so as to make it level with the top of his measure. It was also called Hostorium, from the old verb Hostire, "to strike." Compare the old English "strike," used for a measure.

[1738]Capis(à capiendo, Varro, v., 121, "quod ausatæ ut prehendi possent") was a cup with a handle, generally made of earthenware, and ordinarily used in sacrifices. Vid. Liv., lib. x., 7. So also Capedo and Capula. Cf. Bekker's Gallus, p. 481. Theapexis the conical cap worn by the Salii.

[1738]Capis(à capiendo, Varro, v., 121, "quod ausatæ ut prehendi possent") was a cup with a handle, generally made of earthenware, and ordinarily used in sacrifices. Vid. Liv., lib. x., 7. So also Capedo and Capula. Cf. Bekker's Gallus, p. 481. Theapexis the conical cap worn by the Salii.

[1739]Præsulwas the name applied to the Princeps Saliorum, because he led the sacred dance, as προορχηστὴρ, ἔξαρχος. Called also Præsultor and Præsultator.Amtruo(fromam, ἀμφὶ, circum, andtrua, "an implement used for stirring things round while they were being cooked") is the technical phrase for the dancing of the Salii. The Præsul danced at the head of the procession,amtruabat; the rest followed, imitating his movements;redamtruabant. This procession took place in the Comitium on the Kalends of March.

[1739]Præsulwas the name applied to the Princeps Saliorum, because he led the sacred dance, as προορχηστὴρ, ἔξαρχος. Called also Præsultor and Præsultator.Amtruo(fromam, ἀμφὶ, circum, andtrua, "an implement used for stirring things round while they were being cooked") is the technical phrase for the dancing of the Salii. The Præsul danced at the head of the procession,amtruabat; the rest followed, imitating his movements;redamtruabant. This procession took place in the Comitium on the Kalends of March.

[1740]Cf. vii., Fr. 10.

[1740]Cf. vii., Fr. 10.

ARGUMENT.


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