1007. The Roman poor-law was, consequently upon the Roman imperial institutions, of a strange, exceptional and most dangerous character. The rulers literally fed the people:panem et circenses, food and amusements; these were the relief which the wealthy and powerful supplied, and if ever these were sparingly distributed, convulsions and revolution were inevitable. The Λειτουργίαι, public dinners, and other doles of a compulsory nature assisted the poorer among the Athenians. (I have not cancelled this note, which was written long before the events of February 1848 and their consequences had added another pregnant example to the store of history.)
1007. The Roman poor-law was, consequently upon the Roman imperial institutions, of a strange, exceptional and most dangerous character. The rulers literally fed the people:panem et circenses, food and amusements; these were the relief which the wealthy and powerful supplied, and if ever these were sparingly distributed, convulsions and revolution were inevitable. The Λειτουργίαι, public dinners, and other doles of a compulsory nature assisted the poorer among the Athenians. (I have not cancelled this note, which was written long before the events of February 1848 and their consequences had added another pregnant example to the store of history.)
1008. Περὶ δὲ ἀποθέσεως καὶ τροφῆς τῶν γιγνομένων ἔστω νομος μηδὲν πεπηρωμένον τρέφειν, διὰ δὲ πλῆθος τέκνων, ἐὰν ἡ τάξις τῶν ἐθῶν κωλύῃ, μηδὲν ἀποτίθεσθαι τῶν γιγνομένων· ὥρισται γὰρ δὴ τῆς τεκνοποιΐας τὸ πλῆθος. Arist. Polit. vii. c. 14. See also Plato, Leg. bk. 5. Ed. Bekk. p. 739, 740, etc. Ed. Stalbaum, vol. vi. p. 131, etc. The tendency of Aristotle’s ideas on the subject may be gathered from his notion that the Cretans encouraged παιδεραστια, in order to check population. I am informed upon good authority, that in the Breisgau, and especially the See-Kreis of Baden, the younger children, or any supposed surplus, are permitted to die, of want of food, in order that the property (Bauerngut), amounting sometimes to 100 morgen or 66 acres of land, may remain undivided. It is also certain that in other parts of Europe, a woman who bears more than a certain settled number of children is looked upon with contempt.
1008. Περὶ δὲ ἀποθέσεως καὶ τροφῆς τῶν γιγνομένων ἔστω νομος μηδὲν πεπηρωμένον τρέφειν, διὰ δὲ πλῆθος τέκνων, ἐὰν ἡ τάξις τῶν ἐθῶν κωλύῃ, μηδὲν ἀποτίθεσθαι τῶν γιγνομένων· ὥρισται γὰρ δὴ τῆς τεκνοποιΐας τὸ πλῆθος. Arist. Polit. vii. c. 14. See also Plato, Leg. bk. 5. Ed. Bekk. p. 739, 740, etc. Ed. Stalbaum, vol. vi. p. 131, etc. The tendency of Aristotle’s ideas on the subject may be gathered from his notion that the Cretans encouraged παιδεραστια, in order to check population. I am informed upon good authority, that in the Breisgau, and especially the See-Kreis of Baden, the younger children, or any supposed surplus, are permitted to die, of want of food, in order that the property (Bauerngut), amounting sometimes to 100 morgen or 66 acres of land, may remain undivided. It is also certain that in other parts of Europe, a woman who bears more than a certain settled number of children is looked upon with contempt.
1009. The Pœnitentials recommend abstinence every Wednesday, Friday and Sunday throughout the year: on all great fasts, high feasts and festivals: during all penances, general or special: seven months before and after parturition.
1009. The Pœnitentials recommend abstinence every Wednesday, Friday and Sunday throughout the year: on all great fasts, high feasts and festivals: during all penances, general or special: seven months before and after parturition.
1010. “To shipmen it is commanded, like as it also is to husbandmen, that they should give unto God the tenth part of all the increase upon their stock, and moreover give alms from the nine parts that are their own. And so is it commanded to every man that from the same craft wherewith he provides for his body’s need, he provide for that of his soul also, which is better than the body.” Ecc. Institutes. Thorpe, ii. 432. “O homo, inde Dominus decimas expetit, unde vivis. De militia, de negotio, de artificio redde decimas.” St. Augustine, cited by Ecgb. Excerp. 102. Thorpe, ii. 112.
1010. “To shipmen it is commanded, like as it also is to husbandmen, that they should give unto God the tenth part of all the increase upon their stock, and moreover give alms from the nine parts that are their own. And so is it commanded to every man that from the same craft wherewith he provides for his body’s need, he provide for that of his soul also, which is better than the body.” Ecc. Institutes. Thorpe, ii. 432. “O homo, inde Dominus decimas expetit, unde vivis. De militia, de negotio, de artificio redde decimas.” St. Augustine, cited by Ecgb. Excerp. 102. Thorpe, ii. 112.
1011. Æðelred, ix. § 6. Thorpe, i. 342. This passage of Augustine is referred to in the collection commonly attributed to Ed. Conf. And a detailed enumeration is given of tithe: thus, the tenth sheaf of corn; from a herd of mares, the tenth foal; where there are only one or two mares, a penny per foal. Similarly of cows, the tenth calf or anobolusper calf. The tenth cheese, or the tenth day’s milk. The tenth lamb, fleece, measure of butter, and pig. Of bees according to the yearly yield: from groves and meadows, mills and waters, parks, stews, fisheries, brushwood, orchards; the produce of all business, and indeed of everything the Lord has given, the tenth part shall be rendered. Thorpe, i. 445.
1011. Æðelred, ix. § 6. Thorpe, i. 342. This passage of Augustine is referred to in the collection commonly attributed to Ed. Conf. And a detailed enumeration is given of tithe: thus, the tenth sheaf of corn; from a herd of mares, the tenth foal; where there are only one or two mares, a penny per foal. Similarly of cows, the tenth calf or anobolusper calf. The tenth cheese, or the tenth day’s milk. The tenth lamb, fleece, measure of butter, and pig. Of bees according to the yearly yield: from groves and meadows, mills and waters, parks, stews, fisheries, brushwood, orchards; the produce of all business, and indeed of everything the Lord has given, the tenth part shall be rendered. Thorpe, i. 445.
1012. Cap. et Fragm. Theod. Thorpe, ii. 65.
1012. Cap. et Fragm. Theod. Thorpe, ii. 65.
1013. Ibid. Thorpe, ii. 80. These xenodochia were hospitals or almshouses.
1013. Ibid. Thorpe, ii. 80. These xenodochia were hospitals or almshouses.
1014. Excerp. Ecgb. Thorpe, ii. 98.
1014. Excerp. Ecgb. Thorpe, ii. 98.
1015. Confes. Ecgb. Thorpe, ii. 132.
1015. Confes. Ecgb. Thorpe, ii. 132.
1016. Thorpe, ii. 256.
1016. Thorpe, ii. 256.
1017. Thorpe, ii. 352.
1017. Thorpe, ii. 352.
1018. Ibid. ii. 286.
1018. Ibid. ii. 286.
1019. Ibid. ii. 437.
1019. Ibid. ii. 437.
1020. Poenit. Thorpe, ii. 61: see also ii. 83. Tit. de incestis.
1020. Poenit. Thorpe, ii. 61: see also ii. 83. Tit. de incestis.
1021. Thorpe, ii. 68. See also pp. 67, 69, 70, 134, 222.
1021. Thorpe, ii. 68. See also pp. 67, 69, 70, 134, 222.
1022. Poenit. Ecgb. Thorpe, ii. 232.
1022. Poenit. Ecgb. Thorpe, ii. 232.
1023. Æðelr. vi. § 51. Thorpe, i. 328.
1023. Æðelr. vi. § 51. Thorpe, i. 328.
1024. Thorpe, ii. 232.
1024. Thorpe, ii. 232.
1025. Archbishop Ecgberht, from the Canons of the Council of Orleans: “Episcopus pauperibus et infirmis, qui debilitate faciente non possunt suis manibus laborare, victum et vestimentum, in quantum possibilitas fuerit, largiatur.” Thorpe, ii. 105.
1025. Archbishop Ecgberht, from the Canons of the Council of Orleans: “Episcopus pauperibus et infirmis, qui debilitate faciente non possunt suis manibus laborare, victum et vestimentum, in quantum possibilitas fuerit, largiatur.” Thorpe, ii. 105.
1026. Theod. Poen. xxv. § 6.
1026. Theod. Poen. xxv. § 6.
1027. Ecc. Inst. Thorpe, ii. 404.
1027. Ecc. Inst. Thorpe, ii. 404.
1028. We know that Benedict Biscop received as much as eight hides of land for one volume of geographical treatises, illustrated and illuminated. Bed. Op. Min. 155.
1028. We know that Benedict Biscop received as much as eight hides of land for one volume of geographical treatises, illustrated and illuminated. Bed. Op. Min. 155.
1029. Thorpe, i. 196.
1029. Thorpe, i. 196.
1030. Cod. Dipl. No. 230.
1030. Cod. Dipl. No. 230.
1031. Cod. Dipl. No. 226. I think these súfls must besubflata, raised or leavened bread. The contrast afforded by the heavy black rye bread of Westphalia—technically Pumpernickel—will serve to explain the term. In the east of England still a kind of cakes are calledSowls, probably Sufls.
1031. Cod. Dipl. No. 226. I think these súfls must besubflata, raised or leavened bread. The contrast afforded by the heavy black rye bread of Westphalia—technically Pumpernickel—will serve to explain the term. In the east of England still a kind of cakes are calledSowls, probably Sufls.
1032. Cod. Dipl. No. 694.
1032. Cod. Dipl. No. 694.
1033. Ælfr. § 33. “Be boldgetǽle.”
1033. Ælfr. § 33. “Be boldgetǽle.”
1034. In Germany the Nachfolgende, Nachjagende Herr. See Fleta i. cap. 7. § 7, 8.
1034. In Germany the Nachfolgende, Nachjagende Herr. See Fleta i. cap. 7. § 7, 8.
1035. The lordless man, of whom no right could be got, i.e. who being in no sort of association, could neither support himself nor offer any guarantee to society, was to be got into one by his family. If they either could not or would not produce him at the folcmót and find a lord for him, he became an outlaw, and any one might slay him. Leg. Æðelstán. Thorpe, i. 200. The same prince decided that if any landless man, who followed a lord in some other shire, should revisit his family, they might receive him on condition of being answerable for his offences. Thorpe, i. 204. But this seems to me to be the case merely of a temporary visit, made of course with the knowledge and permission of his lord.
1035. The lordless man, of whom no right could be got, i.e. who being in no sort of association, could neither support himself nor offer any guarantee to society, was to be got into one by his family. If they either could not or would not produce him at the folcmót and find a lord for him, he became an outlaw, and any one might slay him. Leg. Æðelstán. Thorpe, i. 200. The same prince decided that if any landless man, who followed a lord in some other shire, should revisit his family, they might receive him on condition of being answerable for his offences. Thorpe, i. 204. But this seems to me to be the case merely of a temporary visit, made of course with the knowledge and permission of his lord.
APPENDIX A.THE DOOMS OF THE CITY OF LONDON.
(Æðelstán V. Thorpe, i. 228, sq.)
(Æðelstán V. Thorpe, i. 228, sq.)
(Æðelstán V. Thorpe, i. 228, sq.)
“This is the ordinance which the bishops and the reeves belonging to London have ordained, and with weds confirmed, among our ‘frith gegildas,’ as well eorlish as ceorlish, in addition to the dooms which were fixed at Greatanlea and at Exeter and at Thunresfeld.
“This then is first.
“This then is first.
“This then is first.
“1. That no thief be spared overXIIpence, and no person overXIIyears, whom we learn according to folkright that he is guilty, and can make no denial; that we slay him, and take all that he has; and first take the ‘ceapgild’ from the property; and after that let the surplus be divided intoII: one part to the wife, if she be innocent, and were not privy to the crime; and the other intoII; let the king take half, half the fellowship. If it be bócland or bishop’s land, then has the landlord the half part in common with the fellowship.
“2. And he who secretly harbours a thief, and is privy to the crime and to the guilt, to him let the like be done.
“3. And he who stands with a thief, and fights with him, let him be slain with the thief.
“4. And he who oft before has been convicted openly of theft, and shall go to the ordeal, and is there found guilty; that he be slain, unless the kindred or the lord be willing to release him by his ‘wer,’ and by the full ‘ceap-gild,’ and also have him in ‘borh,’ that he thenceforth desist from every kind of evil. If after thathe again steal, then let his kinsmen give him up to the reeve to whom it may appertain, in such custody as they before took him out of from the ordeal, and let him be slain in retribution of the theft. But if any one defend him, and will take him, although he was convicted at the ordeal, so that he might not be slain; that he should be liable in his life, unless he should flee to the king, and he should give him his life; all as it was before ordained at Greatanlea, and at Exeter, and at Thunresfeld.
“5. And whoever will avenge a thief, and commits an assault, or makes an attack on the highway; let him be liable inCXXshillings to the king. But if he slay any one in his revenge, let him be liable in his life, and in all that he has, unless the king is willing to be merciful to him.
“Second.
“Second.
“Second.
“That we have ordained: that each of us should contributeIVpence for our common use withinXIImonths, and pay for the property which should be taken after we had contributed the money; and that all should have the search in common; and that every man should contribute his shilling who had property to the value ofXXXpence, except the poor widow who has no ‘forwyrhta’ nor any land.
“Third.
“Third.
“Third.
“That we count always ten men together, and the chief should direct the nine in each of those duties which we have all ordained; and [count] afterwards their ‘hyndens’ together, and one ‘hynden-man’ who shall admonish theXfor our common benefit; and let theseXIhold the money of the ‘hynden,’ and decide what they shall disburse when aught is to pay, and what they shall receive, if money should arise to us, at our common suit; and let them also know that every contribution be forthcoming which we have all ordained for our common benefit, after the rate ofXXXpence or one ox; so that all be fulfilled which we have ordained in our ordinances, and which stands in our agreement.
“Fourth.
“Fourth.
“Fourth.
“That every man of them who has heard the orders should beaidful to others, as well in tracing as in pursuit, so long as the track is known; and after the track has failed him, that one man be found where there is a large population, as well as from one tithing where a less population is, either to ride or to go (unless there be need of more) thither where most need is, and as they all have ordained.
“Fifth.
“Fifth.
“Fifth.
“That no search be abandoned, either to the north of the march or to the south, before every man who has a horse has ridden one riding; and that he who has not a horse, work for the lord who rides or goes for him, until he come home; unless right shall have been previously obtained.
“Sixth.
“Sixth.
“Sixth.
“1. Respecting our ‘ceapgild’: a horse at half a pound, if it be so good; and if it be inferior, let it be paid for by the worth of its appearance, and by that which the man values it at who owns it, unless he have evidence that it be as good as he says, and then let [us] have the surplus which we there require.
“2. An ox at a mancus, and a cow atXX, and a swine atX, and a sheep at a shilling.
“3. And we have ordained respecting our ‘theowmen’ whom men might have; if anyone should steal him, that he should be paid for with half a pound; but if we should raise the ‘gild,’ that it should be increased above that, by the worth of his appearance, and that we should have for ourselves the surplus that we then should require. But if he should have stolen himself away, that he should be led to the stoning, as it was formerly ordained; and that every man who had a man, should contribute either a penny or a halfpenny, according to the number of the fellowship, so that we might be able to raise the worth. But if he should make his escape, that he should be paid for by the worth of his appearance, and we all should make search for him. If we then should be able to come at him, that the same should be done to him that would be done to a Wylisc thief, or that he be hanged.
“4. And let the ‘ceapgild’ always advance fromXXXpence tohalf a pound, after we make search; further, if we raise the ‘ceap-gild’ to the full ‘angilde’; and let the search still continue, as was before ordained, though it be less.
“Seventh.
“Seventh.
“Seventh.
“That we have ordained: let do the deed whoever may that shall avenge the injuries of us all, that we should be all so in one friendship as in one foeship, whichever it then may be; and that he who should kill a thief before other men, that he beXIIpence the better for the deed, and for the enterprize, from our common money. And he who should own the property for which we pay let him not forsake the search, on peril of our ‘oferhyrnes,’ and the notice therewith, until we come to payment; and then also we would reward him for his labour, out of our common money, according to the worth of the journey, lest the giving notice should be neglected.
“Eighth.
“Eighth.
“Eighth.
“1. That we gather to us once in every month, if we can and have leisure, the ‘hynden men’ and those who direct the tithings, as well with ‘bytt-fylling,’ as else it may concern us, and know what of our agreement has been executed; and let theseXIImen have their refection together, and feed themselves according as they may deem themselves worthy, and deal the remains of the meat for the love of God.
“2. And if it then should happen that any kin be so strong and so great, within land or without, whether ‘XIIhynde’ or ‘twy hynde,’ that they refuse us right, and stand up in defence of a thief; that we all of us ride thereto with the reeve within whose ‘manung’ it may be.
“3. And also send on both sides to the reeves, and desire from them aid of so many men as may seem to us adequate for so great a suit, that there may be the more fear in those culpable men for our assemblage, and that we all ride thereto, and avenge our wrong, and slay the thief, and those who fight and stand with him, unless they be willing to depart from him.
“4. And if any one trace a track from one shire to another, letthe men who there are next take to it, and pursue the track till it be made known to the reeve; let him then with his ‘manung’ take to it, and pursue the track out of his shire, if he can; but if he cannot, let him pay the ‘angylde’ of the property, and let both reeveships have the full suit in common, be it wherever it may, as well to the north of the march as to the south, always from one shire to another; so that every reeve may assist another, for the common ‘frith’ of us all, by the king’s ‘oferhyrnes.’
“5. And also that everyone shall help another, as it is ordained and by ‘weds’ confirmed; and such man as shall neglect this beyond the march, let him be liable inXXXpence, or an ox, if he aught of this neglect which stands in our writings, and we with our ‘weds’ have confirmed.
“6. And we have also ordained respecting every man who has given his ‘wed’ in our gildships, if he should die, that each gild-brother shall give a ‘gesufel’ loaf for his soul, and sing a fifty, or get it sung withinXXXdays.
“7. And we also command our ‘hiremen’ that each man shall know when he has his cattle, or when he has not, on his neighbour’s witness, and that he point out to us the track, if he cannot find it within three days; for we believe that many heedless men reck not how their cattle go, for over-confidence in the ‘frith.’
“8. Then we command that withinIIIdays he make it known to his neighbours, if he will ask for the ‘ceap-gild’; and let the search nevertheless go on as it was before ordained, for we will not pay for any unguarded property, unless it be stolen. Many men speak fraudulent speech. If he cannot point out to us the track, let him show on oath withIIIof his neighbours that it has been stolen withinIIIdays, and after that let him ask for his ‘ceap-gild.’
“9. And let it not be denied nor concealed, if our lord or any of our reeves should suggest to us any addition to our ‘frith-gilds’ that we will joyfully accept the same, as it becomes us all, and may be advantageous to us. But let us trust in God, and our kingly lord, if we fulfil all things thus, that the affairs of all folk will be better with respect to theft than they before were. If,however, we slacken in the ‘frith’ and the ‘wed’ which we have given, and the king has commanded of us, then may we expect, or well know, that these thieves will prevail yet more than they did before. But let us keep our ‘weds’ and the ‘frith’ as is pleasing to our lord; it greatly behoves us that we devise that which he wills; and if he order and instruct us more, we shall be humbly ready.
“Ninth.
“Ninth.
“Ninth.
“That we have ordained: respecting those thieves whom one cannot immediately discover to be guilty, and one afterwards learns that they are guilty and liable; that the lord or the kinsmen should release him in the same manner as those men are released who are found guilty at the ordeal.
“Tenth.
“Tenth.
“Tenth.
“That all the ‘witan’ gave their ‘weds’ altogether to the archbishop at Thunresfeld, when Ælfeah Stybb and Brihtnoth Odda’s son came to meet the ‘gemot’ by theking’sking’scommand; that each reeve should take the ‘wed’ in his own shire: that they would all hold the ‘frith’ as king Æthelstan and his ‘witan’ had counselled it, first at Greatanlea, and again at Exeter, and afterwards at Feversham, and a fourth time at Thunresfeld, before the archbishop and all the bishops, and his ‘witan’ whom the king himself named, who were thereat: that those dooms should be observed which were fixed at this ‘gemot,’ except those which were there before done away with; which was, Sunday marketing, and that with full and true witness any one might buy out of port.
“Eleventh.
“Eleventh.
“Eleventh.
“That Æthelstan commands his bishops and his ‘ealdormen’ and all his reeves over all my realm, that ye so hold the ‘frith’ as I and my ‘witan’ have ordained; and if any of you neglect it, and will not obey me, and will not take the ‘wed’ of his ‘hiremen,’ and he allow of secret compositions, and will not attend to these regulations as I have commanded, and it stands in our writs; then be the reeve without his ‘folgoth’, and without my friendship,and pay me cxx shilling; and each of my thanes who has land, and will not keep the regulations as I have commanded, [let him pay] half that.
“Twelfth.
“Twelfth.
“Twelfth.
“1. That the king now again has ordained to his ‘witan’ at Witlanburh, and has commanded it to be made known to the archbishop by bishop Theodred, that it seemed to him too cruel that so young a man should be killed, and besides for so little, as he has learned has somewhere been done. He then said, that it seemed to him, and to those who counselled with him, that no younger person should be slain than xv years, except he should make resistance or flee, and would not surrender himself; that then he should be slain, as well for more as for less, whichever it might be. But if he be willing to surrender himself, let him be put into prison, as it was ordained at Greatanlea, and by the same let him be redeemed.
“2. Or if he come not into prison, and they have none, that they take him in ‘borh’ by his full ‘wer,’ that he will evermore desist from every kind of evil. If the kindred will not take him out, nor enter into ‘borh’ for him, then let him swear as the bishop may instruct him, that he will desist from every kind of evil, and stand in servitude by his ‘wer.’ But if he after that again steal, let him be slain or hanged, as was before done to the elder ones.
“3. And the king has also ordained, that no one should be slain for less property than xii pence worth, unless he will flee or defend himself; and that then no one should hesitate, though it were for less. If we it thus hold, then trust I in God that our ‘frith’ will be better than it has before been.”
The following Flemish Charters of Liberties seemed to me fitting to be recorded here. They are taken from the ‘Piéces justificatives’ of Warnkönig’s History of Flanders, vol. ii.
I.Première Charte ouKeurede la ville de St. Omer, accordée par Guillaume de Normandie, comte de Flandre, et confirmée par Louis-le-Gros, roi de France. 14 Avril 1127.
“Ego Guillelmus Dei gratia Flandrensium Comes petitioni Burgensium Sancti Audomari contraïre nolens, pro eo maxime quia meam de Consulatu Flandriæ petitionem libenti animo receperunt, et quia honestius et fidelius cæteris Flandrensibus erga me semper se habuerunt, lagas seu consuetudines subscriptas perpetuo eis iuro concedo, et ratas manere præcipio.
“§ 1.Primo quidem ut erga unumquemque hominem, pacem eis faciam et eos sicut homines meos sine malo ingenio manuteneam et defendam; rectumque iudicium scabinorum erga unumquemque hominem, et erga me ipsum eis fieri concedam; ipsisque scabinis libertatem, qualem melius habent scabini terræ meæ constituam.
Ҥ 2.Si quis Burgensium Sancti Audomari alicui pecuniam suam crediderit, et ille cui credita est, coram legitimis hominibus et in villa sua hereditariis sponte concesserit, quod si die constituta pecuniam non persolverit, ipse vel bona eius, donec omnia reddat, retineantur: si persolvere noluerit, aut si negaverit hanc conventionem, et testimonio duorum Scabinorum, vel duorum iuratorum inde convictus fuerit, donec debitum solvat, retineatur.
“§ 3.Si quis de iure christianitatis ab aliquo interpellatus fuerit, de villa Sancti Audomari alias pro iustitia exequenda, non exeat: sed in eadem villa coram episcopo vel eius Archidiacono, vel suo presbytero, quod iustum est clericorum, scabinorumque iudicio exequatur: nec respondeat alicui, nisi tribus de causis; videlicet de infractura ecclesiæ, vel atrii, de lesione clerici, de oppressione et violatione feminæ: quod si de aliis causis querimonia facta fuerit coram iudicibus et præposito meo hoc finiatur. Sic enim coram K. Comite et episcopo Johanne statutum fuit.
“§ 4.Libertatem vero, quam antecessorum meorum temporibus habuerunt eis concedo. Scilicet quod nunquam de terra sua in expeditionem proficiscentur, excepto si hostilis exercitus terram Flandriæ invaserit; tunc me et terram meam defendere debebunt.
“§ 5.Omnes qui Gildam eorum habent, et ad illam pertinent,et infra cingulam villæ suæ manent, liberos omnes a teloneo facio, ad portum Dichesmudæ et Graveningis; et per totam terram Flandriæ, eos liberos a Sewerp facio. Apud Batpalmas teloneum, quale donant Atrebatenses, eis constituo.
Ҥ 6.Quisquis eorum ad terram imperatoris pro negotiatione sua perexerit, a nemine meorum hansam persolvere cogatur.
“§ 7.Si contigerit mihi aliquo tempore præter terram Flandriæ aliam conquirere, aut si concordia pacis inter me et avunculum meum H. regem Angliæ facta fuerit, in conquisita terra illa aut in toto regno Anglorum eos liberos ab omni teloneo et ab omni consuetudine in concordia illa recipi faciam.
“§ 8.In omni mercato Flandriæ si quis clamorem adversus eos suscitaverit iudicium scabinorum de omni clamore sine duello subeant; ab duello vero ulterius liberi sint.
Ҥ 9.Omnes qui infra murum sancti Audomari habitant et deinceps sunt habitaturi, liberos a Cavagio hoc est a capitali censu, et de advocationibus constituo.
“§ 10.Pecuniam eorum quæ post mortem Comitis K. eis ablata est, et quæ propter fidelitatem quam erga me habent adhuc eis detinetur, aut infra annum reddi faciam, aut iudicio scabinorum institiam eis fieri concedam.
“§ 11.Præterea rogaverunt regem Franciæ et Raulphum de Parona, ut ubicumque in terram illorum venerint, liberi sint ab omni teloneo, et traverso et passagio; quod et concedi volo.
“§ 12.Communionem autem suam sicut eam iuraverunt permanere præcipio, et a nemine dissolvi permitto, et omne rectum rectamque iustitiam sicut melius stat in terra mea, scilicet in Flandria, eis concedo.
“§ 13.Et sicut meliores et liberiores Burgenses Flandriæ ab omni consuetudine liberos deinceps esse volo; nullum scoth, nullam taliam, nullam pecuniæ suæ petitionem ab eis requiro.
“§ 14.Monetam meam in Sancto Audomaro unde per annumXXXlibras habebam et quidquid in ea habere debeo, ad restaurationem damnorum suorum et gildæ suæ sustentamentum constituo. Ipsi vero Burgenses monetam per totam vitam meam stabilem et bonam, unde villa sua melioretur, stabiliant.
“§ 15.Custodes qui singulis noctibus per annum vigilantes castellum Sancti Audomari custodiunt, et qui præter feodum suum et præbendam sibi antiquitus constitutam in avena et caseis et in pellibus arietum, iniuste et violenter ab unaquaque domo in eadem villa, scilicet ad Sanctum Audomarum sanctumque Bertinum in natali domini panem unum et denarium unum aut duos denarios exigere solent, aut pro hiis pauperum vadimonia tollebant, nihil omnino deinceps præter feodum suum et præbendam suam exigere audeant.
Ҥ 16.Quisquis ad Niuverledam venerit, undecumque venerit, licentiam habeat veniendi ad Sanctum Audomarum cum rebus suis in quacunque navi voluerit.
Ҥ 17.Si cum Boloniensium comite S. concordiam habuero, in illa reconciliatione eos a Teloneo et Seuwerp apud Witsant et per totam terram eius liberos esse faciam.
“§ 18.Pasturam adiacentem villæ Sancti Audomari in nemori, quod dicitur Lo, et in paludibus et in pratis et in bruera et in Hongrecoltra, usibus eorum, exceptâ terrâ Lazarorum, concedo, sicut fuit tempore Roberti Comitis Barbati.
“§ 19.Mansiones quoque, quæ sunt in ministerio Advocati Sancti Bertini, illas videlicet quæ inhabitantur, ab omni consuetudine liberas esse volo: dabuntque singulæ denariosXIIin festo Sancti Michælis, et de brotban denariosXIIet de byrban denariosXII. Vacuæ autem nihil dabunt.
“§ 20.Si quis extraneus aliquem Burgensium Sancti Audomari agressus fuerit, et ei contumeliam vel iniuriam irrogaverit vel violenter ei sua abstulerit, et cum hac iniuria manus eius evaserit, postmodum vocatus a castellano vel uxore eius seu ab eius dapifero, infra triduum ad satisfactionem venire contempserit aut neglexerit; ipsi communiter iniuriam fratris sui in eo vindicabunt, in qua vindicta si domus diruta vel combusta fuerit, aut si quispiam vulneratus vel occisus fuerit, nullum corporis aut rerum suarum periculum, qui vindictam perpetravit, incurrat, nec offensam meam super hoc sentiat vel pertimescat; si vero, qui iniuriam intulit presentialiter tentus fuerit, secundum leges et consuetudines villæ presentialiter iudicabitur et secundum quantitatemfacti punietur; scilicet oculum pro oculo, dentem pro dente, caput pro capite reddet.
Ҥ 21.De morte Eustachii de Stenford quicunque aliquem Burgensium Sancti Audomari perturbaverit et molestaverit, reus proditionis et mortis K. Comitis habeatur; quoniam pro fidelitate mea factum est, quidquid de eo factum est; et sicut iuravi et fidem dedi, sic eos erga parentes eius reconciliare et pacificare volo.
“§ 25.Hanc igitur Communionem tenendam, has supradictas consuetudines et conventiones esse observandas fide promiserunt et sacramento confirmaverunt: Ludovicus rex Francorum, Guillelmus comes Flandriæ, Raulphus de Parona, Hugo Candavena, Hosto Castellanus, et Guillelmus frater eius, Robertus de Bethuna, et Guillelmus filius eius, Anselmus de Hesdinio, Stephanus Comes Boloniensis, Manasses Comes Gisnensis, Galterus de Lillers, Balduinus Gandavensis, Hiuvannus frater eius, Rogerus Castellanus Insulensis, et Robertus filius eius, Razo de Gavera, Daniel de Tenremot, Helias de Sensen, Henricus de Brocborc, Eustachius advocatus, et Arnulphus filius eius, Castellanus Gandavensis, Gervasius Petrus dapifer, Stephanus de Seningaham. Confirmatum est hoc privilegium et a Comite Guillelmo et prædictis Baronibus istis fide et sacramento sancitum, et collaudatum anno dominicæ Incarnationis MCXXVII,XVIIIKl. Maii, feria Vadie festo Sancti Tiburtii et Valeriani.”
II.Additions et changemens faits à laKeureprécédente par le Comte Thierri d’Alsace. 22 Août 1128.
II.Additions et changemens faits à laKeureprécédente par le Comte Thierri d’Alsace. 22 Août 1128.
II.Additions et changemens faits à laKeureprécédente par le Comte Thierri d’Alsace. 22 Août 1128.
Ҥ 1.Monetam quam Burgenses Sancti Audomari habuerant, Comiti liberam reddiderunt eo quod eos benignius tractaret, et lagas suas eis libentius ratas teneret: et insuper ut ceteri Flandrenses eidem sua incrementa celerius redderent.
Ҥ 2.Teloneum vero suum ab eodem in perpetuo censu receperunt, quotannis C solidos dando.
“§ 3.Si quis etiam eorum mortuo aliquo consanguineo suo, portionem aliquam possessionis illius sibi obvenire credens et in comitatu Flandriæ manens, cum eo, qui possessionem illam tenebit, vel partiri infra annum neglexerit, vel eum super hoc per iudices etscabinos minime convenerit; qui per annum integrum sine legitima calumnia tenuerit, quiete deinceps teneat, et nulli super hoc respondeat. Si autem heres in comitatu Flandriæ non fuerit, infra annum, quo redierit, cum possessore agat supradicto modo: alioquin qui tenebit sine ulla inquietatione teneat. Si autem herede aliquandiu peregre commorante, et cum redierit portionem suam requirente, possidens se cum eo partitum esse dixerit, si ille per quinque Scabinos probare falsum esse poterit, hereditas quæ eum attingit ei reddetur: alioquin possidens per quatuor legitimos viros se ei portionem suam dedisse probabit; et ita quietus erit. Quod si heres infra annos discretionis fuerit, pater vel mater, si supervixerint, vel qui eum manutenebit, portionem quæ illum attinget scabinis et aliis legitimis viris infra annum obitus illius ostendat, et si eis visum fuerit quod ille fideliter servare debeat, ei comittatur. Sin autem iudicio et providentia illorum ita disponatur, ne heres damnum alioquod patiatur; et cum ad annos discretionis venerit, et opportunum fuerit, hereditate sua integre et sine aliqua diminutione investiatur.
“§ 4.Item si quis alicui filium suum, vel filiam in matrimonio coniunxerit, et filius ille, vel filia sine prole obierint, ad patrem et matrem eorum si supervixerint, si autem mortui fuerint ad alios filios eorum, vel filios filiorum redeat hereditas quæ pertinebat ad filium vel filiam, quos aliis matrimonio copulaverant; et viventibus patre vel matre eorum hereditas illa cum supradictis personis tantum dividatur: mortuis autem illis propinquiores consanguinei illam, prout iustum est, sortiantur.
“Hanc igitur communionem tenendam, et supradictas institutiones et conventiones esse observandas fide promiserunt et sacramento confirmaverunt Theodoricus, Comes Flandriæ, Willelmus Castellanus Sancti Audomari, Willelmus de Lo, Iwannus de Gandavo, Danihel de Tenramunda, Raso de Gavera, Gislebertus de Bergis, Henricus de Broburc, Castellanus de Gandavo, Gervasius de Brugis.—Præfati Barones insuper iuraverunt, quod si Comes Burgenses Sancti Audomari extra consuetudines suas eiicere et sine iudicio Scabinorum tractare vellet, se a comite discessuros et cum eis remansuros, donec comes eis suas consuetudines integrerestitueret et iudicium Scabinorum eos subire permitteret. Actum anno dominicæ Incarnationis MCXXVIII in octavis assumptionis Beatæ Mariæ.”
III.Charte de donation du fonds de la Gild-halle de St. Omer aux Bourgeois de cette ville.1151.
III.Charte de donation du fonds de la Gild-halle de St. Omer aux Bourgeois de cette ville.1151.
III.Charte de donation du fonds de la Gild-halle de St. Omer aux Bourgeois de cette ville.1151.
“Ego Theodoricus Dei patientia Flandrensium Comes, consensu uxoris meæ Sibillæ, concedente ita quoque Philippo filio meo, terram in qua Ghildhalla apud sanctum Audomarum in foro sita est, cum scopis et adpenditiis suis tam ligneis quam lapideis, burgensibus eiusdem villæ hereditario iure possidendam, et ad omnem mercaturam tam in appenditiis, quam in Ghildhalla exercendam tradidi: hanc quoque libertatem eis concessi, ut si quis in eam venerit, undecunque reus fuerit, in ipsa domo iudici in eum manum non mittere licebit; ille autem sub cuius custodia Ghildhalla tenetur, admonitus a iudice reum extra limen Ghildhallæ conducens nisi fideiussione se defenderit, in præsentia duorum scabinorum vel plurium eum iudici tradet: iudex vero eum in potestate sua habens secundum quantitatem facti cum eo aget. Illud quoque addidimus, quod alienus negotiator nusquam, nisi in prædicta domo aut in appendiciis eius, vel in pleno foro merces suas vendendas exponat aut vendat. Solis autem burgensibus in foro, in Ghildhalla, seu magis velint, is propria domo sua, vendere liceat.
“Quoniam autem humana omnia ex rerum et temporum varietate senescunt, sigilli mei auctoritate et subscriptorum testimonio hoc corroboravi. Walterus Castellanus sancti Audomari, Arnoldus Comes de Gisnes, Gerardus Præpositus, Arnulphus de Arde, Henricus Castellanus de Brübborg, Elenardus de Sinningehem, Hugo de Ravensberghe, Baldevinus de Bailgul, Michael Iunior, Christianus de Aria, Guido Castellanus de Bergis, Rogerus de Wavrin, Helinus filius eius.”
IV.Keure de Bruges.Vers 1190.
IV.Keure de Bruges.Vers 1190.
IV.Keure de Bruges.Vers 1190.
“Hæc est lex et consuetudo quam Brugenses tenere debent a comite Philippo instituta. Si quis alicui vulnus fecerit infra pontem sanctæ Mariæ, infra Botrebeika, infra usque ad domum GalteriCalvi, infra usque ad domum Lanikini carpentarii, supra terram Balduini de Prat, infra fossatum veteris molendini, et illud veritate scabinorum cognoscatur de quacunque re factum sit, ad domum in qua ille manet, qui vulnus imposuit, per scabinos et per iustitiam comitis submoncatur. Qui submonitus, si scabinis se præsentet, veritate inquisita de illo qui vulnus fecerit per sexaginta libras forefactum emendet, et si scabini sciunt quod vulnus non fecerit, liber et in pace remanebit. Si die quâ submonebitur se non præsentaverit, remanebat in forefacto sexaginta librarum, et si scabini voluerint domum eius prosternere, poterunt et in respectum ponere, sed ex toto condonare non possunt nisi voluntate Comitis.
“2.Si verò quis aliquem in domo suâ assiluerit, unde clamor factus sit, scabini et iustitia domum ibunt inspicere: et si scabini poterunt videre, assultum esse apparentem, ille de quo clamor factus est submoneri debet; qui si scabinis se præsentaverit et illum intellexerint assultum fecisse,LXlibras amittet. Si vero cognoverint illum assultum non fecisse, liber et in pace recedat. Si autem ad diem submonitionis venire noluerit, domo ejus prostrataLXlibrarum reus erit. Quod si alii assultui interfuerint, de quibus clamor factus non sit, si comes super hoc veritatem scabinorum requisierit, scabini veritatem inquirere debent, et quotquot veritate scabinorum de assultu tenebuntur, unusquisque eorumLXlibrarum reus erit, ac si de eo clamor factus sit. Si vero scabini nullum assultum agnoscere potuerunt ab ipsis super hoc veritas est inquirenda.
“3.Qui cum armis molutis infra præfinitos terminos aliquem fugaverit, si veritate scabinorum convincatur forisfacto librarumLXtenebitur: si aliquis assiliatur, quidquid ipse faciat in defendendo corpus suum nullo tenebitur forisfacto.
“4.Qui aliquem bannitum occiderit in hoc nullum facit forisfactum.
“5.Quicumque testimonio scabinorum convictus fuerit de rapina,LXlib. de forisfacto dabit et dampnum rapinæ restituet.
“6.Qualemcunque concordiam bannitus faciat comiti, remanebit tamen bannitus, donec viris Brugensibus ad opus castriLXsolidos dederit.
“7.Qui bannitum de forefactoLXlibr. hospitio susceperit, veritate scabinorum convictusLXlibras amittet.
“8.Qui aliquem fuste vel baculo percusserit, convictus a scabinis in forisfactoXlib. incidit de quibus comes habebitVlib. CastellanusXXsol. ille qui percussus estLXsol. et ad opus castriXXsol.
“9.Qui pugno vel palma aliquem percusserit seu per capillos acceperit inde per scabinos convictusLXsol. dabit undeXXXsolidi comitis erunt, percussiXVsol. castallaniXsol. ad opus castriVsol. Qui aliquem per capillos ad terram traxerit sive per lutum trahendo pedibus conculcaverit,Xlib. comiti dabit, maletractatoXVsolidos, CastellanoXsol. et ad castrumVsolidos.
“10.Qui vero alicui convitia dixerit, si testimonio duorum scabinorum convincatur, illi cui convicia dixeritVsolidos dabit, IusticiæXIIdenarios.
“11.Qui duobus scabinis aut pluribus inducias pacis, quæ treuiæ dicuntur, de quâlibet discordiâ dare noluerit, illud emendabit perLXlib.
“12.Si dissensiones aut discordiæ aut guerræ aut aliquod aliud malum inter probos viros oppidi exoriatur, unde ad aures scabinorum clamor perveniat, salvo iure comitis, scabini illud componere et pacificare poterunt. Qui verò compositionem vel pacem quam super hoc scabini consolidaverint, sequi noluerit, forisfactumLXlib. incurret.
“13.Qui ea dedixerit quæ scabini in iudicio vel testimonio affirmaverint,LXlib. amittet, et unicuique scabinorum qui ab co dedictus eritXlibras dabit.
“14.Quicumque per vim fœminam violaverit, si de eo veritate scabinorum convincatur, eâdem pœnâ dampnabitur, quantâ a prædecessoribus comitibus, tales malefactores dampnari solent in Flandriâ.
“15.Quicumque per malum in scabinos manum suam immiserit, si scabini illud testificentur,LXlibras dabit.
“16.Præterea sciant omnes, quod vir de oppido Brugensi, cuiuscumque forisfacti se reum fecerit, non amplius quamLXlibr. amittere poterit, nisi legitime per scabinos convictus fuerit de raptu,ut dictum est, vel de latrocinio, vel de falsitate, vel nisi hominem occiderit. Qui verò occiderit hominem, caput pro capite dabit, et omnia sua in potestate comitis erunt absque omni contradictione, si de homicidio veritate scabinorum teneatur.
“17.Nemo infra præfinitos terminos manens infra muros castri gladium ferat, nisi sit mercator vel alius qui gratiâ negocii sui per castrum transeat. Si verò castrum intraverit causâ inibi morandi, gladium extra in suburbio dimittat. Quod si non fecerit,LXsolidos et gladium amittet. Iusticiis vero comitis et ministris earum, quia pacem castri observare debent, nocte et die infra castrum arma ferre licebit. Viris etiam Brugensibus gladium portare et reportare licebit, dummodo castro exeant festinanter. Si quis autem eorum moras faciendo, vel per castrum vagando, gladium portaverit,LXsolid. et gladium amittet.
“18.Si scabini gratiâ emendationis villæ assensu iustitiæ comitis bannum in pane et vino et cæteris mercibus constituerint, medietas eorum quæ ex banno provenient, comitis erit, et altera medietas castellani et oppidi.
“19.Si mercator sive alius homo extraneus ante scabinos iustitiæ causâ venerit, si illi, de quibus conqueritur presentes sint vel inveniri possint infra tertium diem vel saltem infra octavum, plenariam ei scabini iustitiam faciant iuxta legem castri.
“20.Nemini in foro comitis stallos locare licebit, quod si locaverit et veritate scabinorum super hoc convictus fuerit,LXsolidos comiti dabit.
“21.Si aliquis de infracturis castri coram scabinis falsum testimonium portaverit si scabini illud cognoverintLXlibras amittet.
“22.Quando aliquis scabinus decedet, alius ei substituetur electione Comitis non aliter.
“23.Si scabinus testimonio scabinorum parium suorum de falsitate convictus fuerit, ipse et omnia sua in potestate Comitis erunt.
“24.Si Scabini a Comite vel a ministro Comitis submoniti, falsum super aliqua re iudicium fecerint, veritate scabinorum Atrebatensium, sive aliorum qui eandem legem tenent, comes eos convincere poterit; et si convicti fuerint, ipsi et omnia sua in potestatecomitis erunt. Quoties verò super huiusmodi falsitate submoniti fuerint, nullatenus contradicere poterunt, quin diem sibi a Comite praefixum teneant, ubicumque Comes voluerit in Flandriâ.
“25.De omnibus verò aliis causis ad Comitem pertinentibus, Brugis in castello vel ante castellum placita tenebunt in praesentia Comitis vel illius quem loco suo ad iustitiam tenendam instituerit. Instituto autem ad eius submonitionem de omnibus tanquam Comiti respondebunt, quamdiù in hoc servitio comitis erit.
“Ad hoc nec scabini nec Brugenses aliquid addere, mutare, vel corrigere poterunt, nisi per consilium Comitis vel illius quem loco suo ad iustitiam tenendam instituerit.