Conclusions

QualitiesQualities

Qualities

Qualities

Page 476

Numbers have been put down in some of the columns of the table. These figures indicate the number of times the quality appeared in the song. If the song has several verses on the record, and the quality appears the same number of times in each, then the tabulation gives the number of times in but a single verse. If the verses vary in the use of the quality, then an average has been struck and figure put down in the tabulation. In those songs where a certain quality occurs with such irregularity that it was impossible to represent the average without fractions, only the mark X has been put down in the table, simply to indicate that the quality was present. Such qualities as Tonality, Character, Structure, Scale, etc., naturally, with few exceptions, run through the whole song, and they are indicated by the X. Some songs have both of two opposed qualities. When this occurs, it is shown by checking both qualities.5Some qualities which were present, but indeterminable are indicated by an interrogation-point.6

Following the tabulation is given a detailed explanation or definition of each of the qualities listed at the heads of the vertical columns.

Dying Tones.—Found only at the end of some few glissandos. On the glide, the volume of sound diminishes so rapidly that when the final tone of the group is reached, the sound has practically died out. The effect is something like a short groan with no anguish in it. Sign,—same as a muted note, but written at the end of a glissando.

Muted Tones.—Sort of half-articulated tones, if I may use that expression. Without more records of the same songs in which these are shown, it is not possible to determine whether they are intended by the singers as necessary parts of the records. Sign,—note with small square head.

Inhaled Tones.—Tones produced well back in the throat while sharply inhaling the breath rather than exhaling it, as practiced almost universally by singers. Sign,—circle with dot in center.

Pulsated Tones.—Tones of more than one beat sung with a rythmic stressing usually in accord with the time meter or some multiple of that meter. Pulsation is rarely heard among modern musicians, except in drilling ensemble singing. It is heard quite frequently in the singing of our American Indians and in the songs of several other primitive peoples. It occurs to some extent in nearly every one of the Tinguian men's songs. It is found in but one of those sung by women.Page 477

Though pusation does serve to define the rhythm, I believe it is used by primitive peoples mostly as a purely æsthetic touch. It is indicated in the notation by the usual musical staccato sign thus, —.....

Swelled Tones.—Tones usually of from two to four beats which are sung with increasing volume to the center, finishing with a decrescendo to the end. The Swell is sometimes applied to tones of more than four beats, but when so used, it looses some of its character. Swelled tones must be given to single syllables only, and they are the most effective when introduced several times in succession with but few, if any, intervening tones. The sign which I have used is double diverging lines followed by double converging lines placed under the note.

In 1905 it was my privilege to transcribe a number of native songs from the singing of a group of Igorot. In these songs they made frequent use of swelled tones.

Downward Glissandos.—An even sliding of the voice from the topmost tone of a group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling on any intermediate tone and without in any manner defining any of the tones lying between the extremes. Sign,—a straight line drawn obliquely downward beneath the group.

Upward Glissandos.—An even sliding of the voice upward without sounding any of the intermediate tones. Sign,—a straight line drawn obliquely upward beneath the group.

Notes in Group, Beats in Measure, or Measures in Period.—Groups of five seem to have no terrors for these people. In modern music it is extremely unusual to find notes grouped in fives, or measures having the rhythmic value of five beats, or periods made up of measures in fives. A study of the tabulation shows that the Tinguian have a rather natural bent for groupings in this number. It seems easy for them to drop into that metric form. I consider this trait, evidenced in their melodies, one of the marked characteristics of their music.7

Groups of notes, beats, or measures in seven are so few in these records that we are not warranted in accepting it as a characteristic.

Jog.—An over-emphasized short-appoggiatura with always either the tonic or dominant of the key as the principal tone. The first tone is usually an eighth or sixteenth in value, and must stand on the nextPage 478degree above the principal tone. The principal tone is usually a quarter note or longer in value.

In singing the jog, the short note is given a very pointed accent, the voice dropping quickly with a sort of jerk to the second, unaccented, sustained tone. It is executed without sliding, both tones being well-defined. To be most effective, it should be given two, three, or four times consecutively without intervening tones.

This device was heard very frequently in the Igorot songs; in fact, some of their songs consisted of little else than the jog sounded first on tonic two or three times, then the same number of times on the dominant, then again on the tonic, then on the dominant, and so on back and forth.It would be interesting to know just how commonly this device is used in the singing of the Tinguian and also in the music of other tribes of these Islands. From it we might learn something of the contact of other tribes with the Igorot.

This device was heard very frequently in the Igorot songs; in fact, some of their songs consisted of little else than the jog sounded first on tonic two or three times, then the same number of times on the dominant, then again on the tonic, then on the dominant, and so on back and forth.

It would be interesting to know just how commonly this device is used in the singing of the Tinguian and also in the music of other tribes of these Islands. From it we might learn something of the contact of other tribes with the Igorot.

Japanese Scales.—For structure of these scales, see analysis of those songs using one or another of the Japanese “tunings” or approximations to them.

Tonality.—That entire group of harmonies which, intimately related to a foundation or “tonic” chord, may be considered as clustered around and drawn to it.

Major Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation tone, are found at distances of four and seven semitones respectively from it.

Minor Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation tone, are found at distances of three and seven semitones respectively from it.

Pentatonic Character. That peculiar essence or quality which a melody has when it is built up entirely or almost wholly of the tones of the pentatonic or five-note scale. The melody may employ sparingly one or both of the two tones foreign to the pentatonic scale, and yet its pentatonic character will not be destroyed.

Diatonic Character. That quality which a melody takes on when the two tones which are foreign to the pentatonic scale of the same key or tonality are freely employed.

I use this term in contradistinction to “Pentatonic Character,” and not in contradistinction to “Chromatic,” as it is usually employed in musical literature.

I use this term in contradistinction to “Pentatonic Character,” and not in contradistinction to “Chromatic,” as it is usually employed in musical literature.

Melodic Structure. That form of flowing succession of tones inPage 479which the accented tones, if considered in sequence, show dominant non-adherence to chord intervals.

Harmonic Structure. That form of tonal succession in which the tones of the melody follow rather persistently the structural outline of chords.

Major Pentatonic Scale. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole and whole-and-a-half-step intervals,—(whole) (whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole) (whole-and-a-half).

Minor Pentatonic Scale. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole and whole-and-a-half step intervals,—(whole-and-a-half) (whole) (whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole).

The pentatonic scale is markedly primitive in character. It is known to have been in use anterior to the time of Guido d'Arezzo, which would give it a date prior to the beginning of the 11th century.8Rowbotham ascribes the invention of scales to those primitive musicians who, striving for greater variety in their one-toned chants, added first one newly-discovered tone, then another, and another.9The pentatonic scale might have resulted from such chanting.Most of the primitive peoples of the present day do not seem to feel or “hear mentally” the half step. If musicians of early days had this same failing, it was only natural for them to avoid that interval by eliminating from their songs one or the other of each couplet of tones which if sung would form a half step, thus their chants would be pentatonic.Not only do people in the primitive state fail to sense the half step, but also people in modern environment who have heard very infrequently this smallest interval of modern music.Inability to sense this interval may be better understood when we stop to consider that most of us find it unnatural and difficult to hear mentally the still smaller quarter-step interval or one of the even-yet-smaller sub-divisions of the octave which some peoples have come to recognize through cultivation, and have embodied in their music.This tendency to avoid the half step and develop along the line of pentatonic character is sometimes seen in our own children when they follow their natural bent in singing. It has been my observation that children with some musical creative ability, but unaccustomed to hearing modern music with its half steps, almost invariably hum their bits of improvised melody in the pentatonic scale.

The pentatonic scale is markedly primitive in character. It is known to have been in use anterior to the time of Guido d'Arezzo, which would give it a date prior to the beginning of the 11th century.8

Rowbotham ascribes the invention of scales to those primitive musicians who, striving for greater variety in their one-toned chants, added first one newly-discovered tone, then another, and another.9The pentatonic scale might have resulted from such chanting.

Most of the primitive peoples of the present day do not seem to feel or “hear mentally” the half step. If musicians of early days had this same failing, it was only natural for them to avoid that interval by eliminating from their songs one or the other of each couplet of tones which if sung would form a half step, thus their chants would be pentatonic.

Not only do people in the primitive state fail to sense the half step, but also people in modern environment who have heard very infrequently this smallest interval of modern music.

Inability to sense this interval may be better understood when we stop to consider that most of us find it unnatural and difficult to hear mentally the still smaller quarter-step interval or one of the even-yet-smaller sub-divisions of the octave which some peoples have come to recognize through cultivation, and have embodied in their music.

This tendency to avoid the half step and develop along the line of pentatonic character is sometimes seen in our own children when they follow their natural bent in singing. It has been my observation that children with some musical creative ability, but unaccustomed to hearing modern music with its half steps, almost invariably hum their bits of improvised melody in the pentatonic scale.

Major Diatonic Scale. That scale in which the constituent tones if considered in upward sequence would show the following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,—(whole) (whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (whole) (half).Page 480

Natural Minor Diatonic Scale. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,—(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (half) (whole) (whole).

Harmonic Minor Diatonic Scale. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of half, whole and whole-and-a-half step intervals,—(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (half) (whole-and-a-half) (half).

Melodic Minor Diatonic Scale(Ascending). That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,—(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (whole) (whole) (half).

Falsetto. Artificial or strained head-tones which sound an octave above the natural tone. Sign,—a tiny circle above the note.

In record L.Nawayis shown one falsetto tone. It is unusual to find this effect in a woman's voice.

Semitones Sung. This needs no definition. The classification is put down to show to what extent these singers appreciate the half-step intervals, and are able to vocalize it (see preceeding definition of Pentatonic Scale for footnote relative to appreciation of this interval). Sign,—curved bracket above or below the notes.

In these records the men use the half-step interval in six of their seven songs, while the women make use of it in but three of their eight songs.

In these records the men use the half-step interval in six of their seven songs, while the women make use of it in but three of their eight songs.

Appoggiature. These, with the exception of one double one shown in theBagoyas(Record G), are all of the single, short variety. The singers execute them with the usual quickness heard in modern music, but with the accent about equally divided between the appoggiatura and the principal tone. In the transcription they are indicated by the usual musical symbol,—a small eighth note with a slanting stroke through the hook.

Mordents. Those used in these songs are all of the “inverted” kind, and were executed by the singers in the manner used by modern musicians; that is, by giving a quick, single alternation of the principal tone with the next scale tone above. Indicated in the score by the usual musical symbol.

Trills and Wavers. These need no comment except to call attention to the fact that there are none found in the regular songs ofPage 481the women. The one shown in Record I (Da-eng,Boys and Girls alternating) is in the boys' part.

Changing Between Duple and Triple Rhythm. I consider this quite a striking quality in these songs. Some primitive peoples show little concern over such rhythmic changes, in fact, among some races where percussive instruments are used to accompany the singing, we frequently hear the two rhythms at the same time fitted perfectly one against the other. This is especially true among our American Indians.

While it is not uncommon to find compositions in modern music using these two rhythms alternately, they are alternated rather sparingly. A great many musicians have difficulty in passing smoothly from one to the other, preserving perfect proportions in the note values.

In noting down in the table the findings under this head, I have put down under each song, not the number of duple or triple or quadruple groups in the song, but rather the number of “changes” which occur. After one has made the transition from one style of rhythm to the other, and has the new “swing” established, manifestly it is no special feat to follow along in that same kind of measure; but the real test is the “change” to the rhythm of the other sort. For instance, in the Song of the Spirit (Record E), I find but 31 measures and parts of measures which are in triple rhythm, yet the singer had to change his meter 47 times to execute these. On the other hand, theDang-dang-ay(Record M), has in it 21 triple-time measures and triplet groups of notes, but because of the persistence of the triple rhythm, when once established in the second part, the song requires a changing of swing but 17 times.

Because of the frequency of changes found throughout these songs, and noting, as heard in the records, the precision with which, in nearly every instance, a new rhythm is taken, I conclude that the Tinguian have a remarkable grasp of different metric values, which enables them to change readily from one to the other. Naturally this trait would stamp itself upon their music, and I consider the use of such frequent metric changes a dominant characteristic.

Although frequent rhythmic change is also strongly characteristic of the music of some other peoples, as I have indicated elsewhere, it is important to tabulate it here to differentiatePage 482the Tinguian from those peoples who do not make use of it.

Minor 3rds, Perfect 4ths, and Perfect 5ths. These are the only intentional harmonies found in these songs. It is interesting to note that the only examples are in theDa-engceremony, where all three are used, some in one part and some in another.

Among some primitive peoples, only the men take part in the songs. The early chanting of all peoples was quite likely by men. Probably the most primitive harmony was a perfect fifth resulting from the attempt of men with different ranges to sing together. The difference between a bass and a tenor voice is just about a fifth. Between an alto and a soprano it is about a fourth. The difference in these voices made it impossible to sing melodies of wide range in unison, and so the basses and tenors sang in consecutive fifths. When women took up the chanting, they sang either in fifths or in fourths.

These harmonies appealed to them, and so continued in use even when there was no exigency on account of restricted range.

Referring again to theDa-engceremony, it is interesting to observe that the three different parts of this ceremony are in distinct scales, and that the part sung by the girls alone, is diatonic in character while the other two parts are pentatonic.

Conclusion.—I have long been of the opinion that the music of different peoples should be given more consideration by scientists in their endeavor to trace cultural relationships. In years gone by, ethnologists have attached too little importance to the bearing which music has on their science.

I am of the opinion that every peculiarity, even to the smallest element that enters into the make-up of a given melody, has some influence back of it which has determined the element and shaped it into combination. It is not unlikely that a thorough study of the music would reveal these influences, and through them establish hitherto unknown ethnological facts.

I believe that a careful study of a large number of the songs or instrumental pieces of a people will reveal a quite definite general scheme of construction which can be accepted as representative of that people alone; and if such an analysis be made of the music of many peoples and the findings so tabulated that the material will be comprehensible to ethnologists trained to that branch of musical research, many interesting and instructive side-lights will be thrown on the question of tribal relationship.Page 483

I realize that to examine exhaustively and then tabulate the characteristics found in the music of just one of the many peoples of the globe would be something of an undertaking; but nevertheless I believe the work should be undertaken in this large way, and when it is, I am sure the results will justify the experiment.

I appreciate that there is an intangible something about music, which may prove baffling when it comes to reducing it to cold scientific symbols and descriptions. Take, for instance, quality of tone. Each one of us knows perfectly the various qualities of the different speaking voices of friends and acquaintances, yet how many of us can so accurately describe those qualities to a stranger that he also may be able to identify the voices among a thousand others. The tabulation of such elusive qualities would have to be in very general terms. Such indefinable characteristics would, to some extent, have to depend for comparison upon the memory of those workers who had received first-hand impressions. It would be something like a present-day musician identifying an unfamiliar composition as belonging to the “French school,” the “Italian school,” or the “Russian school;” and yet, this same musician might not be able to point out with definiteness a single characteristic of that particular so-called “school.”

Though I have held these opinions for several years, I am more than ever convinced, since examining these few Tinguian records, that something really tangible and worth while can be deduced from the music of various primitive peoples, and I trust this branch of ethnology will soon receive more serious recognition.

Manifestly it would be unwise to draw any unalterable conclusions from the examination of but fourteen records of a people. But even in this comparatively small number of songs, ranging as they do over such a variety of applications and uses, it is possible to see tendencies which the examination of more records may confirm as definite characteristics.

While it would be presumptuous at this time to attempt to formulate a Tinguian style, I trust that what I have tabulated may prove valuable in summing up the total evidence, which will accumulate as other surveys are made; and if perchance, the findings here set down and the conclusions tentatively drawn from them help to clear up any obscure ethnological point, the effort has been well spent.

Albert Gale.Page 484

1The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys. For the music see p. 445.

1The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys. For the music see p. 445.

2The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys.

2The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys.

3I use the word “modern” in this connection, as it pertains to the music of those peoples who have developed music as an art, and among whom we find conformity to the same rules and system of notation.

3I use the word “modern” in this connection, as it pertains to the music of those peoples who have developed music as an art, and among whom we find conformity to the same rules and system of notation.

4By reference to the analysis of Record I,Da-eng(Boys and girls alternating), it will be seen that the record seems to have been made by one set of singers, apparently women and girls, who sang together on both parts. The entire record has therefore been tabulated with the women's songs.

4By reference to the analysis of Record I,Da-eng(Boys and girls alternating), it will be seen that the record seems to have been made by one set of singers, apparently women and girls, who sang together on both parts. The entire record has therefore been tabulated with the women's songs.

5Record F, Song of a Spirit, shows both major and minor tonality (for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 466).

5Record F, Song of a Spirit, shows both major and minor tonality (for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 466).

6Record J,Da-eng(Girls' part), shows this mark in the “Scale” given below the transcription (for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 471).

6Record J,Da-eng(Girls' part), shows this mark in the “Scale” given below the transcription (for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 471).

7I find groups of five used occasionally in the singing of our American Indians.Burton(“Primitive American Music”) shows its frequent use among the Chippeway. MissFletcheralso shows groups in five in her “Omaha Music,” and MissDensmoregives similar grouping in her transcriptions of American Indian songs.

7I find groups of five used occasionally in the singing of our American Indians.Burton(“Primitive American Music”) shows its frequent use among the Chippeway. MissFletcheralso shows groups in five in her “Omaha Music,” and MissDensmoregives similar grouping in her transcriptions of American Indian songs.

8Grove, Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. IV.

8Grove, Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. IV.

9Rowbotham, History of Music.

9Rowbotham, History of Music.

The first impression gained by the student of Philippine ethnology is that there is a fundamental unity of the Philippine peoples, the Negrito excepted, not only in blood and speech, but in religious beliefs and practices, in lore, in customs, and industries. It is realized that contact with outside nations has in many ways obscured the older modes of thought, and has often swamped native crafts, while each group has doubtless developed many of its present customs on Philippine soil; yet it seems that enough of the old still remains to proclaim them as a people with a common ancestry. To what extent this belief is justified can be answered, in part, by the material in the preceding pages.

A study of the physical types has shown that each group considered is made up of heterogeneous elements. Pigmy blood is everywhere evident, but aside from this there is a well-marked brachycephalic and a dolichocephalic element. With the latter is a greater tendency than with the first for the face to be angular; the cheek bones are more outstanding, while there is a greater length and breadth of the nose. Individuals of each type are found in all the groups considered, but taken in the average, it is found that the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian fall into the first or round-headed class, the Bontoc Igorot are mesaticephalic, while between them are the mountain Tinguian and Apayao.

Judging from their habitat and the physical data, it appears that the Igorot groups were the first comers; that the brachycephalic Ilocano-Tinguian arrived later and took possession of the coast, and that the two groups have intermarried to form the intermediate peoples. However, a comparison of our Luzon measurements with the people of southern China and the Perak Malay leads us to believe that the tribes of northwestern Luzon are all closely related to the dominant peoples of southern China, Indo-China, and Malaysia in general, in all of which the intermingling of these types is apparent.

The dialects of northwestern Luzon, while not mutually intelligible, are similar in morphology, and have a considerable part of their vocabularies in common. Here again the Igorot is at one extreme, the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian at the other, while thePage 485intervening groups are intermediate, but with a strong leaning toward the coast tongue.

Considering, for the moment, the Bontoc Igorot and the Tinguian, it is found that both have certain elements of culture which are doubtless old possessions, as, for instance, head-hunting, terraced rice-fields, iron-working, a peculiar type of shield, and a battle-axe which they share with the Apayao of Luzon and the Naga of Assam.

A part or all of these may be due to a common heritage, at any rate, they help to strengthen the feeling that in remote times these peoples were closely related. But a detailed study of their social organizations; of their ceremonies, songs, and dances; of their customs at birth, marriage, death, and burial; of their house-building; as well as the details of certain occupations, such as the rice culture, pottery making, and weaving, indicates that not only have they been long separated, but that they have been subjected to very different outside influences, probably prior to their entry into the Philippines.

It is not in the province of this monograph to deal with the probable affiliations of the Igorot, neither is it our intention to attempt to locate the ancient home of the Tinguian, nor to connect them with any existing groups. However, our information seems to justify us in certain general conclusions. It shows that the oft repeated assertions of Chinese ancestry are without foundation. It shows that, while trade with China had introduced hundreds of pieces of pottery and some other objects into this region, yet Chinese influence had not been of an intimate enough nature to influence the language or customs, or to introduce any industry. On the other hand, we find abundant evidence that in nearly every phase of life the Tinguian were at one time strongly influenced by the peoples to the south, and even to-day show much in common with Java, Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and through them with India. As a case in point we find in the procedure at birth that the Tinguian are in accord with the Peninsular Malay in at least eight particulars, some of which, such as the burning of a fire beside the mother and newborn babe for a month or more, the frequent bathing of both in water containing leaves and herbs, the “fumigating” of the baby, the throwing of ashes to blind evil spirits, are sufficiently distinctive to indicate a common source, particularly when they still occur together in connection with one of the great events of life.Page 486

Frequent reference has been made to the parallels between Tinguian customs and those practiced in Sumatra, while the methods of rice-culture are so similar that they can have come only from the same source. In the weaving the influence of India seems evident, despite the fact that cotton is not bowed in Abra, and the Tinguian method of spinning seems unique. These methods, apparently distinctive, may once have been practised more broadly, but were superseded by more efficient instruments. The primitive method of ginning cotton by rolling it beneath a tapering rod appears to be found nowhere in the Philippines outside of Abra, but it is used in some remote sections of Burma.

Part I of this volume presented a body of tales which showed many resemblances to the Islands of the south, as well as incidents of Indian lore. There is, in fact, a distinct feeling of Indian influence in the tales of the mythical period; yet they lack the epics of that people, and the typical trickster tales are but poorly represented.

The vocabulary shows comparatively little of Indian influence; yet, at the time of the conquest, the Ilocano was one of the coast groups making use of a native script which was doubtless of Hindu origin.

The many instances of Indian influence do not justify the supposition that the Tinguian were ever directly in contact with that people. The Malay islands to the south were pretty thoroughly under Hindu domination by the second century of the Christian era, and it is probable that they were influenced through trade at a considerably earlier date. Judging from our data, it would seem that the Ilocano-Tinguian group had left its southern home at a time after this influence was beginning to make itself felt, but before it was of a sufficiently intimate nature to stamp itself indelibly on the lore, the ceremonial and economic life of this people, as it did in Java and some parts of Sumatra. It is possible that these points of similarity may be due to trade, but if so, the contact was at a period antedating the fourteenth century, for in historic times the sea trade of the southern islands has been in the hands of the Mohammedanized Malay. Their influence is very marked in the southern Philippines, but is not evident in northwestern Luzon.

Concerning the time of their arrival in Luzon, and the course pursued by them, we have no definite proof; but it is evident that the Tinguian did not begin to press inland until comparatively recent times. Historical references and local traditions indicate that most of thisPage 487movement has taken place since the arrival of the Spaniards, while the distribution of the great ceremonies gives a further suggestion that the dominant element in the Tinguian population has been settled in Abra for no great period. The probable explanation for this distribution is that the interior valleys were sparsely settled with a population more akin to the Igorot than to the Tinguian, prior to the inland movement of the latter people; that the Tinguian were already possessed of the highly developed ceremonial life, before they entered Abra, and that this has been spread slowly, through intermarriage and migration, to the people on the outskirts of their territory.

These ceremonies are still practised by some families now residing in Christianized settlements in Abra and Ilocos Sur, while discreet questioning soon brings out the fact that they were formerly present in towns which have long been recognized as Ilocano. The relationship of the Tinguian and Ilocano has already been shown by the physical data and historical references; but were these lacking, it requires but a little inquiry and the compilation of geneaological tables to show that many Ilocano families are related to the Tinguian. It is a matter of common observation that the chief barrier between the two groups is religion, and, once let the pagan accept Christianity, he and his family are quickly absorbed by the Ilocano.

Uninterrupted trade with the coast in recent years, Spanish and American influence, have doubtless affected considerable changes in the Tinguian. If, however, we subtract recent introductions, it is probable that we have in the life of this tribe an approximate picture of conditions among the more advanced of the northern Philippine groups prior to the entry of the European into their islands.Page 488

Map of Northwestern Luzon.Map of Northwestern Luzon.

Map of Northwestern Luzon.

Map of Northwestern Luzon.

Figure I.The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range.The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range.

The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range.

The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range.

Figure II.Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera Central.Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera Central.

Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera Central.

Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera Central.

Figure III.Manabo Man.Manabo Man.

Manabo Man.

Manabo Man.

Figure IV.Man of Ba-ak.Man of Ba-ak.

Man of Ba-ak.

Man of Ba-ak.

Figure V.Manabo Woman.Manabo Woman.

Manabo Woman.

Manabo Woman.

Figure VI.Woman of Patok.Woman of Patok.

Woman of Patok.

Woman of Patok.

Figure VII.A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan.A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan.

A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan.

A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan.

Figure VIII.A Young Man from Likuan.A Young Man from Likuan.

A Young Man from Likuan.

A Young Man from Likuan.

Figure IX.Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw.Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw.(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).

Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw.

Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw.

(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).

Figure X.A Woman from Lamaw.A Woman from Lamaw.(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).

A Woman from Lamaw.

A Woman from Lamaw.

(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).

Figure XI.A Typical Small Boy.A Typical Small Boy.(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).

A Typical Small Boy.

A Typical Small Boy.

(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).

Figure XII.The Baby Tender.The Baby Tender.

The Baby Tender.

The Baby Tender.

Figure XIII.A Betrothed Maiden.A Betrothed Maiden.

A Betrothed Maiden.

A Betrothed Maiden.

Figure XIV.The Wedding.The Wedding.

The Wedding.

The Wedding.

Figure XV.Mothers and Babies.Mothers and Babies.

Mothers and Babies.

Mothers and Babies.

Figure XVI.Funeral of Malakay.Funeral of Malakay.

Funeral of Malakay.

Funeral of Malakay.

Figure XVII.The Whipping at a Funeral.The Whipping at a Funeral.

The Whipping at a Funeral.

The Whipping at a Funeral.

Figure XVIII.Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits.Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits.

Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits.

Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits.

Figure XIX.The Medium's Outfit.The Medium's Outfit.

The Medium's Outfit.

The Medium's Outfit.

Figure XX.Ceremonial Houses.Ceremonial Houses.

Ceremonial Houses.

Ceremonial Houses.

Figure XXI.Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures.Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures.

Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures.

Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures.

Figure XXII.Spirit Houses in a Garden.Spirit Houses in a Garden.

Spirit Houses in a Garden.

Spirit Houses in a Garden.

Figure XXIII.The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance.The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance.

The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance.

The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance.

Figure XXIV.The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed. Ceremonies.The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed. Ceremonies.

The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed. Ceremonies.

The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed. Ceremonies.

Figure XXV.The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed.The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed.

The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed.

The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed.

Figure XXVI.Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River.Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River.

Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River.

Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River.

Figure XXVII.The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure.The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure.

The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure.

The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure.

Figure XXVIII.Gateway at Likuan.Gateway at Likuan.

Gateway at Likuan.

Gateway at Likuan.

Figure XXIX.Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice.Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice.

Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice.

Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice.

Figure XXX.A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones.A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones.

A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones.

A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones.

Figure XXXI.Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice.Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice.

Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice.

Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice.

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