We have in the old grammarians two conflicting accounts of the subject of this book. Censorinus (de Die Natali, iii.) says that it contained a discussion on the "double genius" which the Socratic Euclides assigned to all the human race. On the other hand, Porphyrion (in a note of thetwenty-second ode of Horace's first book) tells us that Horace here imitated Lucilius, who inscribed his sixteenth book to his mistress Collyra; hence this book was called Collyra, as the ninth was styled Fornix (in which also we may observe that it was stated that the double genius of Euclides was discussed). Priscian again seems to imply (III., i., 8) that it was inscribed to Fundius; and that Horace copied from it his fourteenth Epistle of the first book. Gerlach considers the 1st, 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th Fragments may form part of a conversation between Lucilius and his steward, on the true use of riches. The 10th Fragment may refer to Collyra, especially if we may suppose that the 13th Fragment (incert.) refers to the same person. If so, she was probably, like the Fornarina of Raffaelle, some buxom ἀρτοκόπος (cf. Herod., i., 51) or confectioner. And this her name seems to imply, Collyra being a kind of circular wheaten cake, either prepared in a frying-pan, or baked on the coals or in an oven. (Cf. Coliphium, Juv., ii., 53, and Plaut., Pers., I., iii., 12, "Collyræ facite ut madeant et coliphia.") She is therefore the "valida pistrix" who understands the whole mystery of making Mamphulæ, which, as Festus tells us, was a kind of Syrian bread or cake, made without leaven.
We have in the old grammarians two conflicting accounts of the subject of this book. Censorinus (de Die Natali, iii.) says that it contained a discussion on the "double genius" which the Socratic Euclides assigned to all the human race. On the other hand, Porphyrion (in a note of thetwenty-second ode of Horace's first book) tells us that Horace here imitated Lucilius, who inscribed his sixteenth book to his mistress Collyra; hence this book was called Collyra, as the ninth was styled Fornix (in which also we may observe that it was stated that the double genius of Euclides was discussed). Priscian again seems to imply (III., i., 8) that it was inscribed to Fundius; and that Horace copied from it his fourteenth Epistle of the first book. Gerlach considers the 1st, 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th Fragments may form part of a conversation between Lucilius and his steward, on the true use of riches. The 10th Fragment may refer to Collyra, especially if we may suppose that the 13th Fragment (incert.) refers to the same person. If so, she was probably, like the Fornarina of Raffaelle, some buxom ἀρτοκόπος (cf. Herod., i., 51) or confectioner. And this her name seems to imply, Collyra being a kind of circular wheaten cake, either prepared in a frying-pan, or baked on the coals or in an oven. (Cf. Coliphium, Juv., ii., 53, and Plaut., Pers., I., iii., 12, "Collyræ facite ut madeant et coliphia.") She is therefore the "valida pistrix" who understands the whole mystery of making Mamphulæ, which, as Festus tells us, was a kind of Syrian bread or cake, made without leaven.
1 A ram went by, by chance; "now what breed?" says he. What great * *! You would think they were scarcely fastened by a single thread, and that a huge weight was suspended from the end of his hide.2 The Jupiter of Lysippus, forty cubits high at Tarentum, surpassed that....[1795]3 The famous King Cotus said that the only two winds he knew were Auster and Aquilo; but much more those little Austers.... nor did he think it was necessary to know....[1796]4 A certain man bequeathed to his wife all his chattels, and his household stuff. What constitutes chattels? and what does not? For who is to decide that point at issue?[1797]5 Fundius, ... merit delights you ... if you have turned out a somewhat more active bailiff.[1798]6 These whom riches advance.... and they anoint their unkempt heads.7 Why do you seek for this so lazily, especially at this time.8 ... you sell publicly however, and lick the edge....[1799]9 ... this is far different, says he ... who was sowing onions.10 ... from the middle of the bake-house.
1 A ram went by, by chance; "now what breed?" says he. What great * *! You would think they were scarcely fastened by a single thread, and that a huge weight was suspended from the end of his hide.
2 The Jupiter of Lysippus, forty cubits high at Tarentum, surpassed that....[1795]
3 The famous King Cotus said that the only two winds he knew were Auster and Aquilo; but much more those little Austers.... nor did he think it was necessary to know....[1796]
4 A certain man bequeathed to his wife all his chattels, and his household stuff. What constitutes chattels? and what does not? For who is to decide that point at issue?[1797]
5 Fundius, ... merit delights you ... if you have turned out a somewhat more active bailiff.[1798]
6 These whom riches advance.... and they anoint their unkempt heads.
7 Why do you seek for this so lazily, especially at this time.
8 ... you sell publicly however, and lick the edge....[1799]
9 ... this is far different, says he ... who was sowing onions.
10 ... from the middle of the bake-house.
FOOTNOTES:[1795]This Fragment Gerlach quotes as one of the most corrupt of all. The colossal statue of the sun, at Rhodes, may perhaps be referred to as being outdone. ForLysippus, cf. Cic., de Orat., iii., 7; Brut., 86. Plin., H. N., vii., 37. Hor., ii., Ep. i., 240. Athen., xi, 784, C. Müller's Archæol. of Art, § 129.[1796]Cotys.This was as generic a name for the Thracian kings as Arsaces among the Parthians. Livy mentions a Cotys, son of Seuthes, king of the Odrysæ, who brought a thousand cavalry to the support of Perseus against the Romans, and speaks of him in the highest terms of commendation: lib. xlii., 29, 51, 67; xliii., 3. Another Cotys assisted Pompey, for which handsome presents were sent to him: cf. Lucan, Phars., v., 54. A third Cotys, or Cottus, king of the Bessi, is mentioned by Cicero as having bribed L. Calpurnius Piso, the proconsul, with three hundred talents: In Pison., xxxiv. The first of the three is probably intended here, as Livy tells us that after the termination of the Macedonian war (in which Scipio served), Bitis, the son of Cotys, was restored with other captives unransomed to his father, in consequence of the hereditary friendship existing between the Roman people and his ancestors. The sayings of Cotys, therefore, might have been current at Rome in Lucilius' time. Liv., xlv., 42.[1797]Mundus(quasimovendus, quod moveri potest), which seems at first to have had the meaning in the text, came afterward to be applied particularly to the necessary appendages of women, unguents, cosmetics, mirrors, vessels for the bath, etc.; and hence the word muliebris is generally added. It differs fromornatus, which is applied to rings, bracelets, earrings, jewels, head-gear, ribbons, etc. (Cf. Liv., xxxiv., 7.) Hence the usual formula of wills, "Uxori meæ vestem, mundum muliebrem, ornamenta omnia, aurum, argentum, do, lego."Penusis properly applied to all "household stores laid up forfutureuse;" hence penitus, penetro, and penates. Cf. Virg., Æn., i., 704, "Cura penum struere."[1798]Villicus.Cf. Hor., i., Epist. xiv. The Villicus superintended the country estate, as the dispensator did the city household. They were both generally "liberti."Fundiis translated as a proper name on the authority of Priscian, III., i., 8.[1799]Ligurris.Cf. Hor., i., Sat. iii., 80, "Servum patinam qui tollere jussus semesos pisces tepidumque ligurierit jus." ii., Sat. iv., 78, "Seu puer unctis tractavit calicem manibus dum furta ligurit." Juv., ix., 5, "Nos colaphum incutimus lambenti crustula servo."
[1795]This Fragment Gerlach quotes as one of the most corrupt of all. The colossal statue of the sun, at Rhodes, may perhaps be referred to as being outdone. ForLysippus, cf. Cic., de Orat., iii., 7; Brut., 86. Plin., H. N., vii., 37. Hor., ii., Ep. i., 240. Athen., xi, 784, C. Müller's Archæol. of Art, § 129.
[1795]This Fragment Gerlach quotes as one of the most corrupt of all. The colossal statue of the sun, at Rhodes, may perhaps be referred to as being outdone. ForLysippus, cf. Cic., de Orat., iii., 7; Brut., 86. Plin., H. N., vii., 37. Hor., ii., Ep. i., 240. Athen., xi, 784, C. Müller's Archæol. of Art, § 129.
[1796]Cotys.This was as generic a name for the Thracian kings as Arsaces among the Parthians. Livy mentions a Cotys, son of Seuthes, king of the Odrysæ, who brought a thousand cavalry to the support of Perseus against the Romans, and speaks of him in the highest terms of commendation: lib. xlii., 29, 51, 67; xliii., 3. Another Cotys assisted Pompey, for which handsome presents were sent to him: cf. Lucan, Phars., v., 54. A third Cotys, or Cottus, king of the Bessi, is mentioned by Cicero as having bribed L. Calpurnius Piso, the proconsul, with three hundred talents: In Pison., xxxiv. The first of the three is probably intended here, as Livy tells us that after the termination of the Macedonian war (in which Scipio served), Bitis, the son of Cotys, was restored with other captives unransomed to his father, in consequence of the hereditary friendship existing between the Roman people and his ancestors. The sayings of Cotys, therefore, might have been current at Rome in Lucilius' time. Liv., xlv., 42.
[1796]Cotys.This was as generic a name for the Thracian kings as Arsaces among the Parthians. Livy mentions a Cotys, son of Seuthes, king of the Odrysæ, who brought a thousand cavalry to the support of Perseus against the Romans, and speaks of him in the highest terms of commendation: lib. xlii., 29, 51, 67; xliii., 3. Another Cotys assisted Pompey, for which handsome presents were sent to him: cf. Lucan, Phars., v., 54. A third Cotys, or Cottus, king of the Bessi, is mentioned by Cicero as having bribed L. Calpurnius Piso, the proconsul, with three hundred talents: In Pison., xxxiv. The first of the three is probably intended here, as Livy tells us that after the termination of the Macedonian war (in which Scipio served), Bitis, the son of Cotys, was restored with other captives unransomed to his father, in consequence of the hereditary friendship existing between the Roman people and his ancestors. The sayings of Cotys, therefore, might have been current at Rome in Lucilius' time. Liv., xlv., 42.
[1797]Mundus(quasimovendus, quod moveri potest), which seems at first to have had the meaning in the text, came afterward to be applied particularly to the necessary appendages of women, unguents, cosmetics, mirrors, vessels for the bath, etc.; and hence the word muliebris is generally added. It differs fromornatus, which is applied to rings, bracelets, earrings, jewels, head-gear, ribbons, etc. (Cf. Liv., xxxiv., 7.) Hence the usual formula of wills, "Uxori meæ vestem, mundum muliebrem, ornamenta omnia, aurum, argentum, do, lego."Penusis properly applied to all "household stores laid up forfutureuse;" hence penitus, penetro, and penates. Cf. Virg., Æn., i., 704, "Cura penum struere."
[1797]Mundus(quasimovendus, quod moveri potest), which seems at first to have had the meaning in the text, came afterward to be applied particularly to the necessary appendages of women, unguents, cosmetics, mirrors, vessels for the bath, etc.; and hence the word muliebris is generally added. It differs fromornatus, which is applied to rings, bracelets, earrings, jewels, head-gear, ribbons, etc. (Cf. Liv., xxxiv., 7.) Hence the usual formula of wills, "Uxori meæ vestem, mundum muliebrem, ornamenta omnia, aurum, argentum, do, lego."Penusis properly applied to all "household stores laid up forfutureuse;" hence penitus, penetro, and penates. Cf. Virg., Æn., i., 704, "Cura penum struere."
[1798]Villicus.Cf. Hor., i., Epist. xiv. The Villicus superintended the country estate, as the dispensator did the city household. They were both generally "liberti."Fundiis translated as a proper name on the authority of Priscian, III., i., 8.
[1798]Villicus.Cf. Hor., i., Epist. xiv. The Villicus superintended the country estate, as the dispensator did the city household. They were both generally "liberti."Fundiis translated as a proper name on the authority of Priscian, III., i., 8.
[1799]Ligurris.Cf. Hor., i., Sat. iii., 80, "Servum patinam qui tollere jussus semesos pisces tepidumque ligurierit jus." ii., Sat. iv., 78, "Seu puer unctis tractavit calicem manibus dum furta ligurit." Juv., ix., 5, "Nos colaphum incutimus lambenti crustula servo."
[1799]Ligurris.Cf. Hor., i., Sat. iii., 80, "Servum patinam qui tollere jussus semesos pisces tepidumque ligurierit jus." ii., Sat. iv., 78, "Seu puer unctis tractavit calicem manibus dum furta ligurit." Juv., ix., 5, "Nos colaphum incutimus lambenti crustula servo."
ARGUMENT.
This book contained, according to Schoenbeck's view, a discussion on the dogma of the Stoics, "that no one could be said to possess any thing peculiarly his own." The poet therefore ridicules the creations of the older poets, who have dignified their heroines with every conceivable embellishment, and invested them with the attractions of every virtue that adorns humanity. He then goes through the list of all the greatest mythological personages that occur in the various Epic poets, in order to show thefallacy of their ideas, and establish his own theory on the subject of moral virtue. Gerlach, on the other hand, considers that the subject was merely a disparagement of the boasted virtues of the female character; by showing that even these creations of ideal perfection, elaborated by poets of the greatest genius, and endowed with every excellence both of mind and body, are not even by them represented as exempt from those passions and vices which disgrace their unromantic fellow-mortals. In this general detraction of female purity, not even the chaste Penelope herself escapes. The 6th Fragment seems to be directed against those whose verses are composed under the inspiration of sordid gain.
This book contained, according to Schoenbeck's view, a discussion on the dogma of the Stoics, "that no one could be said to possess any thing peculiarly his own." The poet therefore ridicules the creations of the older poets, who have dignified their heroines with every conceivable embellishment, and invested them with the attractions of every virtue that adorns humanity. He then goes through the list of all the greatest mythological personages that occur in the various Epic poets, in order to show thefallacy of their ideas, and establish his own theory on the subject of moral virtue. Gerlach, on the other hand, considers that the subject was merely a disparagement of the boasted virtues of the female character; by showing that even these creations of ideal perfection, elaborated by poets of the greatest genius, and endowed with every excellence both of mind and body, are not even by them represented as exempt from those passions and vices which disgrace their unromantic fellow-mortals. In this general detraction of female purity, not even the chaste Penelope herself escapes. The 6th Fragment seems to be directed against those whose verses are composed under the inspiration of sordid gain.
1 Now that far-famed lady with the "beautiful ringlets," "and beautiful ankles?" Do you think it was forbidden to touch her...? Or that Alcmena, the bedfellow of Amphytrion, and others, was knock-kneed or bandy-legged. In fine, Leda herself; I don't like to mention her: look out yourself, and choose some dissyllable. Do you think Tyro, the nobly-born, had any thing particularly disfiguring; a wart ... a mole, or a projecting tooth?[1800]2 All other things he despises; and lays out all at no high interest ... but that no one has aught of his own....[1801]3 His bailiff Aristocrates, a drudge and neat-herd, he corrupted and reduced to the last extremity.[1802]4 Do you, when married, say you will never be married, because you hope Ulysses still survives?5 If he will not go, seize him, he says; and if he shuffles, lay hands on him....[1803]6 ... if you sell your Muses to Laverna.[1804]7 ... the big bones and shoulders of the man appear.[1805]
1 Now that far-famed lady with the "beautiful ringlets," "and beautiful ankles?" Do you think it was forbidden to touch her...? Or that Alcmena, the bedfellow of Amphytrion, and others, was knock-kneed or bandy-legged. In fine, Leda herself; I don't like to mention her: look out yourself, and choose some dissyllable. Do you think Tyro, the nobly-born, had any thing particularly disfiguring; a wart ... a mole, or a projecting tooth?[1800]
2 All other things he despises; and lays out all at no high interest ... but that no one has aught of his own....[1801]
3 His bailiff Aristocrates, a drudge and neat-herd, he corrupted and reduced to the last extremity.[1802]
4 Do you, when married, say you will never be married, because you hope Ulysses still survives?
5 If he will not go, seize him, he says; and if he shuffles, lay hands on him....[1803]
6 ... if you sell your Muses to Laverna.[1804]
7 ... the big bones and shoulders of the man appear.[1805]
FOOTNOTES:[1800]καλλιπλόκαμος is the epithet applied by Homer (Il., xiv., 326) to Demeter, in a passage which seems to have been a favorite one with Lucilius. Cf. book i., Fr. 15.Ledais also mentioned in connection with her. It is applied also to Thetis, Il., xviii., 407. καλλίσφυρος is applied to Danäe in the passage referred to above, and to Ino, daughter of Cadmus, Odyss., v., 333. FormammisGerlach suggests "palmis."Compernisis also applied to one who, from having over-long feet or heels, knocks his ankles together, ἄκοιτιν. Odyss., xi., 266.Τυρὼ εὐπατέρειαν. Odyss., xi., 235.Verruca, ἀκροχορδών.Nævus(quasi gnæus, or gnavus, Fest., because born with a person, hence sometimes called Nævus Maternus) is put for any disfiguring mark. Cf. Hor., i., Sat. vi., 67. Shaks., Cymb., act ii., sc. 2.[1801]Proprium, equivalent toperpetuum. Nonius.[1802]Mediastinum.Cf. Hor., i., Ep. xiv., 14, "Tumediastinustacitâ prece rura petebas. Nunc urbem et ludos et balneavillicusoptas." Torrentius explainsmediastinusby "Servus ad omnia viliora officia comparatus." The Schol. Cruq. by "Servus qui stat in medio, paratus omnium ministeriis."Commanducatus.Cf. ad iv., Fr. 12.Ad Incita.Cf. ad iii., Fr. 30.[1803]Calvitur, fromcalvus, because the tricky old men, slaves especially, were always represented on the Roman comic stage (as the clowns in our pantomimes) with bald heads: hence "to frustrate, disappoint." "Calamitas plures annos arvas calvitur." Pacuv. So Plaut., Cas., II., ii., 3, "Ubi domi sola sum sopor manus calvitur." Hence Venus is called Calva, "Quod corda amantiumcalviat," i. e., fallat, deludat. Serv. ad Virg., Æn., i., 720.[1804]The Fragment is very corrupt. The reading of the MSS. is, "Si messes facis, Musas si vendis Lavernæ." Dusa suggests "Semissis facient." Mercer, "Si versus facies musis." Gerlach, "Semissis facies Musas si vendis Lavernæ." Semissis, a genitive like Teruncii, i. e., "Your verses will be worthless if the only Muse that inspires you is the love of gain."Lavernawas the Goddess of Thieves at Rome. Plaut., Cornic., "Mihi Laverna in furtis celebrassis manus." Hor., i., Epist. xvi., 60, "Pulchra Laverna, da mihi fallere, da justo sanctoque videri," where the old Schol. says she derived her name a Lavando, because thieves were called Lavatores. Scaliger thinks she is identical with the Greek goddess πραξιδίκη, which others deny. The word is also derived from latere, and λαβεῖν. Ausonius applies the term to a plagiarist: "Hic est ille Theo poeta falsus, Bonorum mala carminum Laverna." Ep. iv.[1805]Cf. Virg., Æn., v., 420, "Et magnos membrorum artus, magna ossa lacertosque Exuit."
[1800]καλλιπλόκαμος is the epithet applied by Homer (Il., xiv., 326) to Demeter, in a passage which seems to have been a favorite one with Lucilius. Cf. book i., Fr. 15.Ledais also mentioned in connection with her. It is applied also to Thetis, Il., xviii., 407. καλλίσφυρος is applied to Danäe in the passage referred to above, and to Ino, daughter of Cadmus, Odyss., v., 333. FormammisGerlach suggests "palmis."Compernisis also applied to one who, from having over-long feet or heels, knocks his ankles together, ἄκοιτιν. Odyss., xi., 266.Τυρὼ εὐπατέρειαν. Odyss., xi., 235.Verruca, ἀκροχορδών.Nævus(quasi gnæus, or gnavus, Fest., because born with a person, hence sometimes called Nævus Maternus) is put for any disfiguring mark. Cf. Hor., i., Sat. vi., 67. Shaks., Cymb., act ii., sc. 2.
[1800]καλλιπλόκαμος is the epithet applied by Homer (Il., xiv., 326) to Demeter, in a passage which seems to have been a favorite one with Lucilius. Cf. book i., Fr. 15.Ledais also mentioned in connection with her. It is applied also to Thetis, Il., xviii., 407. καλλίσφυρος is applied to Danäe in the passage referred to above, and to Ino, daughter of Cadmus, Odyss., v., 333. FormammisGerlach suggests "palmis."Compernisis also applied to one who, from having over-long feet or heels, knocks his ankles together, ἄκοιτιν. Odyss., xi., 266.
Τυρὼ εὐπατέρειαν. Odyss., xi., 235.Verruca, ἀκροχορδών.Nævus(quasi gnæus, or gnavus, Fest., because born with a person, hence sometimes called Nævus Maternus) is put for any disfiguring mark. Cf. Hor., i., Sat. vi., 67. Shaks., Cymb., act ii., sc. 2.
[1801]Proprium, equivalent toperpetuum. Nonius.
[1801]Proprium, equivalent toperpetuum. Nonius.
[1802]Mediastinum.Cf. Hor., i., Ep. xiv., 14, "Tumediastinustacitâ prece rura petebas. Nunc urbem et ludos et balneavillicusoptas." Torrentius explainsmediastinusby "Servus ad omnia viliora officia comparatus." The Schol. Cruq. by "Servus qui stat in medio, paratus omnium ministeriis."Commanducatus.Cf. ad iv., Fr. 12.Ad Incita.Cf. ad iii., Fr. 30.
[1802]Mediastinum.Cf. Hor., i., Ep. xiv., 14, "Tumediastinustacitâ prece rura petebas. Nunc urbem et ludos et balneavillicusoptas." Torrentius explainsmediastinusby "Servus ad omnia viliora officia comparatus." The Schol. Cruq. by "Servus qui stat in medio, paratus omnium ministeriis."Commanducatus.Cf. ad iv., Fr. 12.Ad Incita.Cf. ad iii., Fr. 30.
[1803]Calvitur, fromcalvus, because the tricky old men, slaves especially, were always represented on the Roman comic stage (as the clowns in our pantomimes) with bald heads: hence "to frustrate, disappoint." "Calamitas plures annos arvas calvitur." Pacuv. So Plaut., Cas., II., ii., 3, "Ubi domi sola sum sopor manus calvitur." Hence Venus is called Calva, "Quod corda amantiumcalviat," i. e., fallat, deludat. Serv. ad Virg., Æn., i., 720.
[1803]Calvitur, fromcalvus, because the tricky old men, slaves especially, were always represented on the Roman comic stage (as the clowns in our pantomimes) with bald heads: hence "to frustrate, disappoint." "Calamitas plures annos arvas calvitur." Pacuv. So Plaut., Cas., II., ii., 3, "Ubi domi sola sum sopor manus calvitur." Hence Venus is called Calva, "Quod corda amantiumcalviat," i. e., fallat, deludat. Serv. ad Virg., Æn., i., 720.
[1804]The Fragment is very corrupt. The reading of the MSS. is, "Si messes facis, Musas si vendis Lavernæ." Dusa suggests "Semissis facient." Mercer, "Si versus facies musis." Gerlach, "Semissis facies Musas si vendis Lavernæ." Semissis, a genitive like Teruncii, i. e., "Your verses will be worthless if the only Muse that inspires you is the love of gain."Lavernawas the Goddess of Thieves at Rome. Plaut., Cornic., "Mihi Laverna in furtis celebrassis manus." Hor., i., Epist. xvi., 60, "Pulchra Laverna, da mihi fallere, da justo sanctoque videri," where the old Schol. says she derived her name a Lavando, because thieves were called Lavatores. Scaliger thinks she is identical with the Greek goddess πραξιδίκη, which others deny. The word is also derived from latere, and λαβεῖν. Ausonius applies the term to a plagiarist: "Hic est ille Theo poeta falsus, Bonorum mala carminum Laverna." Ep. iv.
[1804]The Fragment is very corrupt. The reading of the MSS. is, "Si messes facis, Musas si vendis Lavernæ." Dusa suggests "Semissis facient." Mercer, "Si versus facies musis." Gerlach, "Semissis facies Musas si vendis Lavernæ." Semissis, a genitive like Teruncii, i. e., "Your verses will be worthless if the only Muse that inspires you is the love of gain."Lavernawas the Goddess of Thieves at Rome. Plaut., Cornic., "Mihi Laverna in furtis celebrassis manus." Hor., i., Epist. xvi., 60, "Pulchra Laverna, da mihi fallere, da justo sanctoque videri," where the old Schol. says she derived her name a Lavando, because thieves were called Lavatores. Scaliger thinks she is identical with the Greek goddess πραξιδίκη, which others deny. The word is also derived from latere, and λαβεῖν. Ausonius applies the term to a plagiarist: "Hic est ille Theo poeta falsus, Bonorum mala carminum Laverna." Ep. iv.
[1805]Cf. Virg., Æn., v., 420, "Et magnos membrorum artus, magna ossa lacertosque Exuit."
[1805]Cf. Virg., Æn., v., 420, "Et magnos membrorum artus, magna ossa lacertosque Exuit."
ARGUMENT.
From the small portion of this book that has come down to us, it is but mere idle conjecture to attempt to decide upon its subject. Petermann says it treated "of fools and misers." There are some lines in the first Satire of Horace's first book, which bear so close a resemblance to some lines in this book that Gerlach considers it was the model which Horace had before his eyes. The passages are quoted in the notes.
From the small portion of this book that has come down to us, it is but mere idle conjecture to attempt to decide upon its subject. Petermann says it treated "of fools and misers." There are some lines in the first Satire of Horace's first book, which bear so close a resemblance to some lines in this book that Gerlach considers it was the model which Horace had before his eyes. The passages are quoted in the notes.
1 Take twelve hundred bushels of corn, and a thousand casks of wine....[1806]2 In short, as a fool never has enough, even though he has everything....3 ... for even in those districts, there will be drunk a cup tainted with rue and sea-onion....[1807]4 ... I enjoy equally with you—[1808]5 ... in the transaction of the ridiculous affair itself, he boasts that he was present.
1 Take twelve hundred bushels of corn, and a thousand casks of wine....[1806]
2 In short, as a fool never has enough, even though he has everything....
3 ... for even in those districts, there will be drunk a cup tainted with rue and sea-onion....[1807]
4 ... I enjoy equally with you—[1808]
5 ... in the transaction of the ridiculous affair itself, he boasts that he was present.
FOOTNOTES:[1806]Cf. Hor., i., Sat. i., 45, "Millia frumenti tua triverit area centum."[1807]Incrustatus.Hor., i., Sat. iii., 56, "Sincerum cupimus vas incrustare." Where Porphyrion explains the word, "incrustarivas dicitur cum aliquo vitioso succo illinitur atque inquinatur." It is sometimes applied to covering any thing, as a cup, with gold or silver (cf. Juv., v., 88, "Heliadum crustas"), or a wall with roughcast or plaster. For thevinum rutatum, see Pliny, H. N., xix., 45.Scillais probably the sort of onion to which Juvenal refers, Sat. vii., 120, "Afrorum Epimenia, bulbi."[1808]Fruniscor, an old form of fruor. Cf. Hor., i., Sat. i., 47, "Non tuns hoc capiet venter plus quam mens."
[1806]Cf. Hor., i., Sat. i., 45, "Millia frumenti tua triverit area centum."
[1806]Cf. Hor., i., Sat. i., 45, "Millia frumenti tua triverit area centum."
[1807]Incrustatus.Hor., i., Sat. iii., 56, "Sincerum cupimus vas incrustare." Where Porphyrion explains the word, "incrustarivas dicitur cum aliquo vitioso succo illinitur atque inquinatur." It is sometimes applied to covering any thing, as a cup, with gold or silver (cf. Juv., v., 88, "Heliadum crustas"), or a wall with roughcast or plaster. For thevinum rutatum, see Pliny, H. N., xix., 45.Scillais probably the sort of onion to which Juvenal refers, Sat. vii., 120, "Afrorum Epimenia, bulbi."
[1807]Incrustatus.Hor., i., Sat. iii., 56, "Sincerum cupimus vas incrustare." Where Porphyrion explains the word, "incrustarivas dicitur cum aliquo vitioso succo illinitur atque inquinatur." It is sometimes applied to covering any thing, as a cup, with gold or silver (cf. Juv., v., 88, "Heliadum crustas"), or a wall with roughcast or plaster. For thevinum rutatum, see Pliny, H. N., xix., 45.Scillais probably the sort of onion to which Juvenal refers, Sat. vii., 120, "Afrorum Epimenia, bulbi."
[1808]Fruniscor, an old form of fruor. Cf. Hor., i., Sat. i., 47, "Non tuns hoc capiet venter plus quam mens."
[1808]Fruniscor, an old form of fruor. Cf. Hor., i., Sat. i., 47, "Non tuns hoc capiet venter plus quam mens."
ARGUMENT.
The same may be said of this book as of the eighteenth. The few Fragments that remain being insufficient to furnish any data for a positive opinion as to its subject. From the 2d and 3d Fragments, Mercer supposes that the same question was discussed which Cicero refers to in the Offices (lib. ii., c. 20), "Whether a worthy man, without wealth, was to be preferred to a very rich man who had but an indifferent reputation." The second Fragment clearly contains a precept respecting the laying up a store which may be made available in time of distress; which Horace had perhaps in his eye in book i., Sat. i., l. 33,seq. It contains likewise a criticism on a verse of Ennius, as being little more than empty sound, devoid of true poetic sentiment; which probably was the basis of Cicero's censure in the Tusculan disputations. The study of dramatic composition is also discouraged, from the fact that the most elaborate passages are frequently spoiled by the want of skill in the Tragic actor. In the 9th Fragment, Dacke supposes there is an allusion to the Dulorestes of Pacuvius. The 7th Fragment may also probably refer to Ennius, as the principal word in it is employed by him in the eleventh book of his Annals. There is probably also a hit at those poets who adopt a style of diction quite unintelligible to ordinary readers.
The same may be said of this book as of the eighteenth. The few Fragments that remain being insufficient to furnish any data for a positive opinion as to its subject. From the 2d and 3d Fragments, Mercer supposes that the same question was discussed which Cicero refers to in the Offices (lib. ii., c. 20), "Whether a worthy man, without wealth, was to be preferred to a very rich man who had but an indifferent reputation." The second Fragment clearly contains a precept respecting the laying up a store which may be made available in time of distress; which Horace had perhaps in his eye in book i., Sat. i., l. 33,seq. It contains likewise a criticism on a verse of Ennius, as being little more than empty sound, devoid of true poetic sentiment; which probably was the basis of Cicero's censure in the Tusculan disputations. The study of dramatic composition is also discouraged, from the fact that the most elaborate passages are frequently spoiled by the want of skill in the Tragic actor. In the 9th Fragment, Dacke supposes there is an allusion to the Dulorestes of Pacuvius. The 7th Fragment may also probably refer to Ennius, as the principal word in it is employed by him in the eleventh book of his Annals. There is probably also a hit at those poets who adopt a style of diction quite unintelligible to ordinary readers.
1 Wrinkled and shriveled old men are in quest of all the same things.[1809]2 So do thou seek for those fruits, which hereafter in ungenial winter thou mayest enjoy; with this delight thyself at home.[1810]3 Will you have the gold, or the man? Why, have the man! What boots the gold? Wherefore, as we say, I see nothing here which I should greatly covet....[1811]4 And infant children make a woman honest....5 So each one of us is severally affected....6 Choose that particular day which to you seems best.7 ... but do not criticise the lappet[1812]8 ... hanging from the side, sprinkling the rocks with clotted gore and black blood....[1813]9 The tragic poet who spoils his verses through Orestes about to grow hoarse.[1814]10 ... twenty thousand gravers and pincers[1815]11 ... and to pluck out teeth with crooked pincers.12 ... desire may be eradicated from a man, but never covetousness from a fool.[1816]
1 Wrinkled and shriveled old men are in quest of all the same things.[1809]
2 So do thou seek for those fruits, which hereafter in ungenial winter thou mayest enjoy; with this delight thyself at home.[1810]
3 Will you have the gold, or the man? Why, have the man! What boots the gold? Wherefore, as we say, I see nothing here which I should greatly covet....[1811]
4 And infant children make a woman honest....
5 So each one of us is severally affected....
6 Choose that particular day which to you seems best.
7 ... but do not criticise the lappet[1812]
8 ... hanging from the side, sprinkling the rocks with clotted gore and black blood....[1813]
9 The tragic poet who spoils his verses through Orestes about to grow hoarse.[1814]
10 ... twenty thousand gravers and pincers[1815]
11 ... and to pluck out teeth with crooked pincers.
12 ... desire may be eradicated from a man, but never covetousness from a fool.[1816]
FOOTNOTES:[1809]Passusis properly applied to a dried grape; either "quod solem diutius passa est," or more probably frompando.[1810]Cf. Hor., i., Sat. i., 32, "Sicut parvula nam exemplo est magni formica laboris ore trahit quodcunque potest atque addit acervo quem struit, haud ignara et non incanta futuri. Quæ simul inversum contristat Aquarius annum non usquam prorepit et illis utitur ante quæsitis sapiens."[1811]The passage in Cicero stands thus, "Si res in contentionem veniet, nimirum Themistocles est auctor adhibendus; qui cum consuleretur utrum bono viro pauperi, an minùs probato diviti, filiam collocaret: Ego vero, inquit, malo virum, qui pecuniâ egeat, quam pecuniam, quæ viro." De Off., ii., 20.[1812]Peniculamentumis a portion of the dress hanging down like a tail; perhaps like the "liripipes" of our ancestors. "Pendent peniculamenta unum ad quodque pedule." Ennius, Annal., lib. xi., ap. Nonium.[1813]Cicero (Tusc. Qu., i., 44) quotes the passage from the Thyestes of Ennius: it is part of his imprecation against Atreus, "Ipse summis saxis fixus asperis evisceratus," etc. Vid. Enn., Frag. Bothe, p. 66, 11. Gerlach considers them to be the very words of Ennius, inserted in his Satire by Lucilius. Cicero's criticism is probably borrowed from Lucilius: it is in no measured terms: "Illa inania; non ipsa saxa magis sensu omni vacabant quam ille 'latere pendens' cui se hic cruciatum censet optare: quæ essent dura si sentiret; nulla sine sensu sunt."[1814]Cf. Juv., i., 2, "RauciTheseide Codri ... necdum finitus Orestes."[1815]Gerlach supposes that Lucilius ridicules the folly of those poets who either write what is unintelligible, or whose effusions are spoiled by the indifference of the actors who personate their characters, in the same way as Horace, ii., Sat. iii., 106, "Si scalpra et formas non sutor emat."[1816]Nonius explainscupiditasto be a milder form ofcupído.
[1809]Passusis properly applied to a dried grape; either "quod solem diutius passa est," or more probably frompando.
[1809]Passusis properly applied to a dried grape; either "quod solem diutius passa est," or more probably frompando.
[1810]Cf. Hor., i., Sat. i., 32, "Sicut parvula nam exemplo est magni formica laboris ore trahit quodcunque potest atque addit acervo quem struit, haud ignara et non incanta futuri. Quæ simul inversum contristat Aquarius annum non usquam prorepit et illis utitur ante quæsitis sapiens."
[1810]Cf. Hor., i., Sat. i., 32, "Sicut parvula nam exemplo est magni formica laboris ore trahit quodcunque potest atque addit acervo quem struit, haud ignara et non incanta futuri. Quæ simul inversum contristat Aquarius annum non usquam prorepit et illis utitur ante quæsitis sapiens."
[1811]The passage in Cicero stands thus, "Si res in contentionem veniet, nimirum Themistocles est auctor adhibendus; qui cum consuleretur utrum bono viro pauperi, an minùs probato diviti, filiam collocaret: Ego vero, inquit, malo virum, qui pecuniâ egeat, quam pecuniam, quæ viro." De Off., ii., 20.
[1811]The passage in Cicero stands thus, "Si res in contentionem veniet, nimirum Themistocles est auctor adhibendus; qui cum consuleretur utrum bono viro pauperi, an minùs probato diviti, filiam collocaret: Ego vero, inquit, malo virum, qui pecuniâ egeat, quam pecuniam, quæ viro." De Off., ii., 20.
[1812]Peniculamentumis a portion of the dress hanging down like a tail; perhaps like the "liripipes" of our ancestors. "Pendent peniculamenta unum ad quodque pedule." Ennius, Annal., lib. xi., ap. Nonium.
[1812]Peniculamentumis a portion of the dress hanging down like a tail; perhaps like the "liripipes" of our ancestors. "Pendent peniculamenta unum ad quodque pedule." Ennius, Annal., lib. xi., ap. Nonium.
[1813]Cicero (Tusc. Qu., i., 44) quotes the passage from the Thyestes of Ennius: it is part of his imprecation against Atreus, "Ipse summis saxis fixus asperis evisceratus," etc. Vid. Enn., Frag. Bothe, p. 66, 11. Gerlach considers them to be the very words of Ennius, inserted in his Satire by Lucilius. Cicero's criticism is probably borrowed from Lucilius: it is in no measured terms: "Illa inania; non ipsa saxa magis sensu omni vacabant quam ille 'latere pendens' cui se hic cruciatum censet optare: quæ essent dura si sentiret; nulla sine sensu sunt."
[1813]Cicero (Tusc. Qu., i., 44) quotes the passage from the Thyestes of Ennius: it is part of his imprecation against Atreus, "Ipse summis saxis fixus asperis evisceratus," etc. Vid. Enn., Frag. Bothe, p. 66, 11. Gerlach considers them to be the very words of Ennius, inserted in his Satire by Lucilius. Cicero's criticism is probably borrowed from Lucilius: it is in no measured terms: "Illa inania; non ipsa saxa magis sensu omni vacabant quam ille 'latere pendens' cui se hic cruciatum censet optare: quæ essent dura si sentiret; nulla sine sensu sunt."
[1814]Cf. Juv., i., 2, "RauciTheseide Codri ... necdum finitus Orestes."
[1814]Cf. Juv., i., 2, "RauciTheseide Codri ... necdum finitus Orestes."
[1815]Gerlach supposes that Lucilius ridicules the folly of those poets who either write what is unintelligible, or whose effusions are spoiled by the indifference of the actors who personate their characters, in the same way as Horace, ii., Sat. iii., 106, "Si scalpra et formas non sutor emat."
[1815]Gerlach supposes that Lucilius ridicules the folly of those poets who either write what is unintelligible, or whose effusions are spoiled by the indifference of the actors who personate their characters, in the same way as Horace, ii., Sat. iii., 106, "Si scalpra et formas non sutor emat."
[1816]Nonius explainscupiditasto be a milder form ofcupído.
[1816]Nonius explainscupiditasto be a milder form ofcupído.
ARGUMENT.
Gerlach without hesitation pronounces the subject of this book to have been "the superstition of the lower orders, and the luxury of the banquets of the wealthy." There were, even in the days of Lucilius, many who could see through, and heartily despise, the ignorant superstition by which their fellow-men were shackled. Hence the famous saying of Cato, that he wondered how a soothsayer could look another of the same profession in the face without laughing. The 3d and 4th Fragments are probably part of the speech of some notorious epicure, who cordially detests the simplicity and frugality of ancient days; and the 6th may contain the fierce expression of his unmeasured indignation at any attempt to suppress or curtail the lavish munificence and luxurious self-indulgence of men like himself. The 6th, 7th, and 9th Fragments may also refer to the sumptuous banquets of the day.
Gerlach without hesitation pronounces the subject of this book to have been "the superstition of the lower orders, and the luxury of the banquets of the wealthy." There were, even in the days of Lucilius, many who could see through, and heartily despise, the ignorant superstition by which their fellow-men were shackled. Hence the famous saying of Cato, that he wondered how a soothsayer could look another of the same profession in the face without laughing. The 3d and 4th Fragments are probably part of the speech of some notorious epicure, who cordially detests the simplicity and frugality of ancient days; and the 6th may contain the fierce expression of his unmeasured indignation at any attempt to suppress or curtail the lavish munificence and luxurious self-indulgence of men like himself. The 6th, 7th, and 9th Fragments may also refer to the sumptuous banquets of the day.
1 These bugbears, Lamiæ, which the Fauni and Numas set up—at these he trembles, and sets all down as true.... Just as little children believe that all the statues of brass are alive and human beings, just so these men believe all these fables to be true, and think there is a heart inside these brazen statues.... It is a mere painter's board, nothing is real; all counterfeit.[1817]2 ... in their own season, and at one and the same time ... and in half an hour ... after three are ended ... only the same and the fourth.3 ... such dainties as endive, or some herb of that kind, and pilchards' sauce ... but this is sorry ware.[1818]4 I reviled the savage law of Calpurnius Piso, and snorted forth my angry breath from my nostrils....[1819]5 ... then he will burst asunder, just as the Marsian by his incantation makes the snakes burst, when he has caused all their veins to swell6 They are captivated with tripe and rich dinners.[1820]7 ... he be a trifler and an empty-headed fellow ... far the greatest[1821]8 ... then a certain youth whom they call[1822]9 ... then he wiped the broad tables with a purple napkin[1823]10 ... damage the bows and shear away the helm.11 ... they chatter: and your dirty-nosed country lout chimes in.[1824]
1 These bugbears, Lamiæ, which the Fauni and Numas set up—at these he trembles, and sets all down as true.... Just as little children believe that all the statues of brass are alive and human beings, just so these men believe all these fables to be true, and think there is a heart inside these brazen statues.
... It is a mere painter's board, nothing is real; all counterfeit.[1817]
2 ... in their own season, and at one and the same time ... and in half an hour ... after three are ended ... only the same and the fourth.
3 ... such dainties as endive, or some herb of that kind, and pilchards' sauce ... but this is sorry ware.[1818]
4 I reviled the savage law of Calpurnius Piso, and snorted forth my angry breath from my nostrils....[1819]
5 ... then he will burst asunder, just as the Marsian by his incantation makes the snakes burst, when he has caused all their veins to swell
6 They are captivated with tripe and rich dinners.[1820]
7 ... he be a trifler and an empty-headed fellow ... far the greatest[1821]
8 ... then a certain youth whom they call[1822]
9 ... then he wiped the broad tables with a purple napkin[1823]
10 ... damage the bows and shear away the helm.
11 ... they chatter: and your dirty-nosed country lout chimes in.[1824]
FOOTNOTES:[1817]Terriculas(for the old reading, Terricolas), "any thing used to frighten children, as bugbears." The formsterriculumandterriculamentumalso occur. Compare the μορμολυκεῖον of the Greeks, Arist., Thesm., 417, and μορμὼ, Arist., Achar., 582; Pax, 474 (vid. Ruhnken's Timæus, in voc., who quotes numerous passages); and Empusa, Ar., Ran., 293. TheLamiæwere monsters, represented of various shapes (λάμια, Arist., Vesp., 1177, from λάμος, vorago), as hags, or vampyres (strigum instar), or with the bodies of women above, terminating in the lower extremities of an ass. Hence ὀνοσκελίς, ὀνοκώλη. Vid. Hor., A. P., 340, "Neu pransæ Lamiæ vivum puerum extrahat alvo," cum Schol. Cruqu. They were supposed to devour children, or at all events suck their blood. Cf. Tert. adv. Valent., iii. Festus in voc. Manducus, Maniæ. Manducus is probably from mandendo, and was represented with huge jaws and teeth, like our "Raw-head and bloody-bones." It was probably the mask used in the Atellane exodia. Cf. Juv., iii., 175, "Cum personæ pallentis hiatum in gremio matris formidat rusticus infans." Plaut., Rud., II., vi., 51, "Quid si aliquo ad ludos me pro manduco locem? Quapropter? Quia pol clarè crepito dentibus." TheFauniare put for any persons of great antiquity, the inventors of these fables (ἀρχαϊκά, Ar., Nub., 812), just as Picus in Juvenal, viii., 131, "tum licet aPiconumeres genus." Pergula (cf. ad Juv., xi., 137) is "the stall outside a shop where articles were exhibited for sale," and where painters sometimes exposed their pictures to public view. [Cf. Plin., xxxv., 10, 36, who says Apelles used to conceal himself behind the pergula, to hear the remarks of passers-by on his paintings.][1818]Pulmentarium.So ὄψον, "any kind of food eaten with something else, though rarely, if ever, with vegetables." It took its name from the days when the Romans had no bread, but used pulse instead. Vid. Plin., xviii., 8, 19. Pers., iii., 102. Juv., vii., 185. Hor., ii., Sat. ii., 19, "Tu pulmentaria quære sudando."Intybus.Cf. ad v., Fr. 14.Mænarum.Ad Pers., iii, 76.[1819]Cf. Introduction, p. 285. Gerlach says it describes the fierce snortings of an angry man: "hominem ex imo pectore iras anhelantem." Cf. Pers., v., 91, "Ira cadat naso." Theoc., i., 18, χολὰ ποτὶ ῥινὶ κάθηται. Mart., vi., Ep. lxiv., 28.[1820]Præcisum, like omasum, "the fat part of the belly of beef chopped up;" the "busecchie" of the modern Italians.[1821]Cf. xiv., Fr. 3.[1822]Parectaton, a παρεκτείνω. Quasi extensus, "an overgrown youth." The penultima is lengthened in Latin.[1823]Cf. Hor., ii., Sat. viii., 11.[1824]Deblaterant.Cf. Plaut., Aul., II., iii., 1.Blennusis beautifully expressed by the German "rotznase." Plaut., Bacch., V., i., 2.
[1817]Terriculas(for the old reading, Terricolas), "any thing used to frighten children, as bugbears." The formsterriculumandterriculamentumalso occur. Compare the μορμολυκεῖον of the Greeks, Arist., Thesm., 417, and μορμὼ, Arist., Achar., 582; Pax, 474 (vid. Ruhnken's Timæus, in voc., who quotes numerous passages); and Empusa, Ar., Ran., 293. TheLamiæwere monsters, represented of various shapes (λάμια, Arist., Vesp., 1177, from λάμος, vorago), as hags, or vampyres (strigum instar), or with the bodies of women above, terminating in the lower extremities of an ass. Hence ὀνοσκελίς, ὀνοκώλη. Vid. Hor., A. P., 340, "Neu pransæ Lamiæ vivum puerum extrahat alvo," cum Schol. Cruqu. They were supposed to devour children, or at all events suck their blood. Cf. Tert. adv. Valent., iii. Festus in voc. Manducus, Maniæ. Manducus is probably from mandendo, and was represented with huge jaws and teeth, like our "Raw-head and bloody-bones." It was probably the mask used in the Atellane exodia. Cf. Juv., iii., 175, "Cum personæ pallentis hiatum in gremio matris formidat rusticus infans." Plaut., Rud., II., vi., 51, "Quid si aliquo ad ludos me pro manduco locem? Quapropter? Quia pol clarè crepito dentibus." TheFauniare put for any persons of great antiquity, the inventors of these fables (ἀρχαϊκά, Ar., Nub., 812), just as Picus in Juvenal, viii., 131, "tum licet aPiconumeres genus." Pergula (cf. ad Juv., xi., 137) is "the stall outside a shop where articles were exhibited for sale," and where painters sometimes exposed their pictures to public view. [Cf. Plin., xxxv., 10, 36, who says Apelles used to conceal himself behind the pergula, to hear the remarks of passers-by on his paintings.]
[1817]Terriculas(for the old reading, Terricolas), "any thing used to frighten children, as bugbears." The formsterriculumandterriculamentumalso occur. Compare the μορμολυκεῖον of the Greeks, Arist., Thesm., 417, and μορμὼ, Arist., Achar., 582; Pax, 474 (vid. Ruhnken's Timæus, in voc., who quotes numerous passages); and Empusa, Ar., Ran., 293. TheLamiæwere monsters, represented of various shapes (λάμια, Arist., Vesp., 1177, from λάμος, vorago), as hags, or vampyres (strigum instar), or with the bodies of women above, terminating in the lower extremities of an ass. Hence ὀνοσκελίς, ὀνοκώλη. Vid. Hor., A. P., 340, "Neu pransæ Lamiæ vivum puerum extrahat alvo," cum Schol. Cruqu. They were supposed to devour children, or at all events suck their blood. Cf. Tert. adv. Valent., iii. Festus in voc. Manducus, Maniæ. Manducus is probably from mandendo, and was represented with huge jaws and teeth, like our "Raw-head and bloody-bones." It was probably the mask used in the Atellane exodia. Cf. Juv., iii., 175, "Cum personæ pallentis hiatum in gremio matris formidat rusticus infans." Plaut., Rud., II., vi., 51, "Quid si aliquo ad ludos me pro manduco locem? Quapropter? Quia pol clarè crepito dentibus." TheFauniare put for any persons of great antiquity, the inventors of these fables (ἀρχαϊκά, Ar., Nub., 812), just as Picus in Juvenal, viii., 131, "tum licet aPiconumeres genus." Pergula (cf. ad Juv., xi., 137) is "the stall outside a shop where articles were exhibited for sale," and where painters sometimes exposed their pictures to public view. [Cf. Plin., xxxv., 10, 36, who says Apelles used to conceal himself behind the pergula, to hear the remarks of passers-by on his paintings.]
[1818]Pulmentarium.So ὄψον, "any kind of food eaten with something else, though rarely, if ever, with vegetables." It took its name from the days when the Romans had no bread, but used pulse instead. Vid. Plin., xviii., 8, 19. Pers., iii., 102. Juv., vii., 185. Hor., ii., Sat. ii., 19, "Tu pulmentaria quære sudando."Intybus.Cf. ad v., Fr. 14.Mænarum.Ad Pers., iii, 76.
[1818]Pulmentarium.So ὄψον, "any kind of food eaten with something else, though rarely, if ever, with vegetables." It took its name from the days when the Romans had no bread, but used pulse instead. Vid. Plin., xviii., 8, 19. Pers., iii., 102. Juv., vii., 185. Hor., ii., Sat. ii., 19, "Tu pulmentaria quære sudando."Intybus.Cf. ad v., Fr. 14.Mænarum.Ad Pers., iii, 76.
[1819]Cf. Introduction, p. 285. Gerlach says it describes the fierce snortings of an angry man: "hominem ex imo pectore iras anhelantem." Cf. Pers., v., 91, "Ira cadat naso." Theoc., i., 18, χολὰ ποτὶ ῥινὶ κάθηται. Mart., vi., Ep. lxiv., 28.
[1819]Cf. Introduction, p. 285. Gerlach says it describes the fierce snortings of an angry man: "hominem ex imo pectore iras anhelantem." Cf. Pers., v., 91, "Ira cadat naso." Theoc., i., 18, χολὰ ποτὶ ῥινὶ κάθηται. Mart., vi., Ep. lxiv., 28.
[1820]Præcisum, like omasum, "the fat part of the belly of beef chopped up;" the "busecchie" of the modern Italians.
[1820]Præcisum, like omasum, "the fat part of the belly of beef chopped up;" the "busecchie" of the modern Italians.
[1821]Cf. xiv., Fr. 3.
[1821]Cf. xiv., Fr. 3.
[1822]Parectaton, a παρεκτείνω. Quasi extensus, "an overgrown youth." The penultima is lengthened in Latin.
[1822]Parectaton, a παρεκτείνω. Quasi extensus, "an overgrown youth." The penultima is lengthened in Latin.
[1823]Cf. Hor., ii., Sat. viii., 11.
[1823]Cf. Hor., ii., Sat. viii., 11.
[1824]Deblaterant.Cf. Plaut., Aul., II., iii., 1.Blennusis beautifully expressed by the German "rotznase." Plaut., Bacch., V., i., 2.
[1824]Deblaterant.Cf. Plaut., Aul., II., iii., 1.Blennusis beautifully expressed by the German "rotznase." Plaut., Bacch., V., i., 2.
Of this Book no Fragments remain.
1 Those hired female mourners who weep at a stranger's funeral, and tear their hair, and bawl louder....[1825]2 A slave neither faithless to my owner, nor unserviceable to any, here I, Metrophanes, lie, Lucilius' main-stay[1826]3 Zopyrion cuts his lips on both sides....[1827]4 ... whether the man's nose is straighter now, ... his calves and legs.
1 Those hired female mourners who weep at a stranger's funeral, and tear their hair, and bawl louder....[1825]
2 A slave neither faithless to my owner, nor unserviceable to any, here I, Metrophanes, lie, Lucilius' main-stay[1826]
3 Zopyrion cuts his lips on both sides....[1827]
4 ... whether the man's nose is straighter now, ... his calves and legs.
FOOTNOTES:[1825]Præfica, the ἰαλεμίστρια, Æsch., Choëph., 424, or θρηνήτρια (cf. Mark, v., 38), of the Greeks; from præficiendo, as being set at the head of the other mourners, to give them the time, as it were: "quaæ dant cæteris modum plangendi, quasi in hoc ipsumpræfectæ." Scaliger says it was an invention of the Phrygians to employ these hired mourners. Plaut., Truc., II., vi., 14. Gell., xviii., 6. The technical name of their lamentation was Nænia. Cf. Fest. in voc. It generally consisted of the praises of the deceased. Æsch., Choëph., 151, παιᾶνα τοῦ θανόντος ἐξαυδωμένας. [Cf. Hor., A. P., 431, "Ut qui conducti plorant in funere, dicunt et faciunt prope plura dolentibus ex animo."][1826]Cf. Introduction. Mart., xi., Ep. xc., 4. Plaut., Amph., I., i., 213. Terent., Phorm., II., i., 57, "O bone custos salve, columen verò familiæ!"Columellais properly "the king-post that supports the roof;" then put, like columen, for the main-stay or support of any thing. So Horace calls Mæcenas, ii., Od. xvii., 4, "Mearum grande decus columenque rerum." Cic., Sext., viii., "Columen reipublicæ." So Timon is called, Lucian, Tim., 50, τὸ ἔρεισμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων. Sil., xv., 385, "Ausonii columen regni." So Clytæmnestra calls Agamemnon, ὑψηλῆς στέγης στύλον ποδήρη. Ag., 898. [Doederlein thinks there is a connection between the words culmus, calamus, culmen, columen, columna, columella, with cello, whence celsus. "Significarique id quod emineat, sursum tendat, altum sit," ii., 106.][1827]Cf. ad ix., 14.
[1825]Præfica, the ἰαλεμίστρια, Æsch., Choëph., 424, or θρηνήτρια (cf. Mark, v., 38), of the Greeks; from præficiendo, as being set at the head of the other mourners, to give them the time, as it were: "quaæ dant cæteris modum plangendi, quasi in hoc ipsumpræfectæ." Scaliger says it was an invention of the Phrygians to employ these hired mourners. Plaut., Truc., II., vi., 14. Gell., xviii., 6. The technical name of their lamentation was Nænia. Cf. Fest. in voc. It generally consisted of the praises of the deceased. Æsch., Choëph., 151, παιᾶνα τοῦ θανόντος ἐξαυδωμένας. [Cf. Hor., A. P., 431, "Ut qui conducti plorant in funere, dicunt et faciunt prope plura dolentibus ex animo."]
[1825]Præfica, the ἰαλεμίστρια, Æsch., Choëph., 424, or θρηνήτρια (cf. Mark, v., 38), of the Greeks; from præficiendo, as being set at the head of the other mourners, to give them the time, as it were: "quaæ dant cæteris modum plangendi, quasi in hoc ipsumpræfectæ." Scaliger says it was an invention of the Phrygians to employ these hired mourners. Plaut., Truc., II., vi., 14. Gell., xviii., 6. The technical name of their lamentation was Nænia. Cf. Fest. in voc. It generally consisted of the praises of the deceased. Æsch., Choëph., 151, παιᾶνα τοῦ θανόντος ἐξαυδωμένας. [Cf. Hor., A. P., 431, "Ut qui conducti plorant in funere, dicunt et faciunt prope plura dolentibus ex animo."]
[1826]Cf. Introduction. Mart., xi., Ep. xc., 4. Plaut., Amph., I., i., 213. Terent., Phorm., II., i., 57, "O bone custos salve, columen verò familiæ!"Columellais properly "the king-post that supports the roof;" then put, like columen, for the main-stay or support of any thing. So Horace calls Mæcenas, ii., Od. xvii., 4, "Mearum grande decus columenque rerum." Cic., Sext., viii., "Columen reipublicæ." So Timon is called, Lucian, Tim., 50, τὸ ἔρεισμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων. Sil., xv., 385, "Ausonii columen regni." So Clytæmnestra calls Agamemnon, ὑψηλῆς στέγης στύλον ποδήρη. Ag., 898. [Doederlein thinks there is a connection between the words culmus, calamus, culmen, columen, columna, columella, with cello, whence celsus. "Significarique id quod emineat, sursum tendat, altum sit," ii., 106.]
[1826]Cf. Introduction. Mart., xi., Ep. xc., 4. Plaut., Amph., I., i., 213. Terent., Phorm., II., i., 57, "O bone custos salve, columen verò familiæ!"Columellais properly "the king-post that supports the roof;" then put, like columen, for the main-stay or support of any thing. So Horace calls Mæcenas, ii., Od. xvii., 4, "Mearum grande decus columenque rerum." Cic., Sext., viii., "Columen reipublicæ." So Timon is called, Lucian, Tim., 50, τὸ ἔρεισμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων. Sil., xv., 385, "Ausonii columen regni." So Clytæmnestra calls Agamemnon, ὑψηλῆς στέγης στύλον ποδήρη. Ag., 898. [Doederlein thinks there is a connection between the words culmus, calamus, culmen, columen, columna, columella, with cello, whence celsus. "Significarique id quod emineat, sursum tendat, altum sit," ii., 106.]
[1827]Cf. ad ix., 14.
[1827]Cf. ad ix., 14.
1 ... and the slave who had licked with his lips the nice cheese-cakes.[1828]2 ... to hold[1829]
1 ... and the slave who had licked with his lips the nice cheese-cakes.[1828]
2 ... to hold[1829]
FOOTNOTES:[1828]Lamberat.Cf. Hor., i., Sat. iii., 80, "Si quis eum servum, patinam qui tollere jussus semesos pisces tepidumque ligurrierit jus, in cruce suffigat." Juv., xi., 5.Placenta, the πλακοῦς of the Greeks, was a flat cake made of flour, cheese, and honey, rolled out thin and divided into four parts. Cato, R. R., 76, gives a receipt for making it. It was used in sacrifices. Hence Horace, i., Epist. x., 10, "Utque sacerdotis fugitivus liba recuso: Pane egeo jam mellitis potiore placentis." Juv., xi., 59, "pultes coram aliis dictem puero sed in aure placentas." Mart., v., Ep. xxxix., 3; vi., Ep. lxxv., 1, "Quadramve placentæ." ix., Ep. xci., 18.[1829]Tongereis, according to Voss, an old form oftenere, and has its triple meanings: "to know; to rule over; to overcome." The Prænestines usedtongitionemfornotitionem.
[1828]Lamberat.Cf. Hor., i., Sat. iii., 80, "Si quis eum servum, patinam qui tollere jussus semesos pisces tepidumque ligurrierit jus, in cruce suffigat." Juv., xi., 5.Placenta, the πλακοῦς of the Greeks, was a flat cake made of flour, cheese, and honey, rolled out thin and divided into four parts. Cato, R. R., 76, gives a receipt for making it. It was used in sacrifices. Hence Horace, i., Epist. x., 10, "Utque sacerdotis fugitivus liba recuso: Pane egeo jam mellitis potiore placentis." Juv., xi., 59, "pultes coram aliis dictem puero sed in aure placentas." Mart., v., Ep. xxxix., 3; vi., Ep. lxxv., 1, "Quadramve placentæ." ix., Ep. xci., 18.
[1828]Lamberat.Cf. Hor., i., Sat. iii., 80, "Si quis eum servum, patinam qui tollere jussus semesos pisces tepidumque ligurrierit jus, in cruce suffigat." Juv., xi., 5.Placenta, the πλακοῦς of the Greeks, was a flat cake made of flour, cheese, and honey, rolled out thin and divided into four parts. Cato, R. R., 76, gives a receipt for making it. It was used in sacrifices. Hence Horace, i., Epist. x., 10, "Utque sacerdotis fugitivus liba recuso: Pane egeo jam mellitis potiore placentis." Juv., xi., 59, "pultes coram aliis dictem puero sed in aure placentas." Mart., v., Ep. xxxix., 3; vi., Ep. lxxv., 1, "Quadramve placentæ." ix., Ep. xci., 18.
[1829]Tongereis, according to Voss, an old form oftenere, and has its triple meanings: "to know; to rule over; to overcome." The Prænestines usedtongitionemfornotitionem.
[1829]Tongereis, according to Voss, an old form oftenere, and has its triple meanings: "to know; to rule over; to overcome." The Prænestines usedtongitionemfornotitionem.
No Fragments extant.[1830]
FOOTNOTES:[1830]The few Fragments referred to these books are, in better MSS. and editions, ascribed to others, where they will be found.
[1830]The few Fragments referred to these books are, in better MSS. and editions, ascribed to others, where they will be found.
[1830]The few Fragments referred to these books are, in better MSS. and editions, ascribed to others, where they will be found.
ARGUMENT.
Gerlach considers this book to contain the strongest evidences of how much Horace was indebted to Lucilius, not only in the choice of his subjects, but also in his illustration and method of handling the subject when chosen. In the 105th of the Fragmenta incerta, we find the words "Valeri sententia dia" (which Horace imitates, i., Sat. ii., 32, "sententia dia Catonis"). By Valerius he here supposes Q. Valerius Soranus to be intended; a man of great learning and an intimate friend of Publius Scipio and Lucilius. He was author of a treatise on grammar, entitled ἐποπτίδων; which contained, according to Turnebe's conjecture, a discussion on the mysteries of literature and learning (ἐπόπτης being applied to oneinitiated into the mysteries). This is not improbable; as he is said to have lost his life for divulging the sacred and mysterious name of Rome. Vid. Plut., Qu. Rom., lxi. [Two verses of his are quoted by Varro, L. L., vii., 3, and x., 70. Cf. Plin., H. N., Præf., p. 6, Hard. A. Gell., ii., 10.]With him, therefore, as a man of judgment and experience, Lucilius, who had already acquired some ill-will from his Satires, consults, as to the best method of avoiding all odium for the future, and as to the subjects he shall select for his compositions. This book then contains an account of this interview between the poet and his adviser; and Gerlach most ingeniously arranges the fragments in such an order as to represent in some manner the topics of discussion in a methodical sequence. These are, chiefly, the propriety of his continuing to pursue the same style of writing, and the enunciation of the opinions of both on matters relating to war, marriage, and literary pursuits.Van Heusde and Schoenbeck give no definite idea of the subject. Petermann considers the subject matter to have been far more diversified. The book begins, in his opinion, with a vivid description of the miseries of conjugal life, introducing a very graphic matrimonial quarrel; this is followed by so infinitely diversified a farrago of sentiments that it is hopeless to attempt to establish any systematic connection between them.Corpet considers the whole to have been a philosophical discussion of the miseries of human life, especially those attendant on the married state, which the poet illustrated by the very forcible example of Agamemnon and Clytæmnestra.The whole of the book was composed in the Trochaic metre; consisting of tetrameters catalectic and acatalectic. A few Fragments consist of Iambic heptameters and octometers (Iambici septenarii et octonarii), unless, as is not improbable, these lines have been referred to this book, through the inadvertence of grammarians or copyists. It might, however, have been intentional, as in the succeeding books we find Iambic, Trochaic, and Dactylic metres indiscriminately employed.
Gerlach considers this book to contain the strongest evidences of how much Horace was indebted to Lucilius, not only in the choice of his subjects, but also in his illustration and method of handling the subject when chosen. In the 105th of the Fragmenta incerta, we find the words "Valeri sententia dia" (which Horace imitates, i., Sat. ii., 32, "sententia dia Catonis"). By Valerius he here supposes Q. Valerius Soranus to be intended; a man of great learning and an intimate friend of Publius Scipio and Lucilius. He was author of a treatise on grammar, entitled ἐποπτίδων; which contained, according to Turnebe's conjecture, a discussion on the mysteries of literature and learning (ἐπόπτης being applied to oneinitiated into the mysteries). This is not improbable; as he is said to have lost his life for divulging the sacred and mysterious name of Rome. Vid. Plut., Qu. Rom., lxi. [Two verses of his are quoted by Varro, L. L., vii., 3, and x., 70. Cf. Plin., H. N., Præf., p. 6, Hard. A. Gell., ii., 10.]
With him, therefore, as a man of judgment and experience, Lucilius, who had already acquired some ill-will from his Satires, consults, as to the best method of avoiding all odium for the future, and as to the subjects he shall select for his compositions. This book then contains an account of this interview between the poet and his adviser; and Gerlach most ingeniously arranges the fragments in such an order as to represent in some manner the topics of discussion in a methodical sequence. These are, chiefly, the propriety of his continuing to pursue the same style of writing, and the enunciation of the opinions of both on matters relating to war, marriage, and literary pursuits.
Van Heusde and Schoenbeck give no definite idea of the subject. Petermann considers the subject matter to have been far more diversified. The book begins, in his opinion, with a vivid description of the miseries of conjugal life, introducing a very graphic matrimonial quarrel; this is followed by so infinitely diversified a farrago of sentiments that it is hopeless to attempt to establish any systematic connection between them.
Corpet considers the whole to have been a philosophical discussion of the miseries of human life, especially those attendant on the married state, which the poet illustrated by the very forcible example of Agamemnon and Clytæmnestra.
The whole of the book was composed in the Trochaic metre; consisting of tetrameters catalectic and acatalectic. A few Fragments consist of Iambic heptameters and octometers (Iambici septenarii et octonarii), unless, as is not improbable, these lines have been referred to this book, through the inadvertence of grammarians or copyists. It might, however, have been intentional, as in the succeeding books we find Iambic, Trochaic, and Dactylic metres indiscriminately employed.
1 Men, by their own act, bring upon themselves this trouble and annoyance; they marry wives, and bring up children, by which they cause these.[1831]2 For you say indeed, that what was secretly intrusted to you, you would neither utter a single murmur, nor divulge your mysteries abroad....[1832]3 If she were to ask me for as much iron as she does gold, I would not give it her. So again, if she were to sleep away from me, she would not get what she asks.4 ... but Syrus himself, the Tricorian, a freedman and thorough scoundrel; with whom I become a shuffler, and change all things.[1833]5 ... covered with filth, in the extremity of dirt and wretchedness, exciting neither envy in her enemies, nor desire in her friends.6 ... but that I should serve under Lucilius as collector of the taxes on pasturage in Asia, no, that I would not![1834]7 ... just as the Roman people has been conquered by superior force, and beaten in many single battles; but in war never, on which every thing depends.8 Some woman hoping to pillage and rifle me, and filch from me my ivory mirror.[1835]9 In throwing up a mound, if there is any occasion for bringing vineæ into play, their first care is to advance them.1011 Take charge of the sick man, pay his expenses, defraud his genius.[1836]12 ... But for whom? One whom a single fever, one attack of indigestion, nay, a single draught of wine, could carry off....[1837]13 If they commiserate themselves, take care you do not assign their case too high a place.[1838]14 Now, in like manner ... we wish to captivate their mind ... just to the people and to authors....[1839]15 ... you do not collect that multitude of your friends which you have entered on your list....[1840]16 ... wherefore it is better for her to cherish this, than bestow all her regard on that....17 ... in the first place, all natural philosophers say, that man is made up of soul and body.18 ... to have returned and retraced his steps[1841]19 ... and that which is greatly to your fancy is excessively disagreeable to me....20 ... strive with the highest powers of your nature: whereas I, on the other hand ... that I may be different[1842]21 ... whether he should hang himself, or fall on his sword, that he may not look upon the sky....[1843]22 ... study the matter, and give your attention to my words, I beg.23 ... in order that I may escape from that which I perceive it is the summit of your desires to attain to.[1844]24 On the other hand, it is a disgrace not to know how to conquer in war the sturdy barbarian Hannibal.[1845]25 ... but if they see this, they think that a wise man always aims at what is good....26 ... delighted with your pursuit, you write an ancient history to your favorites....[1846]27 ... who I am, and with what husk I am now enveloped, I can not....[1847]28 ... then to oppose to my mind a body worn out with pains.29 ... nor before he had handled a man's veins and heart....30 Let us appear kind and courteous to our friends—[1848]31 Why should not you too call me unlettered and uneducated?[1849]32 ... call together the assembly, with hoarse sound and crooked horns.[1850]33 They will of their own accord fight it out for you, and die, and will offer themselves voluntarily.34 When I bring forth any verse from my heart—[1851]35 He is not on that account exalted as the giver of life or of joy....[1852]36 As each one of us has been brought forth into light from his mother's womb[1853]37 ... if you wish to have your mind refreshed through your ears[1854]38 ... they who drag on life for six months, vow the seventh to Orcus.39 ... we are easily laughed at; we know that it is highly dangerous to be angry—[1855]40 Part is blown asunder by the wind, part grows stiff with cold—[1856]41 ... if he tastes nothing between two market days.[1857]42 ... let it be glued with warm glue spread over it....43 ... wherefore I quit the straight line, and gladly discharge the office of rubbish—[1858]44 ... if I had hit upon any obsolete or questionable word45 ... your youth, tired and tested to the highest degree by me.[1859]46 ... when I had invigorated my body with a double stadium on the exercise-ground, and with ball....[1860]47 ... those who will take food from a clean table must needs wash.48 Now obscurity is to these a strange and monstrous thing—[1861]49 ... what you would think you should beware of and chiefly avoid....50 ... enter on that toil which will bring you both fame and profit—51 ... what he understood, I showed that not a few could:52 ... how disgusting and poor a thing it is to live [with loathing for food].[1862]53 ... for my part, I am not persuaded publicly to change mine.54 ... then my tithes, which treat me so ill, and turn out so badly55 ... we see that he who is ill in mind gives evidence of it in his body.56 ... make the battle of Popilius resound[1863]57 ... Sylvanus, the driver away of wolves ... and trees struck by lightning.[1864]58 ... that you transport yourself from the fierce storms of life into quiet.59 Moreover, it is a friend's duty to advise well, watch over, admonish—60 Since I found it out from great crowds of boon companions—[1865]61 ... a faithless wife, a sluggish household, a dirty home—[1866]62 ... nor is peace obtained ... because he dragged Cassandra from the statue[1867]63 ... Eager to return home, we almost infringed our king's command[1868]64 ... Let something, at all events, which I have attempted, turn out, some way....65 ... Thither our eyes of themselves entice us, and hope hurries our mind to the spot.66 ... he thinks by clothes to ward off cold and shivering.67 ... unless you write of monsters and snakes with wings and feathers.[1869]68 ... for I grow contemptuous and am weary of Agamemnon—69 ... he is tormented with hunger, cold, dirt, unbathed filthiness, neglect.70 ... a sieve, a colander, a lantern ... a thread for the web.[1870]71 May the gods suggest better things, and avert madness from you72 ... a dry, wretched, miserable stock he calls an elder—73 ... be more learned than the rest; abandon, or change to some other direction, those faults which have become sacred with you.74 It were better to get gold from the fire or food out of the mud with our teeth.75 Let him chop wood, perform his task-work, sweep the house, be beaten.76 He alone warded off Vulcan's violence from the fleet....77 Therefore, they think all will escape sickness....78 I therefore dispose, for money, of that which costs me dearer.
1 Men, by their own act, bring upon themselves this trouble and annoyance; they marry wives, and bring up children, by which they cause these.[1831]
2 For you say indeed, that what was secretly intrusted to you, you would neither utter a single murmur, nor divulge your mysteries abroad....[1832]
3 If she were to ask me for as much iron as she does gold, I would not give it her. So again, if she were to sleep away from me, she would not get what she asks.
4 ... but Syrus himself, the Tricorian, a freedman and thorough scoundrel; with whom I become a shuffler, and change all things.[1833]
5 ... covered with filth, in the extremity of dirt and wretchedness, exciting neither envy in her enemies, nor desire in her friends.
6 ... but that I should serve under Lucilius as collector of the taxes on pasturage in Asia, no, that I would not![1834]
7 ... just as the Roman people has been conquered by superior force, and beaten in many single battles; but in war never, on which every thing depends.
8 Some woman hoping to pillage and rifle me, and filch from me my ivory mirror.[1835]
9 In throwing up a mound, if there is any occasion for bringing vineæ into play, their first care is to advance them.
10
11 Take charge of the sick man, pay his expenses, defraud his genius.[1836]
12 ... But for whom? One whom a single fever, one attack of indigestion, nay, a single draught of wine, could carry off....[1837]
13 If they commiserate themselves, take care you do not assign their case too high a place.[1838]
14 Now, in like manner ... we wish to captivate their mind ... just to the people and to authors....[1839]
15 ... you do not collect that multitude of your friends which you have entered on your list....[1840]
16 ... wherefore it is better for her to cherish this, than bestow all her regard on that....
17 ... in the first place, all natural philosophers say, that man is made up of soul and body.
18 ... to have returned and retraced his steps[1841]
19 ... and that which is greatly to your fancy is excessively disagreeable to me....
20 ... strive with the highest powers of your nature: whereas I, on the other hand ... that I may be different[1842]
21 ... whether he should hang himself, or fall on his sword, that he may not look upon the sky....[1843]
22 ... study the matter, and give your attention to my words, I beg.
23 ... in order that I may escape from that which I perceive it is the summit of your desires to attain to.[1844]
24 On the other hand, it is a disgrace not to know how to conquer in war the sturdy barbarian Hannibal.[1845]
25 ... but if they see this, they think that a wise man always aims at what is good....
26 ... delighted with your pursuit, you write an ancient history to your favorites....[1846]
27 ... who I am, and with what husk I am now enveloped, I can not....[1847]
28 ... then to oppose to my mind a body worn out with pains.
29 ... nor before he had handled a man's veins and heart....
30 Let us appear kind and courteous to our friends—[1848]
31 Why should not you too call me unlettered and uneducated?[1849]
32 ... call together the assembly, with hoarse sound and crooked horns.[1850]
33 They will of their own accord fight it out for you, and die, and will offer themselves voluntarily.
34 When I bring forth any verse from my heart—[1851]
35 He is not on that account exalted as the giver of life or of joy....[1852]
36 As each one of us has been brought forth into light from his mother's womb[1853]
37 ... if you wish to have your mind refreshed through your ears[1854]
38 ... they who drag on life for six months, vow the seventh to Orcus.
39 ... we are easily laughed at; we know that it is highly dangerous to be angry—[1855]
40 Part is blown asunder by the wind, part grows stiff with cold—[1856]
41 ... if he tastes nothing between two market days.[1857]
42 ... let it be glued with warm glue spread over it....
43 ... wherefore I quit the straight line, and gladly discharge the office of rubbish—[1858]
44 ... if I had hit upon any obsolete or questionable word
45 ... your youth, tired and tested to the highest degree by me.[1859]
46 ... when I had invigorated my body with a double stadium on the exercise-ground, and with ball....[1860]
47 ... those who will take food from a clean table must needs wash.
48 Now obscurity is to these a strange and monstrous thing—[1861]
49 ... what you would think you should beware of and chiefly avoid....
50 ... enter on that toil which will bring you both fame and profit—
51 ... what he understood, I showed that not a few could:
52 ... how disgusting and poor a thing it is to live [with loathing for food].[1862]
53 ... for my part, I am not persuaded publicly to change mine.
54 ... then my tithes, which treat me so ill, and turn out so badly
55 ... we see that he who is ill in mind gives evidence of it in his body.
56 ... make the battle of Popilius resound[1863]
57 ... Sylvanus, the driver away of wolves ... and trees struck by lightning.[1864]
58 ... that you transport yourself from the fierce storms of life into quiet.
59 Moreover, it is a friend's duty to advise well, watch over, admonish—
60 Since I found it out from great crowds of boon companions—[1865]
61 ... a faithless wife, a sluggish household, a dirty home—[1866]
62 ... nor is peace obtained ... because he dragged Cassandra from the statue[1867]
63 ... Eager to return home, we almost infringed our king's command[1868]
64 ... Let something, at all events, which I have attempted, turn out, some way....
65 ... Thither our eyes of themselves entice us, and hope hurries our mind to the spot.
66 ... he thinks by clothes to ward off cold and shivering.
67 ... unless you write of monsters and snakes with wings and feathers.[1869]
68 ... for I grow contemptuous and am weary of Agamemnon—
69 ... he is tormented with hunger, cold, dirt, unbathed filthiness, neglect.
70 ... a sieve, a colander, a lantern ... a thread for the web.[1870]
71 May the gods suggest better things, and avert madness from you
72 ... a dry, wretched, miserable stock he calls an elder—
73 ... be more learned than the rest; abandon, or change to some other direction, those faults which have become sacred with you.
74 It were better to get gold from the fire or food out of the mud with our teeth.
75 Let him chop wood, perform his task-work, sweep the house, be beaten.
76 He alone warded off Vulcan's violence from the fleet....
77 Therefore, they think all will escape sickness....
78 I therefore dispose, for money, of that which costs me dearer.