Economic Life

5SeeCole, Wild Tribes of Davao District (Field Museum of Nat. Hist., Vol. XII, No. 2, p. 94).

5SeeCole, Wild Tribes of Davao District (Field Museum of Nat. Hist., Vol. XII, No. 2, p. 94).

6This description is partially taken from the account ofPaul P. de La Gironière, probably the one white man, who has witnessed this rite (see Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 108, London, 1853), and from the stories of many old men, who themselves have participated in the head-hunts and subsequent celebrations.

6This description is partially taken from the account ofPaul P. de La Gironière, probably the one white man, who has witnessed this rite (see Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 108, London, 1853), and from the stories of many old men, who themselves have participated in the head-hunts and subsequent celebrations.

7SeeCole, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (Am. Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. XI, No. 3, 1909, p. 340).

7SeeCole, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (Am. Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. XI, No. 3, 1909, p. 340).

8Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 22.

8Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 22.

9Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 123 (Manila, 1905);Kroeber, The Peoples of the Philippines (Am. Museum Nat. Hist., Handbook Series, No. 3, p. 165, New York, 1919).

9Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 123 (Manila, 1905);Kroeber, The Peoples of the Philippines (Am. Museum Nat. Hist., Handbook Series, No. 3, p. 165, New York, 1919).

10Egerton, Handbook of Indian Arms (Wm. Allen and Co., London, 1880), p. 84;Shakespear, History of Upper Assam, Burma and Northeastern Frontier (MacMillan, London, 1914), p. 197, illustration.

10Egerton, Handbook of Indian Arms (Wm. Allen and Co., London, 1880), p. 84;Shakespear, History of Upper Assam, Burma and Northeastern Frontier (MacMillan, London, 1914), p. 197, illustration.

11This type of snare is used by nearly all Philippine tribes, and it is also widespread in Malaysia.

11This type of snare is used by nearly all Philippine tribes, and it is also widespread in Malaysia.

Rice Culture.—The most important crop raised by the Tinguian is rice, and to its cultivation he devotes a considerable portion of his time. Two distinct methods of growing are now found throughout the district—the mountain or upland fields, in which the rice is raised without irrigation; and the rice terraces with irrigation1(PlateXLVIII). To prepare the first type of field, a piece of forest land is chosen if possible, or lacking this, a plot covered with second growth is selected. The purpose in using timber land is to escape the cogon grass (Imperata koenigii), which quickly invades all open fields, and flourishes until the trees again shut out the sunlight. The trees and underbrush are cut down during the dry season, so that they may be ready for burning before the arrival of the first rains. Should no timber land be available, an open piece will be selected, and after the grass is burned, the soil will be partially cleared of its stubborn roots by means of a large knife or adze-like instrument known aspal'lek(Fig. 14, No. 2).

Figure 14.Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter.Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter.

Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter.

Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter.

Page 386

After the clearing, the field is fenced in so as to protect it from deer, wild pigs, and carabao. The rudest type of protection consists of a barricade of brush, strengthened with forked sticks, in the crotches of which poles are laid. The more common method is to set bamboo tubes, at intervals, around the whole plot and to lash to them other tubes which have been split in half. A still better fence is made by cutting three holes, about a foot apart, through each upright and to insert smaller bamboo through these.

When the rains begin, the men go to the fields, each with two hardwood sticks whittled to tapering rounded ends. These are driven alternately into the soil making shallow holes an inch or so in depth, into each of which the women drop several seed rice. The whole field is gone over in this way; soil is pushed into the holes with the feet, and frequently the task is finished by sowing a few handfuls of seed broadcast and distributing it by brushing back and forth with a leafy branch.2

In the valley districts the planting sticks are cut as needed, but in the mountains, where the upland rice is more important, strong bamboo poles fitted with hardwood points are in general use. These implements, known astᴇpon(Fig. 15, No. 1), are invariably carefully decorated with incised designs, and are preserved from year to year. Commonly, the divisions between the sections of the bamboo are knocked out and the tube used as a receptacle for the seed rice.

As the mountain fields need special protection, it is customary to build near them little elevated houses in which the workers may rest, and in which the watchers can live during the time the grain must be guarded. If the plots are near to a village, such a house seldom consists of more than a rude framework of poles, which support a grass roof, and to which a bamboo floor is lashed, two or three feet above the ground; but if the fields are at a distance, these structures are provided with sides, and are raised high on strong logs. Such high, well built houses are necessary, both to protect the occupants from surprise attacks of enemies, and to afford shelter against driving winds or rains. It is not an uncommon occurrence for a whole family to go to one of these isolated mountain dwellings and reside for a considerable period, particularly when the rice is approaching maturity.

These upland fields produce much smaller crops than do the wet lands, and as they are quickly exhausted, it is not customary to plant them to rice for more than two seasons. At the end of this time, theyPage 387may be used forcamotes(Convolvulus batatas), sugar-cane, or cotton, but in the majority of cases they are allowed to lie unused for several seasons, when the grass or undergrowth is again removed and the fields replanted.

The wet fields produce by far the greater part of the rice, and it is about them that most of the agricultural labors center. In the broad valleys, low embankments, of sufficient height to maintain the water at a depth of two or three inches, separate the fields. The lower plots are often of considerable length and width, some covering as much as an acre of ground, but as they begin to ascend the slopes, the walls rise higher, and the fields become narrower until they may be only a few feet in width. In the rugged mountain districts, the terraces often begin just above the flood water of the stream. At this point, a stone wall, four or five feet in height, is erected, and back of this the mountain side is cut away and filled in until it forms a step or terrace. Back of this another wall is raised, and the process is repeated until at last the terraces extend for two or three hundred feet up the mountain side (PlateXLIX). When the field is first made, top soil, enriched with vegetable growth, is laid on the surface, often to a depth of several inches, but from this time on no fertilizer, other than the decaying straw of the previous crop, is added, although the field is used continuously for many years.

Water is conducted to many of the fields by means of ditches, usually by diverting the flow of some of the numerous springs or streams but in a few instances, stone dams have been thrown across the rivers and the water carried for considerable distances by flumes and ditches. The highest terraces are first inundated to the desired depth, and then openings are made in the side walls—so as to allow the lower fields to be flooded. This method of irrigation provides for the maximum use of the water, and also supplies a constant current which prevents the formation of stagnant pools.

Some of the fields are situated too far up the mountain side to be reached by ditches, and in such cases the growth of the rice is entirely dependent on the rainfall; however, in normal years, the precipitation is sufficient to mature the crop.

At the beginning of the rainy season, some of the seed rice is sprouted in specially prepared beds in the villages. In such cases a small plot is surrounded with low dirt walls, the soil is enriched with manure, water is added, and the whole is worked until it becomes a thin mud, on which the rice is thickly sown. Around this bed, a bamboo frame is erected to keep out pigs and chickens, while from time to timePage 388water is poured on the growing shoots. The more common method of sprouting, however, is to select a piece of land, which will receive the full benefit of the rainfall and to break this with a plow drawn by a carabao.

When the seed beds have been planted, the people go to the fields, repair the embankments, and admit the water. The straw remaining from the previous crop is allowed to rot, for a time, and then the ground is gone over with a bamboo harrow (palī-id),3as shown inFig. 15, No. 3, to remove weeds, branches, and the like. Wherever it is possible, the soil is broken with a plow,alado(PlateL), but in fields to which animals cannot be taken, the ground is turned by means of sharpened sticks, or poles tipped with iron, which are driven into the soil and forced forward, thus pushing the earth above them into the water.4As will be seen from the accompanying drawing (Fig. 15, Nos. 2–2a), the plow is constructed entirely of wood except for the iron share, and conforms closely to that used in Java, Celebes, Sumatra, Burma, and Annam.5

Within a few days after the plowing, the soil is further broken by dragging it with a harrow, made by driving wooden pegs into a heavy board, or into large bamboo tubes (Fig. 15, No. 4). A worker stands on this, and is dragged about the field, leveling it, and at the same time pulling out sticks, roots, and any other matter of sufficient bulk to interfere with the planting.

Two types of sleds (Fig. 15, Nos. 5–6) are used in connection with the rice culture, as well as in general transportation. The first consists of rude wooden runners on which a bamboo flooring is laid. The second has narrow runners, which are hewn with considerable care, while sides of flattened bamboo convert the sled into an open box. The first type (pasagad) is used principally during the wet season for the transportation of plows, harrows, and the like, the wide runners slipping through the mud without becoming mired. The use of the latter (kalison) is restricted to the dry-season, when it is of particular advantage in moving the rice. Wheeled vehicles are not employed in any part ofPage 390the Tinguian belt, although their use is now fairly common among the Ilocano.

Figure 15.Agricultural Implements.Agricultural Implements.

Agricultural Implements.

Agricultural Implements.

It requires a month or six weeks to make ready the fields, and in the meantime the rice in the seed beds has grown to a height of twelve or fourteen inches. The shoots are then pulled up by the roots, are tied into bundles, and the tops are cut off (PlateLI). The bundles are distributed about the fields at convenient distances, and the workers then transplant the young rice—three or four together—in the soft ooze, using the thumb and fore-finger of the right hand for that purpose (PlateLII). The preparation of the field is looked after by the men and boys, and oftentimes they aid in transplanting, but the latter is considered to be women's work, and is generally left to them.

The rice is set so thickly that when a plot is planted it presents to the eye a solid mass of green. It is hard to imagine a more beautiful sight than to look down on these fields, which rise in wave above wave of brilliant green, until at last they give way to the yellower billows ofcogongrass which cover the mountain slopes.

After the transplanting, the grain needs constant attention; at first, to keep it properly weeded and flooded; later, to protect it from animals and birds. Hence many workers are always in the fields, but it is, nevertheless, the happy time for the people, and if one approaches a group of workers unawares, he will hear one or more singing thedaleng, a song in which they compliment or chide the other workers, or relate some incident of the hunt or of village life. Toward midday little groups will gather in the field shelters to partake of their lunches, to smoke, or to rest, and usually in such a gathering will be a good story-teller who amuses with fables, or tales of adventure.6

When the rice begins to mature, an even stricter watch must be kept, for, in addition to its other enemies, the rice birds7now seek to feed on the crop and, while they are small in size, they often appear in such numbers that they work great havoc.

The usual device employed in frightening both birds and animals is a bamboo pole cut into strips at the top, so that, as it is shaken, these strike together, producing a great clatter. Many of these poles are planted, and then all are connected by means of rattan lines which finally lead to the little watch house. Here a man or boy sits and occasionally gives the lines a sudden jerk, which sets up a clapping overPage 391the whole field (PlateLIII). A clever development of this device was seen by the writer in the Ikmin river valley. Here the stream flows swiftly and plunges headlong into pools every few yards. The rattan cord attached to the clappers is fastened to a small raft which is then set afloat in the pool. After a whirl in the eddy it is caught by the swift current, and is carried a few feet down stream, at the same time bending the clappers nearly to the ground; then as the raft enters calmer water, the tension is released, and it is thrown violently back into the pool from which it has just drifted; at the same time the clappers fly back into place with a great noise.

Another contrivance, used in keeping small birds from the fields, is a bird-like form cut from the bark of a banana or palm tree. Many of these are suspended by lines from bamboo poles, and, as the wind blows them to and fro, they appear like giant birds hovering over the rice.

A simple protection against deer is made by bending the white inner bark of bamboo into arches and planting these at intervals along possible places of entry, for it is said that these animals will not approach such a contrivance.

Soon after the water is turned into the fields, shells and fish begin to appear even in the higher terraces. Doubtless a considerable part of these come in through the ditches, but the natives insist that most of the fish bury themselves deep in the mud at the approach of the dry season and hibernate until water again appears in the fields.8These intruders are prized as food, and to secure them, short baited lines are placed along the edges of the terraces, while each woman has, attached to her belt, a small basket into which she places shells discovered during her work. The men likewise secure fish by means of hooks and lines, and also pierce them with short spears fitted with detachable points, but more commonly they shoot them with a small bow and peculiar arrows, the heads of which resemble flattened spoons cut into four or five teeth.9

As the grain begins to ripen, the land is allowed to dry, and when all is ready for the cutting, the people put on their best garments and go to the fields. Each stalk is cut separately by means of a crescent-shaped blade (lakomorlakᴇm) attached to a small wooden cylinder (Fig. 14, Nos. 3–3a). This handle is held between the thumb, first and fifth fingers, while the stalk is caught by the second and third fingers,Page 392and is pulled inward against the steel blade.10Many workers grasp the stalk near the head with the left hand, while the cutting blade is used with the right.

Both men and women may engage in cutting the rice, but as the latter are much the more dexterous workers, this task is generally assigned to them (PlateLIV). The grain is cut so as to leave stalks about ten inches in length; these are laid in the free hand until a bunch of considerable size has accumulated, when they are bound together with strips of bark.11At the end of the day these bundles are carried to the drying yards, where they remain until the whole crop is harvested. A drying yard is a plot of ground surrounded by a bamboo fence of such a height that it is impossible for fowls and the like to gain entrance. When all the bundles are thoroughly dried, they are placed in the granary, and from that time on the handling of the rice is given over to the women.

The granaries, or store-houses, of the Tinguian and Ilocano are identical (PlateLV), but, barring the Apayao, are different from any of the surrounding groups, except when their influence may have spread this peculiar type to a limited degree. It is worthy of note, however, that the granaries of some Sumatran groups are of similar design and construction. Such a store-house is raised high above the ground on four hard-wood poles; the framework is of bamboo, and the sides flare sharply from the floor to the grass roof. Within the framework is a closely woven matting of flattened bamboo, which is nearly water-tight; but to secure still further protection from moisture, and also to allow for free circulation of air, a rack is built in such a way that the rice is kept several inches from the outside walls. Just below the floor, each post supports a close-fitting pottery jar—without top or bottom—or a broad disk of wood, which effectually prevents the entrance of rodents.

To thrash the grain, the woman places a bundle on a piece of carabao hide, and, as she rolls it beneath her feet, she pounds it with a long wooden pestle (hala) until all the kernels are beaten loose from the straw.12It is then placed in a wooden mortar (luson) of hourglassPage 393form or with straight sides, where it is again beaten until the outside husks are loosened, and the grain is somewhat broken (PlateLVI). Winnowing is accomplished by tossing the contents of the mortar in shallow traps (īgau), so that the chaff is blown away, while the grain falls back into the winnower (PlateLVII).

The rice is now ready for cooking; the chaff is collected, and is used as food for the pigs and dogs, while the stalks are saved to be burned, for the ashes are commonly used in lieu of soap.

Rice has also come to have great importance, both as a standard of value and as a medium of exchange. A single stalk is known assanga dawa. When the stalks are equal in size to the leg, just above the ankle, the bundle is calledsang-abtek.13Tensang-abtekequalsanga-baal. One hundredsang-abtekmakesanga-ōyon. The measure of cleaned rice is as follows: Two full hands (one coconut shell full)—1sopa(Ilocanosupa; Spanish 1/8ganta). 8sopa—1salop(Spanishgantaor about 2 quarts). 25salop—1kaban.

It is customary to pay laborers in rice; likewise the value of animals, beads, and the like are reckoned and paid in this medium. During the dry season rice is loaned, to be repaid after the harvest with interest of about fifty per cent.

According to tradition, the Tinguian were taught to plant and reap by a girl named Dayapán. This woman, who was an invalid, was one day bathing in the stream, when the great spirit Kabonīyan entered her body. He carried with him sugar-cane and unthreshed rice which he gave to the girl with explicit directions for its use. Likewise he taught her the details of theSayang, the most important of the ceremonies. Dayapán followed instructions faithfully, and after the harvest and conclusion of the ceremony, she found herself to be completely cured. After that she taught others, and soon the Tinguian became prosperous farmers.14

In Part I of this volume a reconstruction of the early life of this people was attempted from their mythology. The results seemed to indicate that the tales reflect a time before the Tinguian possessed terraced rice-fields, when domestic work animals were still unknown, and the horse had not yet been introduced into the land. But it was also noted that we are not justified in considering these as recent events.

At this time, with the more complete data before us, it may be wellPage 394to again subject the rice culture to careful scrutiny, in the hope that it may afford some clue as to the source from which it spread into this region. It is possible that the Tinguian may have brought it with them from their early home, which may be supposed to have been in southeastern Asia; they may have acquired it through contact with Chinese or Japanese traders, or through commercial relations with the islands to the south; or again it may have developed locally in the Tinguian, Igorot, and Ifugao territory.

It should be noted at the outset that highly developed terrace cultivation is found in Japan and China to the north; in parts of Borneo, in the Nias archipelago, in Java, Bali, Lombok, Sumatra, Burma, and India proper, and it is probable that all within this broad belt developed from a single origin.

When we compare the construction of Igorot and Tinguian terraces and the methods of irrigation, we find them quite similar, although those of the former are somewhat superior and of much greater extent. The planting of the seed rice and the breaking of the soil in the high fields are also much alike, but here the resemblances cease. In the lower fields, the Tinguian employ the carabao, together with the plow and harrow; the Igorot do not. The Igorot fertilize their fields, the Tinguian never. In harvesting, the Tinguian make use of a peculiar crescent-shaped blade to cut the stalk, the Igorot pull each head off separately. The Tinguian and Ilocano granaries are of a distinctive type radically different from the Igorot, while the methods of thrashing in the two groups are entirely different. Finally, the ceremonial observances of the Tinguian, so far as the rice is concerned, are much more extensive and intricate than have been described for the Igorot. In a like manner there are many striking differences between the methods of handling the grain by the Tinguian and those found in Japan and China. On the other hand, when we come to compare the rice culture of this region with the islands to the south, the similarities are very striking. The short description given byMarsdenfor Sumatra15would, with a few modifications, apply to the situation in Abra. The use of the plow and harrow drawn by carabao is found in Java and Sumatra; the common reaping knife of both these islands is identical with the Tinguian, although there is a slight difference in the way it is utilized; the peculiar type of granary found in Abra again appears in Sumatra, while the Tinguian ceremonial acts associatedPage 395with the cultivation and care of the rice-recall, in several instances, details of such ceremonies in Java.

If Tinguian rice culture did come from the south, through trade or migration, in comparatively recent times we should expect to find evidences of the same culture distributed along the route by which it must have traveled. We find, however, that few terraces exist in Mindanao and northern Borneo; and the former, at least, are of recent introduction.16There is also negative evidence that such fields were rare along the coasts at the time of the Spanish invasion. In the early documents we meet with frequent statements that the people were agriculturists and raised considerable quantities of rice and vegetables in their clearings; but the writer has discovered only two instances in which mention is made of terraced fields.17Had extensive terraces existed on the coast, it seems certain that some notice must have been taken of them. Yet in the mountains of central and northwestern Luzon, in districts remote from coast influences, are found some of the most remarkable fields of this type in Malaysia; terraces representing such an expenditure of labor that they argue for a long period of construction.

The proof is not absolute, but, in view of the foregoing, the writer is inclined to the belief that the Igorot and the Tinguian brought their rice culture with them from the south, and that the latter received it from a source common to them and to the people of Java and Sumatra.

Many writers who have discussed the rice culture of the East Indies are inclined to credit its introduction to Indian colonists,18butPage 396Campbell19holds to the belief that it was practised centuries before the Christian era and prior to the Hindu invasion of Java. There seems to be no dissent, however, among these writers to the belief that its introduction antedated the arrival of the European in the Orient by several centuries. The fact that dry land farming, carried on with planting sticks and the like, is still found among the Igorot and Tinguian, and for that matter all over the Philippines, cannot be advanced as an argument that the irrigated fields are of recent date, for upland fields and primitive tools are still used in Java and Sumatra, where, as we have just seen, the wet field culture is an old possession.

Magical Rites and Ceremonies Connected with the Rice.—The importance of rice to this people is nowhere better evidenced than in the numerous and, in some cases, elaborate rites with which its cultivation and care is attended. Some of these observances appear to be purely magical, while others are associated with the consulting of omens, acts of sacrifice, propitiation, and finally of thanksgiving. All are interwoven with tribal law and custom to such an extent that neglect, on the part of the individual, amounts to a crime against the community, and hence is punished with public indignation and ostracism.

When a new field is to be prepared, or a granary erected, strict watch must be kept for omens, for should the inhabitants of the spirit world be unfavorable to the project, they will indicate their feelings by sending snakes, large lizards, deer, wild hogs, or certain birds to visit the workers. Should any of these appear, as the task is begun, the place is generally abandoned at once, but if doubt still exists, or it is deemed abvisable to try to persuade the spirits to reconsider, a small pig will be sacrificed. Its blood, mixed with rice, is scattered about on the ground as an offering, while the medium recites a properdīam.20After a suitable time has elapsed for the spirits to partake, the liver of the animal is removed, and is carefully examined (cf. p. 307). If the omens are now favorable, the work may be resumed, but should they still be unpropitious, it is folly to proceed, for disaster is certain to follow.

The next anxiety is to secure a lusty growth of plants in the seed beds, and to accomplish this, sticks known assalogᴇgᴇy, are stuck in each plot. The surface of such a stick has been pared so that shavings stand out on it in opposite directions, for such a decoration “is pleasingPage 397to the spirits;” while a piece of charcoal, placed in the notched end, compels the new leaves to turn the dark green of sturdy plants. The first seeds to be planted must always be sowed by the wife of the owner, “so that they will be fertile and yield a good crop.”

When a field has been constructed, or when the terraces are ready to receive the plants, a ceremony known asDalau,21is held. The purpose of this is to secure the good will of the spirits in general, but more particularly to provide a dwelling place for the powerful being Kaiba-an, who guards the crops. A medium, accompanied by the family and any others who may be interested, goes to the field carrying a large bamboo pole,bolo22branches, stalks oflono23bakoñ, andsaklak.24The end of the bamboo is split open, and asaloko25is constructed to which are attached the other leaves and stalks. Thesalokois then placed on the dividing ridge of the field, and all is ready for the ceremony, unless it is considered wise to also construct a small house (baubauwī). If the field is near the village, the latter is generally dispensed with, but if it is distant, the house is erected so that the spirit will accept it as its dwelling, while it is guarding the crop. It is further explained that the spirit then stays in the small house orsalokoinstead of in the rice stalks, and so they are able to grow.

A female pig is presented to the medium who, after reciting a properdīamabove it, stabs the animal and collects its blood. This is mixed with rice, and a part is at once deposited in thesaloko, while the balance is placed on a head-axe, and is carried about the field. When the whole plot has been traversed, this rice and blood is scattered in all directions, while the spirits are besought to come and eat. A part of the company has meanwhile been cooking the flesh of the slain animal, but before any of it is served, a skirt (kīnomayan) is spread at the foot of thesaloko, and on it are placed dishes of oil and of cooked rice.

After the meal has been eaten, the family gathers up the skirt and dishes, to return them to the village, but the other offerings remain.

Rain, like all other things needed, is sent by Kadaklan or Kaboniyan. If it does not come as desired, or if the crop is not progressingPage 398favorably, a ceremony known asKomonorUbaiya26is held. Each person of the village is assessed asopaof rice, a bundle ofpalay, or a small coin with which pigs,basi, and other things necessary, can be purchased.

Early in the morning of the appointed day, the mediums, accompanied by many people, go to the guardian stones, oil the head of each, and place a bark band around it. Then having recited a properdīamover a small pig, they slaughter it and scatter its blood mixed with rice among the stones. Likewise they place a dish ofbasiamong them for the use of the spirits. A part of the slain animal is then cooked and eaten, after which all go back to the village. At some appointed place, rice, eggs, betel-nuts, and a large pig have been assembled, and to this spot the mediums go to conduct the rite known asDawak.27Before its conclusion adīamis recited over the pig, which is then killed and prepared for food. Meanwhile the chief medium beseeches the supreme being Kadaklan to enter her body. He comes, and after telling the people what must be done to insure the crop, he designates some one man who must, on the following morning, celebratePadīam.

After all the visiting spirits have been given food and drink, a small covered raft (taltalabong) is constructed, and in it are placed a live chick, a cooked rooster, and other articles of food. Four sturdy men carry this to the river and set it afloat, while the people shout and beat on gongs to drive away evil spirits who might wish to steal the raft and its contents. The purpose of this offering is to supply food to any spirits who may be unable to attend the ceremony.

Early the next morning, the man who has been designated by Kadaklan to perform thePadīammakes ready, at his own expense, a large pig and cooked rice, and carries these to the fields. He must be dressed in striped garments known asgīnalīt, must carry a headaxe, and wear on his head the cloth band of the medium, beneath which are thrust twoīgam, that is, chicken feathers notched or decorated with bits of colored thread (cf. p. 313). He is accompanied by his wife, attired in a red jacket (sinasáya) and a skirt (pīnápa), and by a medium who also wears theīgambeneath a headband ofsīkag;28while the townspeople follow behind. Arrived at the field, the mediumPage 399squats before the bound pig, and holding a spear, betel-nuts, and oil, begins to recite adīam, meanwhile she strokes the animal from time to time with oiled fingers. This concluded, she stabs the pig, and having mixed its blood with rice, scatters it over the field, calling to the spirits to come and eat, and then to grant a full harvest. The people eat part of the animal while in the field, but before returning home, the head of each family receives a small strip of uncooked flesh, which he fastens above the door as a sign that the ceremony has been held.29The following day, the owner and the medium return to the field and break a little soil with a spear, and the ceremony is complete, but for some days these two are barred from eating shrimp, carabao, or wild pig. The owner must also pay the medium ten bundles of rice for her assistance in insuring his own crops, as well as those of the community. Should lightning strike a field or a tree in it, this ceremony is repeated, with the exception that the strips of flesh are not distributed, nor is the soil broken with a spear.30

In Lumaba, a town strongly influenced by the Igorot, theUbaiyaregularly precedes the rice planting, as well as the first use of a newly constructed field. While conforming, in general, to that already described, a part of the procedure is somewhat different. On the day before the ceremony, the men go to the mountains and gatherlonostalks, one for each house and two for the town gate. The two reeds are placed crosswise of the entrance to the village and serve as a sign of taboo, and thereafter no one may enter until they are officially removed. To do so would necessitate the repetition of the ceremony, and the offender would be obliged to provide all the things necessary for it. Likewise, no one may wear a hat or prepare food during the period of taboo.

The next day is known asBignas, and at dawn all the men arm themselves with bamboo poles. With these they beat about under the houses and throughout the town, in order to drive away any evil spirits who may be lurking about. Having effectively rid the town, they force the invisible beings ahead of them to the river, where they deposit the poles. They return to the village singing and shouting, and are met at the gate by the women, who hold ladders, one on each side of the entrance, so that they meet at the top and thus form a path by which the men may enter without breaking the interdict. AtPage 400the guardian stones, they pause long enough to sacrifice a pig and a rooster, and offer blood and rice to the spirits, and then they proceed to the center of the village, where they dancetadekandda-enguntil dusk. At nightfall a pig is killed, its flesh is divided among the people, and alonostalk, after being dipped in the blood, is given to a member of each family. This is carried home, and is placed on the outside wall as a sign that the ceremony has been held.

If the sun is shining the following morning, thelakaywill go outside the town to gather wood. Upon his return the people are again free to fish and hunt, but work is forbidden until evening. Should the sun fail to appear, all remain quietly in the village until thelakaycan remove the taboo by his wood gathering.

In Manabo the ceremony is a mixture of the two types just described, and is always held at the time of planting and when droughts occur.31

The procedure at harvest time varies considerably in different districts, but the usual custom is for a woman, from each family, to go to the fields and cut alone until she has harvested one hundred bundles. During this time she may use no salt, but a little sand is placed in her food as a substitute. No outsider may enter the dwelling during this preliminary cutting. So strictly is this rule observed that the writer has been absolutely excluded from homes where, on other occasions, he was a welcome guest. In Lumaba and vicinity it is the custom to sacrifice a chicken two days before the harvest begins, and to cook its neck and intestines without salt. These are then divided into nine parts, are placed in dishes, and are carried to the spirit house in the field. At the end of the second day, the feathers of the fowl are stuck into the sides of the structure, and the spirits are entreated to grant a good harvest and health for the workers. The dishes are then returned to the village, and on the following morning the women may begin cutting.

When the rice is ready to be stored, thePalpalaem32ceremony is held in honor of the spirit of the granary. Vines and shrubs33are tied to each supporting post of the granary and above the door, whilePage 401a bit ofsīkagis also hidden inside a bundle of rice, which has been placed at each corner pole. Near one post is a small pig with its head toward the east, and over it the medium recites adīam. As usual, the animal is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered to the spirits. A part of the flesh is wrapped in banana leaves, and a bundle is buried at the foot of each post. The skull is cooked, and after being cleaned, is hung up inside the roof. The rest of the meat is cooked, and is served with rice to the little company of friends who have gathered. Each guest is also given a few stalks of the rice from the bundles at the corner posts.

Just before the new rice is placed in the granary, a jar ofbasiis placed in the center of the structure, and beside it a dish filled with oil and the dung of worms. Five bundles ofpalayare piled over these, and the whole is presented to the spirit, who will now allow the rice to multiply until it is as plentiful as the dung.

In Buneg and nearby villages, all of which are strongly influenced by immigrants from the Cagayan valley, a small clay house known aslablabonoradugis placed with the rice, and from time to time offerings are put in them for the spirit who multiplies the rice (PlateXXIX).

Certain restrictions always apply to the granary. It may never be opened after dark, for evil spirits are certain to enter, and the crop will vanish quickly. It can be opened only by a member of the family “whom the spirit knows;” and should another attempt to remove the grain, sickness or blindness will befall him. So rigorously is this enforced that a bride never opens her husband's granary until he has presented her with a string of beads, which she wears about her neck to identify her. It is further necessary that she receive a similar gift before she eats of his rice, otherwise she will become ill. However, this does not apply to others, even strangers being fed without this gift being made.

A custom which formerly prevailed, but is now falling into disuse, was for the bride and groom to visit the family fields, where the youth cut a little grass along the dividing ridges. He then took up a bit of earth on his head-axe, and both tasted of it, “so that the ground would yield them good harvests, and they would become wealthy,”

Cultivated Plants and Trees.—Near every settlement will be found a number of small gardens, in which a variety of vegetables are grown. Occasionally a considerable planting of bananas will be found, while many villages are buried beneath the shade of coconut trees, butPage 402in comparison with rice the cultivation of other crops becomes insignificant. Nevertheless, a considerable amount of food stuff, as well as of plants and trees used in household industries, are planted in prepared land; while many of wild growths are utilized. The following list is doubtless incomplete, but still contains those of special value to this people.34

Next to rice thecamote(Convolvulus batatas) is the most important food product. Occasionally it is raised in the gardens or rice terraces, but, as a rule, it is planted in hillside clearings from which one or two crops of rice have been removed. The tuber is cut into pieces, or runners from old plants are stuck into the ground, and the planting is complete. The vine soon becomes very sturdy, its large green leaves so carpeting the ground that it even competes successfully with thecogongrass. If allowed, the plants multiply by their runners far beyond the space originally allotted to them. The tubers, which are about the size of our sweet potatoes, are dug up as needed, to replace or supplement rice in the daily menu. Both roots and plants are also cooked and used as food for the pigs and dogs.

Aba(Colocasia antiquorumSchott) is raised,35but as it requires a moist soil, and hence would occupy land adapted to rice, it is chiefly limited to the gardens. It has large fleshy roots which are used like those of thecamote, while the leaves and young shoots are also cooked and eaten. Other tubers known asobi(Dioscorea sp.),gakad(Dioscorea divaricataBlanco),annaeg(Dioscorea fasciculata), andkamas(Pachyrhizus angulatusD.C.) are raised to a limited extent in the gardens.

Corn,maīs, bukel, and red corn,gasīlan(Zea maysL.) seems to have been introduced into Abra in comparatively late times, for despite the fact that it is one of the most important crops, it has neither gathered to itself ceremonial procedure, nor has it acquired a place in the folk-lore. A considerable amount is raised in the village gardens, but generally it is planted by dibbling in the high land. When ripe, the ears are broken from the stalk, the husks are turned back, and several are tied together. These bunches are then placed over horizontal poles, raised several feet from the ground (PlateLVIII), and after being thoroughly dried, are hung from the house rafters. The common method of grinding is to place the corn on a large stone, over which a smallerPage 403stone is rocked until a fine flour is produced (PlateLIX). Stone disk grinders, imported from the coast, are also in use. These consist of grooved stones, the upper of which revolves on the lower. Grain is fed into an opening at the top as needed. Dried corn, popped in the embers of a fire, is much relished by the children.

Several varieties of squash,36and beans, as well as peanuts (manī) are among the common products of the garden. The former are trained to run over a low trellis or frame to prevent injury to the blossoms from a driving rain. Both blossoms and the mature vegetables are used as food.

Among the minor products are ginger,laya(Zingiber officinaleRosc.) and a small melon, locally known asmelod, which is used as a sweetening. Sugar cane,onas(Saccharum), is raised in considerable quantity, and is used in making an intoxicating drink known asbasi. It is also eaten raw in place of a sweetmeat, but is never converted into sugar. Nowadays the juice is extracted by passing the cane between two cylinders of wood with intermeshing teeth. Motive power is furnished by a carabao attached to a long sweep. This is doubtless a recent introduction, but it has entirely superseded any older method.

The cane is raised from cuttings which are set in mud-beds until ready to be transferred to the mountain-side clearings. These lands are prepared in the same manner as the upland rice fields already described. The men dig shallow holes and set each plant upright, while the women follow, filling the hole with water and then pressing earth in with fingers or toes.

In addition to these food crops, considerable plantings of cotton orkapas(Gossypiumsp.) and tobacco ortabá-o(Nicotiana tabacum) are raised in the clearings. The former is planted on the hillsides, where it matures in three or four months. The plant seldom reaches a height of two feet, and the bolls are small, doubtless due to lack of care and suitable fertilization.37

Tobacco seeds are sprouted in beds similar to those used for the rice, and the same magical device is used to insure a lusty growth. The young plants are carefully watered and shaded until they reach a height of five or six inches. They are then transplanted to hillside clearings, or to unused rice fields, where they are set out about threePage 404to a foot. This transfer generally takes place near the beginning of the dry season, so that the crop will be sure to mature without the damaging effect of water on the leaves. The plants while lusty do not attain the size of those grown in the valley regions of the interior. As soon as the leaves begin to turn a dark yellow, they are cut off and are strung on slender bamboo sticks (PlateLX), which are then hung up in the house. When nearly dry, they are laid in piles, and are occasionally turned to prevent rust or mildew from forming.

A small amount of indigo,tayum(Indigofera tinctoria) is raised, generally in open spots near the villages. The plants receive little or no attention, yet still attain a height of about three feet. The leaves and branches are placed in water for a few days, and are then boiled, together with a little lime, the resultant liquor being used as a dye for cotton thread.

No product receives more attention in the lore of the Tinguian than the climbing vine known aslawed(Piper sp.).38It was formerly in universal use in connection with the chewing of betel-nut. To-day betel-nut is less common in this region, but this leaf and the areca-nut still play an important part in all ceremonies. According to tradition, it was possible in the old times to tell the fate of an absent friend by noting the condition of alawedvine planted by him prior to his departure.39The vine is now trained on poles and trellises, near to many houses.

Among the larger cultivated plants and trees, the banana (Musa paradisiaca), coconut (Cocos nucifera), and bamboo (Bambusa sp.) are the most important.

At least twenty varieties of bananas are raised in Abra. The fruit of some of these is scarcely larger than the forefinger, while others are quite large. The common type bears a rather small, yellow fruit locally known assaba. In Manabo and several other villages, plantings covering three or four acres are to be found, but the usual plot is small, and is situated near to the house of the owner.

Suckers, which sprout from the roots of mature plants, are set out as needed, either to make new groves or to replace the old stalks, which are cut down after bearing. Both bud and fruit are eaten. The latter are cut on the stem while still green, and are hung in the house to ripen, in order to protect them from bats and fruit-feeding birds.

The coconut (nīog) is not raised in groves, as in the ChristianizedPage 405districts, but in many villages every house has two or three trees towering above it. Even the interior mountain settlements, like Lingey, Ba-ay, and Likuan, are hidden beneath these trees, thus incidentally disposing of the fable that “the coconut tree will not grow out of sight of the sea.” Young trees have to be protected by fences during the first two or three years of growth, or they will be uprooted by the pigs, but from that time on they require little or no care. They are not tapped for sap, as is customary in most parts of the Philippines, but notches are cut in the tree trunks in order to supply foothold for the fruit gatherer. The nuts are cut off with a knife as soon as ripe, else they may fall and cause death or injury to people below.

No other fruit serves the people in so many ways. The juice is relished as a drink, the meat as a food, the oil as a food and hair dressing; the shells serve as dishes and cups, or are carved into ladles, while the fibrous covering of the nut is converted into foot wipers, thread brushes, and the like.

The betel-nut,bwa(Areca catechuL.), is also found in some villages, particularly in the mountains. It is a tall, slender palm which yields the nut so prized throughout the Islands for chewing.

Mango-treees,mangga(Mangifera indicaL.) appear here and there in valleys and on mountain sides, where the seeds have doubtless been carried by birds or travelers, but considerable groves are found in many districts. The fruit is picked before it is ripe, and is eaten as it becomes mellow.

Other trees and shrubs which are occasionally planted are:Atis(Anona squamosaL., an American plant) prized both for its fruit and bark—the latter being used in rope-making.

Atatawa(Jathropha multifidaL.). Also found in a wild state. The fruit is used as a purgative. TheJathropha curcasL. is also used.

Daligan(Averrhoa carambolaL.) or Coromandel gooseberry. The fruit is eaten without cooking.

Lanka(Artocarpus integrifolaL.). Jackfruit.

Maling-kapasorkapas to insit(Ceiba pantadraGaertn.), also known by the Ilocano askapas sanglay. This so-called “Chinese cotton” is a small tree with few, but perfectly straight, branches, which radiate from the trunk in horizontal lines. It produces elliptical pods which burst open when ripe, exposing a silky white cotton. The fiber is too short for spinning, but is used as tinder and as stuffing for pillows.

Orange (lokban) and lime (lolokīsen) trees are greatly prized, butPage 406appear only occasionally. They receive no care, and consequently yield only inferior fruit.

Thepias(Averrhoa bilimbiL.) is a garden tree which produces an acid fruit used in cooking.

Santol(Sandoricum indicumCav.) trees are raised both for the fruit and for timber. It is said that house posts of this wood are not attacked by white ants.

Wild Plants and Trees.—Few of the wild growths have escaped the attention of this people, and many are used as food and medicine, as well as for fiber materials and bark cloth. Among those used for food, the following are the most important:—

Apangorsapang(Bixa orellanaL.).

Alloseup(Antidesma ghesaembillaGaertn.).

Bayabas, or lemon guava (Psidium guayavaL.), an American shrub which now grows wild, and in great abundance, in the mountains.

Balatong(Phaseolus mungoL.). Only the seeds are used.

Damokes(Pithecolobium dulceBenth.), an American tree which now grows spontaneously in northern Luzon. The fruit is eaten, while the bark is sometimes used for tanning.

Ipako(Psophocarpus tetragonolobusD.C.), a herbaceous vine infrequently seen in the gardens. The young pods are used as a condiment.

Kochai(Alliuni tricoccum) or wild leek.

Katodai(Sesbania grandifloraP.). Only the flowers are eaten.

Kama-al(Allaeanthus luzonicusBlanco. Vill.).

Kalot(Dioscorea daemonaRoxb.), a tuber, poisonous if eaten without special preparation. It is cut into small pieces, and is placed in running water for several days, after which it is cooked.

Kamatis(Lycopersicum esculentumMill.), tiny tomatoes which are eaten raw or cooked.

Labok(Colocasia antiquorumSchott).

Longboy(Eugenia jambolanaLam.).

Olo(Cissus sp.), a low climbing herb, the stems and leaves of which are used in place of vinegar.

Palda(Phaseolus lunatusL.), civet bean.

Sili(Capsicum frutescensL.), small red peppers. The American chile. Used as a condiment.

Specimens of about twenty other food plants and trees were obtained, but their identification was impossible.

The wild growths used as medicines, or in the manufacture of string, rope, and bark cloth, will be mentioned under those headings.Page 407

Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease.—Most sickness is thought to be caused by spirits, either with evil intent or to punish some wrong-doing or oversight on the part of the people. To placate or bribe these superior beings, elaborate ceremonies are held, but in addition to these a number of simple remedies are made use of. The efficacy of some of these medicines is explained by the fact that certain leaves or infusions are distasteful to the spirits of disease, which, consequently, take their departure. Again, a trouble such as a tooth-ache is caused by a small worm which is gnawing at the tooth. To overcome this, the bark and leaves of thealemtree are thoroughly beaten, and are applied to the face. The worm smells the crushed leaves, and straightway enters the poultice which is then burned. The spirits which bring the cholera can be driven away by burning the leaves ofsobosob(Blumea balsamifera),bangbangsit(Hyptis suavolensPoir.) anddala(?) beneath the house; likewise, the bark of thebani(?) keeps the bearers of constipation at a distance.Bangbangsitis also considered as a cure for stomachache, diarrhoea, and is an aid in bringing on menstruation. When used for these purposes, the root is boiled, and the liquor is drunk. The fresh leaves will also relieve a pain in the stomach if applied to it, while the fruit is eaten to cure diarrhoea. If the patient is already affected with cholera or dysentery, the leaves of thesobosobare placed in a jar of water at the mouth of which a clay ball is suspended, and the whole is then completely covered with banana leaves. The pot it placed over a fire, and the steam being unable to escape is absorbed by the clay. Later this is crushed, is mixed with water, and is swallowed by the patient. Lard burned to a crisp is likewise mixed with water, and is drunk to relieve diarrhoea.

Fever is a frequent ailment, and several medicines are employed against it. The most common is to crush the leaves of thedangla(Vitex negundoL.) in vinegar made frombasi, and to add to this a fourth part of urine. The patient drinks a shell cup of the liquor, is washed in cold water, and then is briskly rubbed with fine salt. Young banana leaves are applied to the flesh, and over these blankets are placed. This is repeated twice daily until the fever is broken. Wild tomato leaves, pounded and applied to the abdomen, are also considered valuable in causing the patient to sweat. If the trouble is unusually severe, a hot bath is prepared by boiling the leaves of the lemon,atis(Anona squamosaL.), andtoltolang(?) trees in water. After the patient has been bathed in this, he is wrapped in blankets. The same remedy is used to cure fits.

Snake bite is treated by chewing the bark of thealonen(StreblusPage 408asperLour.), orkasabong(Argemone mexicanaL.), or the root of thetalabatab(Capparis micracanthaD.C.), all of which cause vomiting.

The fruit of thesoloyot(Corchorus olitoriusL.), when baked and ground to a powder, likewise produces vomiting, and is used for any kind of poisoning.

To relieve the itch, the juice of thekabatiti(Luffa acutangulaRoxb.),Bayabas(Psidium guajavaL.) orlew-lew(Ficus hauliliBlanco) is mixed with vinegar and soot, and is applied to the skin. The milky exudation of thekalinbwaya(Euphorbia nerüfoliaL.) is also placed on the affected parts.

During the rainy season the people are greatly troubled with small blisters which form between the toes and quickly break down, leaving open sores. To “harden” the feet, they hold them over burning straw.

Certain other aids against disease are also employed. Cracked feet are treated with carabao dung; the nest of a small cave bird (nīdo) is crushed in water, and is drunk as a cure for coughs; while the flesh of the shell fish (kool) is applied to boils. A further cure for the itch is made by pounding a coconut shell into a fine powder. This is placed in a jar, over a hot fire, and a piece of iron is laid over the top. The “sweat” which collects on the iron is said to give instant relief.

An infected (“bad”) finger or limb is tightly bound “to keep the sickness from going up.”

Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants.—A study of the tales and ceremonies makes it evident that the betel-nut (bwa) was at one time extensively used. To-day it occupies an exceedingly important place in the religious rites, but is seldom chewed. When it is offered to the spirits, it is still prepared in the way that is universal throughout Malaysia. The nut of the areca palm (Areca catechuL.) is split into four pieces, fresh lime is spread on a piper leaf (Piper betelL.), this is wrapped about the piece of nut, and is ready for chewing. The areca palm grows well in this territory, and quite an extensive grove is to be found near the village of Bakaok, yet this is the only place where any number of the people are addicted to its use. Tobacco (tabáo), on the other hand, is in universal use, although it certainly was introduced after the arrival of the Spaniards. The leaf is dried, and is rolled into thin cigars which are placed in tiny pipes (Fig. 21). The cigar itself is never held in the lips, nor is the leaf chewed. Young and old of both sexes smoke frequently, but not a great deal at a time. After taking a few puffs, the pipe is stuck into the hair, or under the inner band of the hat, until again needed.Page 409

The only intoxicating drink made and used by this people is the fermented juice of the sugar-cane, known asbasi. The juice when extracted from the cane is boiled with water for four or five hours. It is placed in a large jar together with cinnamon bark, and is tightly covered over with leaves. Fermentation begins almost at once, but for a month the drink is raw and little prized. In three or four months, it becomes quite mellow and pleasant to the taste. Jars are sometimes stored away to be opened only for some important event, such as a marriage festival or the celebration of a great ceremony. At such a time a very definite procedure is followed. The most honored guest is invited to do the serving. He removes the covering, dips into the liquor, pours a little on the sides of the jar, and then a few drops on the ground as an offering to the spirits. A coconut shell cup is then dipped out, and is carried to thelakayor some other old man. Before he drinks, he raises the cup to the level of his face, and, beginning at his right, offers it to each person in the circle. The one saluted makes a gesture away from his body with his right hand, the palm upturned. When all have refused the cup, the man drinks, often he stops to sing thedaleng, an improvised song in which he compliments his host, bespeaks the welfare of his family, or praises the other members of the gathering. One after another the guests are served, but always according to age and importance, the women and young people being left to the last. The liquor is quite intoxicating, two or three drinks being sufficient to put the company in a jovial mood. It often happens that one or more will become gloriously drunk, but, as a rule, they are not quarrelsome, and there seems to be no unpleasant after-effects.40

Domestic Animals.—Dogs, pigs, chickens, and carabao appear to have been long in the possession of this tribe. Horses, goats, and cattle are now owned by some of the people, but only the former are of sufficient number to be considered important.

The dogs(aso)are surly, ill-kept creatures of mongrel breed. They are seldom treated as pets, but are kept for hunting. Well-fed dogs are considered lazy, and hence they are fed only with a rice gruel, which seems to be neither fattening nor satisfactory. When in the village, the miserable creatures wander about under the houses, there to pick up and fight over morsels which may drop from above, or they lie in the ashes of the bonfires, the better to protect themselves from fleasPage 410and other enemies. When used in hunting, they are kept in leash until the game is started. When released, they follow the quarry at full cry, and if the game has been injured, they will seldom give up the chase. It is necessary for the hunters to follow the dogs closely and beat them off a slain animal, otherwise they will quickly devour it. They are always rewarded with a part of the intestines and some other portions, so that they may be keen for the next hunt.

Pigs (babuy) run at large throughout the villages or in the neighboring underbrush. They are fed at night close to the dwellings, and thus become at least half tame (PlateLXI). Many spend the hot hours of mid-day beneath the houses, from which they are occasionally driven by the irate housewives, when their squealing and fighting become unbearable. The domestic pigs are probably all descended from the wild stock with which they still constantly mix. Most of the young pigs are born with yellow stripes like the young of the wild, but they lose these marks in a short time. Castration of the young males is usually accomplished when the animals are about two months old.

Considerable numbers of chickens (manok) are raised. Nets or coops are arranged for them beneath the houses, but they run at large during the day time. Eggs are an important part of the food supply, but the fowls themselves are seldom killed or eaten, except in connection with the ceremonies. The domestic birds closely resemble the wild fowl of the neighborhood, and probably are descended from them. Except for a few strongly influenced settlements, cock-fighting has no hold upon this people.

The carabao or water buffalo (nuang) is the most prized and valuable animal possessed by this tribe. As a rule, it is handled and petted by the children from the time of its birth, and hence its taming and breaking is a matter of little moment. In the mountain region about Lakub, where most of the animals are allowed to run half wild, only the strongest are broken. The animal is driven into a A-shaped pen, and a heavy pole is fastened across its neck just behind the horns. It is thus prevented from using its strength, and is loaded or ridden until it becomes accustomed to the treatment. Carabao are used for drawing the sleds and for ploughing and harrowing in the lower fields. Should one be seriously injured, it would be killed and eaten; but strong animals are slaughtered only on very rare occasions. Wild carabao are fairly abundant in the mountains. They closely resemble the tame stock, and are generally considered to be derived from animals which have escaped.Page 411


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