CONTEMPORARY POETS:

(a)Ticidaswrote the Hymenaeus and love-poems on Perilla. For the latter cf. Ovid,Trist.ii. 433-4 and 437-8 (read by Riese immediately after),

‘Quid referam Ticidae, quid Memmi carmen, apud quosrebus adest nomen nominibusque pudor,et quorum libris modo dissimulata Perillaenomine nunc legitur dicta, Metelle, tuo?’

(b)C. Helvius Cinnawas intimate with Catullus, who refers to him in c. 10 as being along with him in Bithynia inB.C.57. Seep. 136. From the reference to Gallia Cisalpina in Cinna, frag. I (Bährens), we might conclude that he was a countryman of Catullus,

‘At nunc me Cenumana per salictabigis raeda rapit citata nanis.’

In Sueton.Iul.52, Cinna is spoken of as a partisan of Caesar: ‘Helvius Cinna tribunus plebis,’ etc.; and he is probably identical with the person mentionedibid.85, as put to death in mistake for a man of the same name shortly after the murder of Caesar: ‘Plebs statim a funere ad domum Bruti et Cassii cum facibus tetendit, atque aegre repulsa, obvium sibi Helvium Cinnam per errorem nominis, quasi Cornelius is esset, quem graviter pridie contionatum de Caesare requirebat, occidit caputque eius praefixum hastae circumtulit.’

Cf. especially Plutarch,Brut.20,ἦν δέ τις Κίννας, ποιητικὸς ἀνὴρ, οὐδὲν τῆς αἰτίας μετέχων, ἀλλὰ καὶ φίλος Καίσαρος γεγονὼς, etc.[38]

Weichert (Poet. Lat. Rell.p. 157) thinks that Plutarch has confused the tr. pleb. with the poet, and that Virgil’s words (below) imply that Helvius Cinna was alive when theEcloguewas written (B.C.41-39). The latest authorities, however, identify the two persons. Verg.Ecl.9, 35,

‘Nam neque adhuc Vario videor nec dicere Cinnadigna, sed argutos inter strepere anser[39]olores.’

Cinna’s works were:

1.Zmyrna, on the incestuous love of Myrrha for Cinyras. Cinna spent nine years on this poem, which was very obscure. Catull. 95,

‘Zmyrna mei Cinnae nonam post denique messemquam coeptast nonamque edita post hiemem.’

Philargyrius ad Verg.Ecl.9, 35, ‘Fuit autem liber obscurus adeo ut et nonnulli eius aetatis grammatici in eum scripserint magnamque ex eius enarratione sint gloriam consecuti.’

2.Propempticon Pollionis, written on the occasion of Asinius Pollio’s visit to Greece.

3.Epigrams and Love Poems.—For the latter cf. Ovid,Trist.ii. 435 (on the erotic poets),

‘Cinna quoque his comes est, Cinnaque procacior Anser,et leve Cornifici parque Catonis opus.’

(c)C. Licinius Macer Calvuswas the son of the annalist C. Licinius Macer, and was born 28th May,B.C.82.

Cic.ad Q.F.ii. 4, 1, ‘Macer Licinius.’

Valer. Max. ix. 12, 7, ‘C. Licinius Macer, Calvi pater.’

Pliny,N.H.vii. 165, ‘C. Mario Cn. Carbone iii. coss. a. d. v. Kal. Iun. M. Caelius Rufus et C. Licinius Calvus eadem die geniti sunt.’

Calvus probably diedB.C.47. Cf. Cic.ad Fam.xv. 21, 4, written to C. Trebonius towards the end of that year. The letter refers to correspondence with Calvus, and criticizes his oratory.

See also Cic.Brut.279 and 283-4; and, for his relations with Cicero, Tac.Dial.18. Calvus vied with Cicero for the first place in the forum. His best known speeches werein Vatinium, whom he prosecuted at least three times (B.C.58-54).

Seneca,Controv.vii. 4, 6-8, ‘Calvus, qui diu cum Cicerone iniquissimam litem de principatu eloquentiae habuit, usque eo violentus actor et concitatus fuit, ut in media eius actione surgeret Vatinius reus et exclamaret: Rogo vos, iudices, num si iste disertus est, ideo me damnari oportet? Idem postea cum videret a clientibus Catonis, rei sui, Pollionem Asinium circumventum in foro caedi, imponi se supra cippum iussit; erat enim parvolus statura, propter quod etiam Catullus in hendecasyllabis (c. 53) vocat illum “salaputtium disertum.” ... Solebat praeterea excedere subsellia sua et impetu latus usque in adversariorum partem transcurrere. Et carmina quoque eius, quamvis iocosa sint, plena sunt ingentis animi ... Compositio quoque eius in actionibus ad exemplum Demosthenis riget: nihil in illa placidum, nihil lene est, omnia excitata et fluctuantia.’

Catullus also refers to Calvus in c. 14, and in c. 96, where he speaks of the ‘mors immatura Quintiliae,’ probably Calvus’ wife.

Of the poems about nineteen lines are extant. They included: (1)ludicra(in hendecasyllables); (2)epithalamia; (3)Io; (4)ad uxorem; (5)epigrammata. For the last cf. Sueton.Iul.73, ‘C. Calvo post famosa epigrammata de reconciliatione per amicos agenti ultro ac prior scripsit.’ (6) ‘Calvi de aquae frigidae usu,’ which forms the title of Martial xiv. 196, may have been a didactic poem. Other references to Calvus’ poetry are: Ovid,Trist.ii. 431,

‘Par fuit exigui similisque licentia Calvi,detexit variis qui sua furta modis’;

Propert. iii. 34, 89,

‘Haec etiam docti confessast pagina Calvicum caneret miserae funera Quintiliae’;

Hor.Sat.i. 10, 16,

‘Illi, scripta quibus comoedia prisca viris est,hoc stabant, hoc sunt imitandi: quos neque pulcherHermogenes umquam legit, neque simius istenil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum.’

(d)P. Terentius Varro Atacinuswas bornB.C.82 in Gallia Narbonensis near Atax (a river, not a town, as Jerome states).

Jerome yr. Abr. 1935 =B.C.82, ‘P. Terentius Varro vico Atace in provincia Narbonensi nascitur; qui postea xxxv. annum agens Graecas litteras cum summo studio didicit.’

Porphyr. ad Hor.Sat.i. 10, 46, ‘Terentius Varro Narbonensis, qui Atacinus ab Atace fluvio dictus est.’

Varro must have died beforeB.C.35, when Horace, speaking of satire, wrote,Sat.i. 10, 46,

‘Hoc erat, experto frustra Varrone Atacinoatque quibusdam aliis melius quod scribere possem.’

Varro’s works were:

1.Bellum Sequanicum, probably an epic on Caesar’s war with Ariovistus inB.C.58.

2.Saturae, mentioned only in the above passage of Horace.

3.Argonautae, a translation from Apollonius Rhodius in four Books. Probus ad Verg.Georg.ii. 126, ‘Varro qui quattuor libros de Argonautis edidit.’

Cf. Sen.Controv.vii. 1, 27, ‘Illos optimos versus Varronis (= Apoll. iii. 749-50),

“Desierant latrare canes urbesque silebant;omnia noctis erant placida composta quiete.”

Solebat Ovidius de his versibus dicere, potuisse fieri longe meliores, si secundi versus ultima pars abscideretur et sic desineret “omnia noctis erant.”’[40]

Cf. also Quint. x. 1, 87; Ovid,Am.i. 15, 21; Stat.Silv.ii. 7, 77.

4.Chorographia, a geographical work, as the fragments show.

5.Ephemeris.—Serv. ad Verg.Georg.i. 375, ‘Hic locus omnis de Varrone est; nam et Varro et Vergilius Aratum secuti sunt.’

6.Elegies.—One line is given by Bährens. Cf. Propert. iii. 34, 85,

‘Haec quoque perfecto ludebat Iasone Varro,Varro Leucadiae maxima flamma suae.’

(e)Publilius Syruswas a manumitted slave, a native of Syria, probably of Antioch.

Jerome yr. Abr. 1974 =B.C.43, ‘Publilius mimographus natione Syrus Romae scaenam tenet.’

Pliny,N.H.xxxv. 199, ‘Est et vilissima [creta] qua circum praeducere ad victoriae notam pedesque venalium trans maria advectorum denotare instituerunt maiores talemque Publilium Antiochium (MSS.lochium) mimicae scaenae conditorem et astrologiae consobrinum eius Manilium Antiochum, item grammaticae Staberium Erotem eadem nave advectos videre proavi.’

An account of Publilius’ manumission, and his contest with Laberius inB.C.45, is given by Macrob.Saturn.ii. 7, 4-8, and is quoted under ‘Laberius,’p. 97.

Publilius’ works were:

1.Mimi.—Two titles are quoted.

2.Sententiae.—Six hundred and ninety-seven lines from his mimes (unconnected and alphabetically arranged) are preserved from different sources. Most are iambic senarii, some trochaic septenarii.

Macrob.Saturn.ii. 7, 10, ‘Publili sententiae feruntur lepidae et ad communem usum adcommodatissimae.’

Cicero heard his and Laberius’ plays inB.C.46. Seead Fam.xii. 18, 2, quoted under ‘Laberius,’p. 99.

Sen.de tranquill.11, 8, ‘Publilius, tragicis comicisque vehementior ingeniis, quotiens mimicas ineptias et verba ad summam caveam spectantia reliquit, inter multa alia cothurno, non tantum sipario fortiora, et hoc ait,

“Cuivis potest accidere quod cuiquam potest.”’

The lines are, like the above, proverbs of worldly wisdom, and seem to have been used in schools.

JeromeEp. ad Laetam, 107, ‘Legi quondam in scholis puer,

“Aegre reprendas quod sinas consuescere.”’

Our chief authority for the life of Virgil, apart from his own writings and those of his contemporaries, is Donatus, whose work is probably based on Suetonius’De Poetis. Donatus’ work, though not free from romance, is much more valuable than the Life by Probus[41]or the metrical account given by Phocas.[42]Some important details are given in the Life wrongly attributed to Servius, and in an account preserved in a BerneMS.of the tenth century.

The poet’s name is correctly given as P. Vergilius Maro in all the Lives. The balance of authority is decidedly in favour of the spelling ‘Vergilius’; it is always so written in the earlyMSS.and in inscriptions of the Republic and of the early centuriesA.D.The traditional form in modern literature, ‘Virgil,’ is here retained.

Virgil was born 15th October,B.C.70, at Andes (identified traditionally with Pietole)[43]near Mantua. Donatus,vit. Verg., ‘Natus est Cn. Pompeio Magno et M. Licinio Crasso primum coss. iduum Octobrium die, in pago qui Andes dicitur et abest a Mantua non procul.’

He was of humble extraction, his father being originally either a potter or a day-labourer.

Probus,vit. Verg., ‘Matre Magia Polla, patre rustico.’

Donatus, ‘Parentibus modicis fuit ac praecipue patre, quem quidam opificem figulum, plures Magi cuiusdam viatoris initio mercennarium mox ob industriam generum tradiderunt egregieque substantiae silvis coemendis et apibus curandis auxisse reculam.’ (Cf. Virgil’s treatment of bees inGeorgiciv.)

His early years were spent at Cremona, whence inB.C.55 he went to Mediolanum and then to Rome for his higher education. He studied philosophy, medicine, mathematics, and rhetoric; but his shyness prevented his being a success at the bar, where, we are told, he appeared only once.

Donatus, ‘Initia aetatis Cremonae egit usque ad virilem togam, quam xv. anno natali suo accepit isdem illis consulibus iterum duobus quibus erat natus, evenitque ut eo ipso die Lucretius poeta decederet. De Cremona Mediolanum et inde paulo post transiit in urbem ... Inter cetera studia medicinae quoque ac maxime mathematicae[44]operam dedit. Egit et causam apud iudices unam omnino nec amplius quam semel; nam et in sermone tardissimum ac paene indocto similem fuisse Melissus [a freedman of Maecenas] tradidit.’

The BerneMS.above referred to says: ‘Ut primum se contulit Romam, studuit apud Epidium oratorem cum Caesare Augusto.’[45]For his studies under the Epicurean Siron cf.Catal.7, 8,

‘Nos ad beatos vela mittimus portus,magni petentes docta dicta Sironis,vitamque ab omni vindicabimus cura.’

Cf. alsoEcl.6, 31-40, where a brief sketch is given of the Epicurean theory of creation.

For a few years we hear nothing of his life, but we may suppose that he continued his studies in literature and philosophy, probably at his farm, if we can draw any inference from the language ofEcl.1, especially l. 19sqq.So far as is known, he took no part in the civil wars. InB.C.41, when lands were assigned to the troops of Antonius, Virgil was dispossessed of his property. On the recommendation of Asinius Pollio, who waslegatusof Gallia Transpadana, he went to Rome and obtained from Octavian the restitution of his land. The poet expresses his gratitude inEcl.1, 42,

‘Hic illum vidi iuvenem, Meliboee, quotannisbis senos cui nostra dies altaria fumant.Hic mihi responsum primus dedit ille petenti:“Pascite ut ante boves, pueri, submittite tauros.”’

Cf. also ll. 70-3.

Donatus, ‘Ad bucolica transiit maxime ut Asinium Pollionem, Alphenum Varum, et Cornelium Gallum celebraret, quia in distributione agrorum qui post Philippensem victoriam[46]veteranis triumvirorum iussu trans Padum dividebantur, indemnem se praestitissent.’

Virgil was evicted a second time in the following year, after the Bellum Perusinum, by the troops of Octavian. Conflicting accounts are given by the Lives regarding the persons who seized his land.[47]

Servius,vit. Verg., ‘Postea ortis bellis civilibus inter Antonium et Augustum, Augustus victor Cremonensium agros, quia pro Antonio senserant, dedit militibus suis. Qui cum non sufficerent, his addidit agros Mantuanos, sublatos non propter civium culpam, sed propter vicinitatem Cremonensium: unde ipse in Bucolicis (9, 28), “Mantua vae miserae nimium vicina Cremonae.”’

Virgil and his household found refuge on an estate which had once belonged to his old master Siron:Catal.10,

‘Villula, quae Sironis eras, et pauper agelle ...Tu nunc eris illi [patri]Mantua quod fuerat quodque Cremona prius.’

Whether he recovered his old farm is uncertain: at all events he spent most of his time in the south of Italy. Besides a house in Rome, he seems to have had a country house near Nola, and we know that theGeorgics(cf. iv. 563) were written at Naples.

Donatus, ‘Habuit domum Romae Esquiliis iuxta hortos Maecenatis, quamquam secessu Campaniae Siciliaeque plurimum uteretur.’

Gell. vi. 20, 1, ‘Scriptum in quodam commentario repperi ... Vergilium petivisse a Nolanis, aquam uti duceret in propinquum rus.’

He lived a retired life, seldom visiting Rome, and devoting most of his time to poetical composition, in which he was regular and painstaking.

Tac.Dial.13, ‘Securum et quietum Vergilii secessum, in quo tamen neque apud divum Augustum gratia caruit neque apud populum Romanum notitia: testes Augusti epistulae, testis ipse populus, qui auditis in theatro Vergilii versibus surrexit universus et forte praesentem spectantemque Vergilium veneratus est sic quasi Augustum.’

Quint. x. 3, 8, ‘Vergilium paucissimos die composuisse versus auctor est Varius.’

Cf. his own expression, quoted by Gell. xvii. 10, 2, ‘parere se versus more atque ritu ursino’ (alluding to the notion that the bear licked its young into shape).

He was already an influential member of Maecenas’ literary circle, to which, inB.C.39, he introduced Horace. Cf. Hor.Sat.i. 6, 54,

‘optimus olimVergilius, post hunc Varius dixere quid essem.’

By Maecenas he was introduced to Augustus,[48]who treated him with liberality. Cf. Hor.Ep.ii. 1, 246,

‘Munera quae multa dantis cum laude tuleruntdilecti tibi Vergilius Variusque poetae.’

He was on intimate terms with Horace, who addressesOd.i. 3 to him on the occasion of a proposed visit to Greece. Cf. ll. 5-8,

‘Navis, quae tibi creditumdebes Vergilium, finibus Atticisreddas incolumem, precor,et serves animae dimidium meae.’

InB.C.37 he formed one of the party who travelled with Horace to Brundisium: Hor.Sat.i. 5, 40 (see under ‘Horace,’p. 167).

For the rest of his life we hear little of Virgil in any public connexion. InB.C.19 he started on a voyage to Greece and Asia, intending to spend three years on the revision of theAeneid, but returned from Athens in bad health, and died at Brundisium on 21st September. His remains were buried near Naples. The epitaph quoted by Donatus is obviously not by Virgil: ‘Anno aetatis lii. impositurus Aeneidi summam manum, statuit in Graeciam et in Asiam secedere triennioque continuo nihil amplius quam emendare, ut reliqua vita tantum philosophiae vacaret: sed cum ingressus iter Athenis occurrisset Augusto ab oriente Romam revertenti destinaretque non absistere atque etiam una redire, dum Megara vicinum oppidum ferventissimo sole cognoscit, languorem nactus est eumque non intermissa navigatione auxit, ita ut gravior aliquanto Brundisium appelleret, ubi diebus paucis obiit xi. Kal. Octobr. Cn. Sentio Q. Lucretio coss. (21st September,B.C.19). Ossa eius Neapolim translata sunt tumuloque condita ... in quo distichon fecit tale:

“Mantua me genuit, Calabri rapuere, tenet nuncParthenope: cecini pascua, rura, duces.”’

His personal appearance and character are thus described by Donatus: ‘Corpore et statura fuit grandis, aquilo colore, facie rusticana, valetudine varia: nam plerumque a stomacho et a faucibus ac dolore capitis laborabat, sanguinem etiam saepe reiecit.’ (Cf. Hor.Sat.i. 5, 48,

‘Lusum it Maecenas, dormitum ego Vergiliusque;namque pila lippis inimicum et ludere crudis.’)

‘Cibi vinique minimi, libidinis pronior ... cetera sane vita et ore et animo tam probum constat, ut Neapoli Parthenias volgo appellatus sit, ac si quando Romae, quo rarissime commeabat, viseretur in publico, sectantes demonstrantesque se suffugeret in proximum tectum.’

Minor Poems.—According to Donatus, these were: ‘In Balistam ... deinde Catalecton et Priapia et Epigrammata et Diras, item Cirim et Culicem, cum esset annorum xvi.’ Servius omits the boyish production ‘in Balistam,’ and adds the ‘Copa.’ The ‘Aetna,’ mentioned with doubt by Donatus, is, of course, not by Virgil. (1)Catalecta.-This seems better thanCatalecton; either would mean “a collection of poems.” Some giveCatalepton(= “trifles,” like Aratus’ workτὰ κατὰ λεπτόν). Ribbeck thinksCatalectaoriginally included thePriapea,Epigrammata, andDirae, but came to be restricted to the fourteen short pieces given in ourMSS.under that title. Some of these,e.g.No. 5, are spurious. Quint. viii. 3, 28 vouches for No. 2. Virgil’s friends, Tucca and Varius, are addressed in 1 and 9, and 10 (on Siron’s villa) refers to an event in Virgil’s life. In the vein of Catullus are 3, 4, and 8, the last being an extremely close parody of Catullus, c. 4. (2)Priapea, three in number. (3)Dirae, spurious. (4)Ciris. The writer’s reference to himself in l. 2, ‘Irritaque expertum fallacis praemia volgi,’ shows that Virgil is not the author. (5)Culex. That Virgil wrote a poem with this title is attested by Suetonius, Statius, and Martial;e.g.Mart. viii. 56, 19,

‘Protinus Italiam concepit et arma virumquequi modo vix Culicem fleverat ore rudi.’

The poem in its present form is accepted by Ribbeck, but it does not correspond exactly to the account given by Donatus of the contents. (6) TheCopaRibbeck accepts as genuine, but other critics find in it characteristics rather of Ovid or of Propertius. (7) TheMoretum, though found inMSS., is not mentioned by Donatus or Servius, a strong argument against its being genuine.

Bucolica.—These ten poems are called in theMSS.Eclogae(“selected pieces”), and were composedB.C.43-39. Probus, ‘Scripsit Bucolica annos natus xxviii., Theocritum secutus.’

Servius, ‘Tunc ei proposuit Pollio ut carmen bucolicum scriberet, quod eum constat triennio[49]scripsisse et emendasse.’

They were doubtless published separately as they were written, and afterwards collected into a volume withEcl.1 (Tityrus) coming first. Cf.Georg.iv. 565,

‘Carmina qui lusi pastorum, audaxque iuventa,Tityre, te patulae cecini sub tegmine fagi.’

The present order is certainly not the chronological order.

Ecl.1 was writtenB.C.41 as a thanksgiving to Augustus (seep. 150).

Ecl.2 cannot be earlier than the end of 43 when Pollio was made governor of Gallia Transpadana, and possibly should not be put earlier than the summer of 42. The poem is written on his favourite slave Alexis (see Serv.ad loc.).

Ecl.3 was probably written soon afterwards. Virgil refers in l. 84 to his intimacy with Pollio,

‘Pollio amat nostram, quamvis est rustica, Musam.’

Ecl.2 and 3 are earlier than 5. Cf. 5, 86-7,

‘Haec nos “Formosum Corydon ardebat Alexim,”haec eadem docuit “Cuium pecus? an Meliboei?”’

Ecl.4. The date is clear from l. 3,

‘Si canimus silvas, silvae sintconsuledignae.’

It must have been written in 40, when Pollio was consul. This eclogue, which in the Middle Age was believed to be a prophecy of the Messiah’s coming, cannot be satisfactorily explained as referring to Pollio’s son Saloninus, or to the expected child of Augustus, Julia.

Ecl.5. Spohn’s view is highly probable, that it was written for the first celebration of Caesar’s birthday in July, 42.

Ecl.6, to Varus, probably writtenB.C.40 from Siron’s villa.

Ecl.7 contains no allusion to contemporary events: the tone is purely pastoral.

Ecl.8 was written while Pollio was on his way back to Rome from his victory over the Parthini in Illyricum, for his triumph inB.C.39. Cf. ll. 6 and 12.

InEcl.9, writtenB.C.40 at Siron’s villa, the poet expresses his grief at the second expulsion from his farm.

Ecl.10 entitled ‘Gallus’ was writtenB.C.39. For details see under ‘Gallus,’p. 182.[50]

Sources of the Eclogues.—Several of the Eclogues are modelled on Theocritus (cf. ‘Sicelides Musae’ 4, 1; ‘Syracosius versus’ 6, 1),e.g.Ecl.8 on Theocr. 2 and 3; and close imitations are found throughout. The poet Euphorion of Chalcis (of third centuryB.C.) is alluded to inEcl.10, 50 in connection with Gallus. The names of the shepherds are mostly from Theocritus, as Tityrus, Mopsus, Damoetas. They are ‘Arcades’ (7, 4, etc.), but, like the scenery, exhibit traits both of Sicily and of North Italy. Thus the scenery never gives an accurate picture of any one locality:e.g.Ecl.9, ll. 1-10, 26-7, 36, 59-60, present features of the district around Mantua, while in ll. 39-43 a Sicilian scene is introduced from Theocritus. The lofty mountains,e.g.1, 84, are Sicilian, and so are many of the trees, as chestnut and pine, which are said not to be found near Mantua. For Mantuan scenery cf.e.g.7, 12,

‘Hic virides tenera praetexit harundine ripasMincius.’

TheGeorgicswere written fromB.C.37 to 30 at the suggestion of Maecenas. Cf. i. 1.

Serv.vit. Verg.‘Item proposuit Maecenas Georgica, quae scripsit emendavitque septem annis.’

The poem was finished byB.C.29. Cf. Donatus, ‘Georgica reverso post Actiacam victoriam Augusto atque Atellae ... commoranti per continuum quadriduum legit.’ It was written at Naples. Cf. iv. 559,

‘Haec super arvorum cultu pecorumque canebam ...Illo Vergilium me tempore dulcis alebatParthenope, studiis florentem ignobilis oti.’

The concluding part of Book iv., originally a dirge on Cornelius Gallus, was afterwards altered for the myth of Aristaeus, to please Augustus.

Serv.ad Ecl.10, 1, ‘Fuit Cornelius Gallus amicus Vergilii, adeo ut quartus Georgicorum a medio usque ad finem eius laudes teneret, quas postea iubente Augusto in Aristaei fabulam commutavit.’

Sources of the Georgics.—Besides his own observation, Virgil used the following authorities:

1. Hesiod—mostly in Book i.,e.g.ll. 276-286 (lucky and unlucky days). Cf. ii. 176,

‘Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen.’

2. Books of the priests;e.g.i. 269sqq.(what is lawful on holy days), i. 338sqq.(Ambarvalia).

3. For agriculture and natural history—Greek writers like Aristotle, Theophrastus, Democritus, and Xenophon; and Latin writers like Cato and Varro.

4. Alexandrian writers for science and mythology;e.g.Eratosthenes for i. 233, ‘quinque tenent caelum zonae,’ etc.; i. 351-465, signs of weather, from theΔιοσημεῖαof Aratus; iii. 425sqq., the Calabrian serpent, from theΘηριακάof Nicander, whose writings were also used for the subject of bees in Book iv.

5. Lucretius, to whom Virgil is chiefly indebted, ii. 475sqq., especially 490sqq., ‘felix qui potuit,’ etc., refers to Lucretius. The idea of Lucretius, cf. v. 206-217, that man has a perpetual struggle with nature, is reflected in Virgil, but modified by his acceptance of the argument from design. Cf. i. 99,

‘Exercetque frequens tellurem atqueimperatarvis,’

and the whole passage i. 118-159. Lucretian science is borrowed in passages like i. 89,

‘Seu pluris calor ille vias et caeca relaxatspiramenta, novas veniat qua sucus in herbas’;

l. 415-423 (of the habits of birds); iii. 242sqq.(on the passion of love). Notice also, with Munro, Lucretian phrases likeprincipio,quod superest,his animadversis,nunc age,praeterea,nonne vides,contemplator,genitalia semina.

Political purpose of the Georgics.—The political purpose of the Georgics is to help the policy of Augustus, which aimed at checking the depopulation of the country districts. Cf. i. 498-514, and especially ll. 506-7,

‘Non ullus aratrodignus honos: squalent abductis arva colonis.’

The Emperor is introduced throughout as the object of veneration. Cf. i. 24-42.

Natural scenery.—Virgil dwells on Nature in her softer aspects. Cf. phrases like ii. 470, ‘mollesque sub arbore somni,’ and the passage ii. 458-540 in praise of a country life. For the praise of Italy see the beautiful passage ii. 136-176, where special districts are mentioned.

Aeneid.—Even before theEclogueswere written, Virgil had meditated the composition of an epic, perhaps, as Servius suggests, on the kings of Alba. Cf.Ecl.6, 3,

‘Cum canerem reges et proelia, Cynthius auremvellit et admonuit: “pastorem, Tityre, pinguespascere oportet oves, deductum dicere carmen.”’

The idea of a poem in honour of Augustus was present to his mind when he wroteGeorg.iii. 46,

‘Mox tamen ardentes accingar dicere pugnasCaesaris.’

TheAeneidwas commencedB.C.29, and remained unfinished at Virgil’s death.

Servius,vit. Verg., ‘postea ab Augusto Aeneidem propositam scripsit annis undecim, sed nec emendavit nec edidit.’

His method of working at the poem is thus described by Donatus, ‘Aeneida prosa prius oratione formatam digestamque in xii. libros particulatim componere instituit, prout liberet quidque et nihil in ordinem arripiens. Ut ne quid impetum moraretur, quaedam imperfecta transmisit, alia levissimis verbis veluti fulsit, quae per iocum pro tibicinibus interponi aiebat ad sustinendum opus donec solidae columnae advenirent.’

In what order the Books were written it is impossible to decide; but Book vi. was not read to Augustus till after the death of the young Marcellus,B.C.23.

Donatus, ‘Cui [Augusto] multo post perfectaque demum materia tres omnino libros recitavit, secundum quartum sextum, sed hunc notabili Octaviae adfectione, quae cum recitationi interesset ad illos de filio suo versus, “Tu Marcellus eris,” defecisse fertur atque aegre focillata est.’

Virgil, writing to the emperor, insists on the magnitude of the task he had rashly undertaken.

Macrob.Saturn.i. 24, 11, ‘Tanta incohata res est, ut paene vitio mentis tantum opus ingressus mihi videar, cum praesertim, ut scis, alia quoque studia ad id opus multoque potiora impertiar.’

Although in his will Virgil left instructions to Varius (and Tucca) to destroy all his unpublished manuscripts, Varius was expressly desired by Augustus to revise and publish theAeneid.

Donatus, ‘Egerat cum Vario, priusquam Italia decederet, ut si quid sibi accidisset Aeneida combureret; sed is facturum se pernegarat ... Edidit autem auctore Augusto Varius, sed summatim emendata, ut qui versus etiam imperfectos sicut erant reliquerit.’

This account is corroborated by Pliny the elder,N.H.vii. 114, Gellius, and Macrobius.

The rules laid down to the editors by the Emperor were, according to Servius, ‘ut superflua demerent, nihil adderent tamen.’

It seems probable that theAeneidwas publishedB.C.17, for it is in theCarmen Saeculareof that year that Horace first alludes to the story of Aeneas (cf. l. 50, ‘clarus Anchisae Venerisque sanguis’), and in the fourth Book of theOdes(four years later) it is more than once introduced.

Thechoice of the subjectwas influenced (1) by the personal desire of the Emperor; (2) by the connexion of the Caesarian house with Venus, through Iulus;[51]cf. the invention of Atys (Aen.v. 568) by Virgil to please Augustus, whose mother was Atia; (3) by Virgil’s design to write an epic on the greatness of Rome, in the manner of Homer.

The Aeneas Legend.—Stesichorus of Himera, among other writers, made Aeneas, a Homeric hero (cf.Il.xx. 307-8), settle in Italy; and Naevius is said to have adopted the legend in the form given by Timaeus, the Sicilian historian of the third centuryB.C.The legend probably arose from the worship of Aphrodite on the coasts of Italy, and was disseminated by the Greeks of Cumae to please the Romans. The connexion of Rome with Troy had been officially recognized for two hundred years (cf. Sueton.Claud.25), and, though not a popular belief, had been accepted in literature from the time of Naevius.

Sources of the Aeneid.—1. Earlier Roman poets as Naevius, Ennius, Pacuvius, Accius, Lucilius, Hostius, Varro Atacinus, Lucretius. For details see under these names.

2. Cato’sOriginesand Varro’sAntiquitates, for Italian legends and peoples.

3.Ius pontificiumandius augurale, as found in the books of sacred colleges (Macrob. i. 24, 16). Cf. the ritual meaning ofporricio(v. 776),porrigo(viii. 274), the habit of praying with veiled head (iii. 405), prayer to Apollo of Soracte (xi. 785).

4. Greek sources: (a) particularly theIliadandOdyssey, but also the Homeric Hymns and Cyclic Poems. Thus the games in Book v. = the games in honour of Patroclus inIl.xxiii.; the shield of Aeneas (viii. 626-731) = the shield of Achilles inIl.xviii.; (b) Apollonius Rhodius, for the passion of Dido = that of Medea; (c) Greek tragedies,e.g.the lostLaocoonof Sophocles for ii. 40sqq.

Religion in theAeneid.—1. The mythology is mainly from Homer. From Latin myths come Faunus, Saturnus, Janus, Picus. Euhemerism is shown by the last three being represented as originally kings of Rome.

2. The power of the gods is denoted byfatumorfata; cf. x. 112-3,

‘rex Iuppiter omnibus idem:fata viam invenient.’

3. The description of the lower world in Book vi. is from the descent into Hades inOd.xi., but is modified by Pythagorean ideas (vi. 748-751, metempsychosis), Stoic ideas (vi. 724sqq., pantheism, cf.Georg.iv. 219-227) and Platonic myths (e.g.in theGorgias,Phaedo, andRepublic), and rendered more definite by the introduction of heroes of the Republic. Note that Virgil emphasizes its mythical nature by dismissing Aeneas through the ivory gate (of false dreams).

4. Other beliefs: (a) The golden bough (vi. 203-9) compared to the mistletoe, the symbol of the lower world with many Indo-European peoples; (b) Divinities attached to special places,e.g.viii. 349-354 of thereligioattaching to the Capitol, ii. 351-2 guardian deities: cf. Carmentis, pater Tiberinus, etc.; (c) Worship of the dead, and belief in their continued influence on human affairs, iii. 66-8, 301-5.

Political significance.—1. The pre-eminence of the Julian race and of Augustus himself. Cf. i. 286,

‘Nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Caesar,imperium Oceano, famam qui terminet astris,Iulius, a magno demissum nomen Iulo.’

So vi. 789sqq.

2. The idea of empire: cf. i. 33,

‘Tantae molis erat Romanam condere gentem’;

and of Rome as the conqueror and civilizer of the world: vi. 851,

‘Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento:hae tibi erunt artes, pacisque imponere morem,parcere subiectis et debellare superbos.’

3. The unity of Italy with Rome is seen in Aeneas and Turnus, representing respectively thepietasand the martial courage of a past age. This is brought out also by the introduction of local names. Cf. vii. 682-5, 710-7, 797-802.

4. Virgil shows here and there contempt for pure democracy: vi. 815,

‘iactantior Ancusnunc quoque iam nimium gaudens popularibus auris.’

Cf. also i. 148-9.

Authors influenced by Virgil.—Livy, Tacitus, Ovid, Tibullus, Propertius, Manilius, Lucan, Silius Italicus, Statius, Valerius Flaccus, Martial, Juvenal, the author ofAetna. See under each.

Our chief source of information about Horace is his own works, and some important details are added in a life of him by Suetonius.

Horace’s full name is Quintus (Sat.ii. 6, 37) Horatius (Od.iv. 6, 44) Flaccus (Sat.ii. 1, 18). He was born 8th December,B.C.65, at Venusia in Apulia, on the frontier of Lucania.

Sueton.vit. Hor., ‘Natus est vi. Id. Decembr. L. Cotta et L. Torquato coss.’

Ep.i. 20, 26-8,

‘Forte meum siquis te percontabitur aevum,me quater undenos sciat inplevisse Decembriscollegam Lepidum quo duxit Lollius anno.’

Sat.i. 1, 34,

‘Lucanus an Appulus anceps:nam Venusinus arat finem sub utrumque colonus.’

There are a great many references to Apulia in Horace. SoOd.iii. 4, 9sqq.,

‘Me fabulosae Volture in Appulonutricis extra limina Pulliae’ (his nurse’s name), etc.

All Roman virtues are attributed to the Apulians, as inOd.i. 22, 13; iii. 5, 9;Epod.ii. 39-42.

Horace, though free-born (Sat.i. 6, 7) was the son of a freedman, who was by profession a collector of debts, or, according to others, a fishmonger. To this last story Horace probably refers with proud humility inEp.ii. 2, 60,

‘Bioneis sermonibus et sale nigro.’

Sueton.vit. Hor., ‘Patre, ut ipse tradit, libertino et auctionum coactore, ut vero creditum est, salsamentario.’

Sat.i. 6, 6,

‘Ut me libertino patre natum’;

ibid.85,

‘Nec timuit, sibi ne vitio quis verteret olim,si praeco parvas aut, ut fuit ipse, coactormercedes sequerer.’

Stories of his childhood are given,Od.iii. 4, 9sqq.;Sat.i. 9, 29sqq.;Sat.ii. 2, 112sqq.

Horace speaks highly of his father, who took him from the village school to Rome for his education. After speaking of his own freedom from vice he says (Sat.i. 6, 71sqq.),

‘Causa fuit pater his, qui macro pauper agellonoluit in Flavi ludum me mittere, ...sed puerum est ausus Romam portare docendumartis quas doceat quivis eques atque senatorsemet prognatos. Vestem servosque sequentis,in magno ut populo, si qui vidisset, avitaex re praeberi sumptus mihi crederet illos.Ipse mihi custos incorruptissimus omniscircum doctores aderat.’

He received instruction, both in Latin and Greek, from Orbilius,[52]a teacher of conservative tendencies.Ep.ii. 1, 69,

‘Non equidem insector delendave carmina Liviesse reor, memini quae plagosum mihi parvoOrbilium dictare.’

Ep.ii. 2, 41,

‘Romae nutriri mihi contigit atque doceriiratus Graiis quantum nocuisset Achilles.’

His education was continued at Athens.Ep.ii. 2, 43,

‘Adiecere bonae paulo plus artis Athenae,scilicet ut vellem curvo dignoscere rectumatque inter silvas Academi quaerere verum.’

His studies were interrupted by the civil war; he joined Brutus (who came to Athens in August,B.C.44), was by him appointedtribunus militum, and took part in the battle of Philippi,B.C.42.Ep.ii. 2, 46,

‘Dura sed emovere loco me tempora gratocivilisque rudem belli tulit aestus in armaCaesaris Augusti non responsura lacertis.’

Od.ii. 7, 9,

‘Philippos et celerem fugamsensi, relicta non bene parmula.’

InSat.i. 7 Horace relates a scene at Clazomenae before Brutus and his staff; and inEp.i. 11 he speaks, as if with personal knowledge, of places in Asia Minor and the islands of the Aegean, which he probably visited then. He refers to the hardships of war inOd.ii. 6, 7; ii. 7, 1; iii. 4, 26.

After the civil war his paternal property was confiscated, probably inB.C.41, and his poverty compelled him to seek the post of a clerk in the quaestor’s office, and, as he says, to write verses. (Some satires and epodes were then written.)

Sueton.vit. Hor., ‘Victis partibus, venia inpetrata, scriptum quaestorium comparavit.’

Sat.ii. 6, 36,

‘De re communi scribae magna atque nova teorabant hodie meminisses, Quinte, reverti.’

Ep.ii. 2, 49,

‘Unde simul primum me dimisere Philippi,decisis humilem pennis inopemque paterniet laris et fundi paupertas inpulit, audaxut versus facerem.’

In the spring ofB.C.38 Horace was introduced to Maecenas[53]by Varius and Virgil, and became intimate with him in the winter ofB.C.38-7.

Sueton.vit. Hor., ‘Primo Maecenati, mox Augusto insinuatus non mediocrem in amborum amicitia locum tenuit. Maecenas quanto opere eum dilexerit satis testatur illo epigrammate:

“Ni te visceribus meis, Horati,plus iam diligo, tu tuum sodalemNinnio videas strigosiorem”:

sed multo magis extremis iudiciis tali ad Augustum elogio: “Horati Flacci ut mei esto memor!”’

Sat.i. 6, 54,

‘Optimus olimVergilius, post hunc Varius dixere quid essem ...Abeo, et revocas nono post mense iubesque (l. 61)esse in amicorum numero.’

InSat.ii. 6, 40-58 Horace describes how intimate he was socially with Maecenas, who, however, did not make him a confidant in political matters. The most noteworthy event of this period is described inSat.i. 5, viz. Horace’s journey to Brundisium in the train of Maecenas and Cocceius, who went to arrange some matters between Augustus and Antony. His companions were Virgil, Varius, Plotius, and the Greek rhetorician, Heliodorus. Plotius, Virgil, and Varius are thus referred to (Sat.i. 5, 41):

‘Animae quales neque candidioresterra tulit neque quis me sit devinctior alter.’[54]

InB.C.34 Maecenas gave Horace an estate in the country of the Sabines. The question of its position was settled last century by the abbé Capmartin de Chaupy. The only place that suits Horace’s description is east of Tivoli, and in the neighbourhood of Vicovaro, which is the same as the Varia of Horace (Ep.i. 14, 3), the market-town of his tenants. Near it is the stream Licenza, the Digentia of Horace, on which stands Bardela (the Mandela of Hor.).Ep.i. 18, 104,

‘Me quotiens reficit gelidus Digentia rivus,quem Mandela bibit, rugosus frigore pagus.’

The site of his villa may be pretty closely determined fromEp.i. 10, 49,

‘Haec tibi dictabam post fanum putre Vacunae.’

Vacuna is a Sabine goddess, identified with Victoria: near the village an inscription has been found which was erected by Vespasian, ‘Aedem Victoriae vetustate dilapsam sua impensa restituit,’ and the natural inference is that this is the temple mentioned by Horace.[55]Horace stayed a great deal at his country-house, and his works contain many references to it.

Sueton.vit. Hor., ‘Vixit plurimum in secessu ruris sui Sabini aut Tiburtini, domusque eius ostenditur circa Tiburni luculum.’

Sat.ii. 6, 16,

‘Ubi me in mentis et in arcem ex urbe removi.’

Other references areEp.i. 16, 1-14;Od.ii. 18, 14.

Augustus having tried unsuccessfully to induce Horace to become his secretary, was not offended at the poet’s refusal, but continued to bestow his favour upon him.

Sueton.vit. Hor., ‘Augustus epistularum quoque ei officium obtulit, ut hoc ad Maecenatem scripto significat: “Ante ipse sufficiebam scribendis epistulis amicorum, nunc occupatissimus et infirmus Horatium nostrum a te cupio abducere. Veniet ergo ab ista parasitica mensa ad hanc regiam et nos in epistulis scribendis adiuvabit.” Ac ne recusanti quidem aut succensuit quicquam aut amicitiam suam ingerere desiit ... unaque et altera liberalitate locupletavit.’

Horace composed for Augustus theCarmen Saeculare;Od.iv. 4; iv. 14, celebrating the victories of Augustus’ step-sons over the Rhaetians and the Vindelici; alsoEp.ii. 1.

Sueton.vit. Hor., ‘Scripta quidem eius usque adeo probavit mansuraque perpetuo opinatus est, ut non modo Saeculare carmen componendum iniunxerit sed et Vindelicam victoriam Tiberii Drusique privignorum suorum eumque coegerit propter hoc tribus carminum libris ex longo intervallo quartum addere; post sermones vero quosdam lectos nullam sui mentionem habitam ita sit questus: “Irasci me tibi scito, quod non in plerisque eius modi scriptis mecum potissimum loquaris; an vereris ne apud posteros infame tibi sit, quod videaris familiaris nobis esse?” expresseritque eclogam ad se, cuius initium est:

“Cum tot sustineas et tanta negotia solus,”’ etc. (Ep.ii. 1).

Horace died 27th November,B.C.8, and was buried near Maecenas. He appointed Augustus his heir.

Sueton.vit. Hor., ‘Decessit v. Kal. Decembris C. Marcio Censorino et C. Asinio Gallo coss. lvii. aetatis anno, herede Augusto palam nuncupato; ... et conditus est extremis Esquiliis iuxta Maecenatis tumulum.’

In personal appearance Horace was ‘brevis atque obesus,’ according to Suetonius, who quotes a joke of Augustus on the subject: ‘Vereri autem mihi videris ne maiores libelli tui sint, quam ipse es; sed tibi statura deest, corpusculum non deest.’ Cf. Hor.Ep.i. 20, 24,

‘Corporis exigui, praecanum, solibus aptum,irasci celerem, tamen ut placabilis essem’;

Ep.i. 4, 15,

‘Me pinguem et nitidum bene curata cute vises,cum ridere voles, Epicuri de grege porcum.’

Cf. alsoEp.i. 7, 25;Od.iii. 14, 25.

Chronology of the Works.—(1)Satirae, in two Books (calledSermonesin all theMSS.).

Book i. It is clear fromSat.ii. 6, 40 that Horace was introduced to Maecenas in the spring ofB.C.38. Now all the references to Maecenas, with the exception of the prologue inSat.1 (written last), are in the second half of the book, there being no mention of him inSat.2; 3; and 4. It is therefore probable that these three Satires were written when Horace knew Varius and Virgil, but not Maecenas,i.e.B.C.40-38.Sat.2 is probably the oldest we have, as is shown by other considerations, and by the number of archaisms it contains.Sat.5 (on the journey to Brundisium) was written shortly after the spring ofB.C.37, when the events recorded took place. The date of the publication of the book cannot be exactly fixed, the only clue we have being the reference inSat.i. 10, 86, to Bibulus, the political agent of Antony, whose presence in RomeB.C.35 may be referred to. It cannot be proved thatSat.i. 1, 114sqq., is imitated from Verg.Georg.i. 512sqq., publishedB.C.35.

Book ii. and theEpodeswere published inB.C.30 about the same time. We have references to Actium (B.C.31), as inSat.ii. 5, 63; andSat.ii. 1 (written last) speaks of Augustus (ll. 11-15) as the hero in war, not yet the bringer of peace, and was probably therefore composed before the temple of Janus was shut in the beginning ofB.C.29.

(2)Epodon liber,B.C.30, as above.Epod.9 was written shortly after the battle of Actium, 2nd September,B.C.31, before it was known whither Antony had fled.

(3)Carmina(Odes) Books i.-iii., publishedB.C.23. InOd.i. 12, 45,

‘Crescit occulto velut arbor aevofama Marcellis,’

we have a reference to the marriage inB.C.25 of Augustus’ daughter, Julia, to his nephew, Marcellus. Marcellus died in the autumn ofB.C.23, and the lines must have been written before his death.Od.ii. 10 and iii. 19 contain references to Licinius Murena, brother of Terentia, Maecenas’ wife. Murena was executed for his share in the conspiracy of Fannius Caepio in the end ofB.C.23, and it is improbable that Horace could have made these references after that event.[56]

(4)Epistles, Book i., publishedB.C.20. The date is fixed byEp.i. 20, 26-8, already quoted,p. 164.

The year referred to isB.C.21, and the book was therefore composed inB.C.20, before December of that year.

(5)Carmen Saeculare, composed for theLudi SaecularesofB.C.17 (see Sueton.quoted above). An inscription commemorating these games was discovered in 1890 on the left bank of the Tiber, and in it Horace is mentioned: ‘Sacrificioque perfecto pueri xxvi. quibus denuntiatum erat patrimi et matrimi et puellae totidem carmen cecinerunt eodemque modo in Capitolio. Carmen composuit Q. Horatius Flaccus.’[57]

(6)Odes, Book iv., publishedB.C.13.Od.4 and 14 celebrate the campaign of Drusus and Tiberius in Rhaetia and VindeliciaB.C.15.Od.2 and 5 were written just before Augustus’ return,B.C.13, from Gaul, where he had been sinceB.C.16.

(7)Epistles, Book ii.Ep.ii. 1, to Augustus, was writtenB.C.14 in response (see the quotation from Suetonius above) to the emperor’s request for a poem addressed to himself, after seeing that no mention was made of him inEp.ii. 2 and theEpistula ad Pisones. These are thesermones quidam(both, likeEp.ii. 1, on literary criticism) referred to by Suetonius, and not Book i. of the Epistles, where Augustus is frequently mentioned. The date is fixed by l. 15, ‘praesenti tibi maturos largimur honores,’ etc., referring to the worship of thenumen Augusti, which was legalizedB.C.14, and by the reference in ll. 252sqq.to the victories of Drusus and Tiberius, and their celebration inOd.iv. 4; iv. 14.Ep.ii. 2 (to Iulius Florus) was writtenB.C.18. Horace hints (l. 25, ll. 84-6) that he has not yet returned to lyric poetry; the epistle was therefore written beforeB.C.17. TheEpistula ad PisonesorDe Arte Poeticawas probably writtenB.C.17 or 16 after theCarmen Saeculare, but before Horace had entered on the composition of the fourth Book of the Odes.

TheSatiresare calledSermonesin all theMSS., but as Horace gave this name both to his Satires (Sat.i. 4, 42) and to his Epistles (Ep.ii. 1, 4; 250) it is convenient to call themSatirae, the name which Horace also gives them (Sat.ii. 1, 1; 6, 17), and which represent their intended scope. Horace’s chief model is Lucilius, whom he wished to adapt to the Augustan age.Sat.i. 4, 56,

‘his, ego quae nunc,olim quae scripsit Lucilius.’

SoSat.ii. 1, 28 and 74. Lucilius’ influence is seen most inSat.i. 2; 5; 7; 8; ii. 2; 3; 4; 8. Horace, after the receptionSat.i. 2 met with, did not, like Lucilius, attack individuals; nor did his position as a dependent (Sat.ii. 1, 60-79) allow him to do so. We find, therefore, no political satire in Horace, who confines himself to social and literary topics. He does not attack his contemporaries by name, but (a) takes some names from Lucilius, as Albucius (Sat.ii. 1, 48), Opimius (Sat.ii. 3, 142); (b) invents ‘tell-tale-names,’ as Pantolabus (Sat.i. 8, 11), Novius (Sat.i. 3, 21). InSat.i. 4 and ii. 1 he defines the moral and social aim of his satire. InSat.i. 4, 1-13 he criticizes Lucilius’ style; this seems to have given offence, and inSat.i. 10 he gives reasons for his former criticism. Horace’s Epicureanism is more pronounced in Book i. than in Book ii. InSat.i. 1 and i. 3 (cf. ll. 99-124) the influence of Lucretius is seen. In i. 3 he takes up an antagonistic position to Stoicism (cf. ll. 124-142). In ii. 3 he shows less hostility to Stoicism though he still criticizes it.[58]InSat.ii. 7, where the slave Davus enunciates the Stoic doctrine,ὅτι μόνος ὁ σοφὸς ἐλεύθερος, Davus’ arguments from l. 75 onwards have been taken by Horace from Cic.Parad.5.

Horace does not pretend that his Satires (or Epistles) are poetry, and makes several statements to that effect.Sat.ii. 6, 17,

‘Quid prius inlustrem satiris musaque pedestri?’

Ep.ii. 1, 250,

‘Sermones ... repentes per humum.’

SoSat.i. 4, 39-44.

TheEpodesare calledEpodiin theMSS.Ἐπῳδόςwas the name given to a piece composed of couplets, the first line of which is longer than the second. Horace calls themiambi(Epod.14, 7;Od.i. 16, 3). Their style is an imitation of that of Archilochus of Paros.Ep.i. 19, 23-5,

‘Parios ego primus iambosostendi Latio, numeros animosque secutusArchilochi, non res et agentia verba Lycamben.’

This is seen in the personal attacks made in many of them, as well as in theαἰσχρολογίαemployed, and also in the versification. The dates of several can be fixed.Epod.16 was writtenB.C.41, and refers to the Perusian war. Horace takes no part with either side, but advises his countrymen to leave Rome, like the Phocaeans of old.Epod.7 was writtenB.C.39; andEpod.1, 9, and 14, aboutB.C.31. The order is strictly metrical. Epodes 1-10 are simple iambics (trimeter and dimeter alternately); 11-16 more complicated forms; 17, the last, in iambic trimeters.

TheOdesHorace himself callscarmina. The metres are nearly all taken from Sappho and Alcaeus, the two poets whose works Horace wished to present to his countrymen in a Roman dress. Cf.Od.iii. 30, 13-4,

‘Princeps Aeolium carmen ad Italosdeduxisse modos.’

The metrical differences between himself and his originals are due to the difference in the genius of the two languages and to the fact that he adopted the views on metre current in his time. Catullus’ metre, on the other hand, was closely modelled on that of the Alexandrian poets. The odes are largely founded on the best Greek lyric poetry, with which Horace was thoroughly familiar; cf. his first intention to write in Greek (Sat.i. 10, 31-5). Alexandrian influence is little seen, and his mythological allusions are seldom obscure. Examples of imitation (which is commonest in Book i.) are:Od.i. 9, the beginning of which is from Alcaeus (so i. 10; 11; 18); i. 12 (beginning) is from Pindar; i. 27 from Anacreon. Bacchylides is imitated,e.g.in ii. 18.

Subjects of the Odes.—1. Love and wine form the themes of many.Od.i. 6, 17,

‘Nos convivia, nos proelia virginumsectis in iuvenes unguibus acriumcantamus.’

Cf.Od.ii. 1, 37-40; iii. 3, 69-72.

The love-poems show no trace of personal passion, and the names of the women whose charms are sung are taken from Greek; thus Pyrrha (a well-known name from Attic comedy) i. 5; Lydia, i. 13, etc.; Lalage, i. 22; ii. 5. Cinara (iv. 1; iv. 13) is probably the only one that represents a real person. Wine is celebrated,e.g.in i. 9; 18; 27; ii. 7; iii. 21. A tone of moderation is observed throughout the drinking-songs. It is highly probable[59]that inOd.i. 27, 1-4 the unrestrained bacchanalian spirit of Catullus (cf. c. 27) is reproved,

‘Natis in usum laetitiae scyphispugnare Thracum est. Tollite barbarummorem verecundumque Bacchumsanguineis prohibete rixis.’

2. InOd.i. 24 we have the beautiful dirge on the death of Quintilius Varus.

3.On political subjects.—The chief of these are as follows: i. 2 (towards the end ofB.C.28); i. 12; i. 14; i. 35 (inB.C.26); i. 37 (inB.C.30); ii. 1. The most important, however, areOd.iii. 1-6, which form one whole, and are written on the new name of Augustus, and the ideas therewith connected. They were all written aboutB.C.27.[60]

In iii. 1, which is general, the rising generation is addressed by the prophet of the empire; ll. 3, 4,

‘Musarum sacerdosvirginibus puerisque canto.’

The lesson of the ode is ‘A moderate life is the best. Lucky is the man who is spared the trouble of managing the State.’

iii. 2 praises courage and honesty, but with special reference to two institutions of Augustus: (1) the professional soldier as opposed to the citizen-soldier of the republic. The officers were taken from the two privileged classes, and there was no promotion from the ranks. This is the explanation of ll. 1-4,

‘Angustam amice pauperiem patirobustus acri militia puercondiscat et Parthos ferocisvexet eques,’

lines which also refer to the resuscitation by Augustus of the citizen-cavalry. The soldier is not to trouble about politics (ll. 17-20), and must not fear death (l. 13). (2) The new imperial administrative officers, employed not only in collecting taxes, but in administrative business of every kind. Speaking of them, Horace pays a tribute to loyal silence, and emphasizes the curse that clings to breach of faith; l. 25,

‘Est et fideli tuta silentiomerces’;

l. 31,

‘Raro antecedentem scelestumdeseruit pede Poena claudo.’

iii. 3 touches intimately the political questions of the day. Pointed reference is made to Cleopatra; she is themulier peregrina(l. 20), theLacaena adultera(l. 25), who brought Troy low, and would bring Rome low, if she and herfamosus hospes(l. 26) could raise Troy again. The reference here is to a report current about Antony, that he intended to make Troy the capital. It is certain that he intended to restore to Cleopatra her kingdom with extended frontiers, and to make himself ruler of the Eastern empire. This, which would have meant the subjection of Rome to the Greeks and half-Greeks, was prevented by the ‘iustum et tenacem propositi virum’ (l. i), who for his services is honoured as one of the gods; ll. 11-12,

‘Quos inter Augustus recumbenspurpureo bibit ore nectar.’

In iii. 4 the poet’s personality comes out strongest. He describes his protection by the Muses in his early years, and this leads him to speak of one of the monarch’s chief works of peace, his encouragement of literature; ll. 37-40,

‘Vos Caesarem altum, militia simulfessas cohortes abdidit oppidis,finire quaerentem laboresPierio recreatis antro.’

iii. 5 is a defence of Augustus’ foreign policy. Publicly he kept up Caesar’s war policy, hence ll. 2-5,

‘Praesens divus habebiturAugustus adiectis Britannisimperio gravibusque Persis’;

but that this concealed his real policy of non-intervention is shown by his action regarding Parthia. Hence Horace, by a speech put into the mouth of Regulus (l. 18sqq.) warns the Romans against trying to rescue the survivors of Crassus’ army, who, by becoming captives, had ceased to be citizens. That some of the Senate wished to interfere in this matter is probably shown by ll. 45-6,

‘Donec labantis consilio patresfirmaret auctor numquam alias dato.’

iii. 6 refers (ll. 1-8) to Augustus’ policy in restoring the ancient religion, as is seen by the fact that he rebuilt 82 temples. Lines 21-32 refer to a law of Augustus on adultery, the date of which is unknown.

In Book iv., Odes 2, 4, 5, 6, 14, 15, are political. They show traces of adulation, and sing the praises rather of the imperial family than of the nation. Cf. iv. 2, 37 (of Augustus),

‘Quo nihil maius meliusve terrisfata donavere bonique divi,’ etc.

TheEpistles.—Sermonesis the name given them by Horace; they are also calledEpistulaein theMSS.Social, ethical, and literary questions are treated of, and the style is much more careful than that of the Satires. The motto, one might say, of the book isEp.i. 1, 10.

‘Nunc itaque et versus et cetera ludicra pono:quid verum atque decens, curo et rogo et omnis in hoc sum.’

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