[167]Ibid.; Gookin, p. 150.
[167]Ibid.; Gookin, p. 150.
[168]Willoughby, p. 248.
[168]Willoughby, p. 248.
[169]Williams, p. 40.
[169]Williams, p. 40.
[170]MOURT’S RELATION, p. 133.
[170]MOURT’S RELATION, p. 133.
[171]Willoughby, p. 244.
[171]Willoughby, p. 244.
[172]Wood, p. 107.
[172]Wood, p. 107.
[173]Ibid.
[173]Ibid.
[174]MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 144-45.
[174]MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 144-45.
[175]Willoughby, p. 151, illustrates one basket, dating about 1675 and made by the Narragansetts. It is a twined basket; the materials are basswood bark and corn husk, the decoration being in the latter. Red wool yarn also once was part of the decoration, but that has been since destroyed. Designs are worked in light corn husk, which forms part of the weft element. Design form is geometric, non-representational, diagonal steps, horizontal bands, and disconnected square spots. Design field covers the entire side area of the basket, which is tall and narrow in shape. Recalling Gookin’s description of zoomorphic decoration, there is reason to suspect considerable scope to the decorative content of this style.
[175]Willoughby, p. 151, illustrates one basket, dating about 1675 and made by the Narragansetts. It is a twined basket; the materials are basswood bark and corn husk, the decoration being in the latter. Red wool yarn also once was part of the decoration, but that has been since destroyed. Designs are worked in light corn husk, which forms part of the weft element. Design form is geometric, non-representational, diagonal steps, horizontal bands, and disconnected square spots. Design field covers the entire side area of the basket, which is tall and narrow in shape. Recalling Gookin’s description of zoomorphic decoration, there is reason to suspect considerable scope to the decorative content of this style.
[176]Brereton, p. 50, writes of them as being four feet long and six inches wide. Pring in Howe, p. 72. Pring, p. 56, says the belts were “sixe foot long” and made of a snake’s skin.
[176]Brereton, p. 50, writes of them as being four feet long and six inches wide. Pring in Howe, p. 72. Pring, p. 56, says the belts were “sixe foot long” and made of a snake’s skin.
[177]Gookin, p. 152.
[177]Gookin, p. 152.
[178]Breech clouts worn by women are described as hanging down a little longer in back than those worn by men; Pring in Howe, p. 72; Williams, p. 143.
[178]Breech clouts worn by women are described as hanging down a little longer in back than those worn by men; Pring in Howe, p. 72; Williams, p. 143.
[179]Williams, p. 143.
[179]Williams, p. 143.
[180]Vaughan, pp. 47-48, lists fish oil, eagle and rackoon fat, bear and later pig grease used for this purpose.
[180]Vaughan, pp. 47-48, lists fish oil, eagle and rackoon fat, bear and later pig grease used for this purpose.
[181]The deerskin from which both breech clouts and leggings were made was de-haired; Morton, pp. 142-43. The method of fastening leggings aboriginally is not described. Wood, p. 73, says that they were attached to the belt with buttons, which in post-contact times is not so unlikely, considering that the Indians learned to mould buttons out of pewter. MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 186-87; Winslow, p. 72.
[181]The deerskin from which both breech clouts and leggings were made was de-haired; Morton, pp. 142-43. The method of fastening leggings aboriginally is not described. Wood, p. 73, says that they were attached to the belt with buttons, which in post-contact times is not so unlikely, considering that the Indians learned to mould buttons out of pewter. MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 186-87; Winslow, p. 72.
[182]Morton, pp. 142-43; Willoughby, p. 208.
[182]Morton, pp. 142-43; Willoughby, p. 208.
[183]Wood, p. 73.
[183]Wood, p. 73.
[184]Pring in Howe, p. 72; MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 186-87; Winslow, p. 365.
[184]Pring in Howe, p. 72; MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 186-87; Winslow, p. 365.
[185]Morton, p. 144.
[185]Morton, p. 144.
[186]Ibid., pp. 142-43.
[186]Ibid., pp. 142-43.
[187]Massasoit sometimes wore a mantle of black wolf skin; Altham, p. 30; Gookin, p. 152; Wood, p. 73.
[187]Massasoit sometimes wore a mantle of black wolf skin; Altham, p. 30; Gookin, p. 152; Wood, p. 73.
[188]Morton, p. 144.
[188]Morton, p. 144.
[189]Champlain, p. 90.
[189]Champlain, p. 90.
[190]Twilling is a variety of plaited weaving.
[190]Twilling is a variety of plaited weaving.
[191]“This fringe is formed of the ends of the warp reinforced with loops of the same material to give additional thickness, all being nicely bound together by a single double woof cord of twined weaving.”; Willoughby, p. 247.
[191]“This fringe is formed of the ends of the warp reinforced with loops of the same material to give additional thickness, all being nicely bound together by a single double woof cord of twined weaving.”; Willoughby, p. 247.
[192]Ibid., p. 280; Pring in Howe, p. 72.
[192]Ibid., p. 280; Pring in Howe, p. 72.
[193]Morton, p. 143.
[193]Morton, p. 143.
[194]Materials mentioned for sleeves are otter, fox, and cat fur; Winslow, p. 365 and MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 186-87; Willoughby, p. 247; Wood, p. 73.
[194]Materials mentioned for sleeves are otter, fox, and cat fur; Winslow, p. 365 and MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 186-87; Willoughby, p. 247; Wood, p. 73.
[195]MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 186-87.
[195]MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 186-87.
[196]Morton, pp. 142-43.
[196]Morton, pp. 142-43.
[197]Williams, p. 98.
[197]Williams, p. 98.
[198]Wood, p. 73.
[198]Wood, p. 73.
[199]Rowlandson gives the following description of Indians in 1676 wearing festive attire: “He was dressed in his Holland shirt, with girdles of wampom upon his head and shoulders. She had a kersey coat, covered with girdles of wampom from the loins upward. Her arms from her elbows to her hands were covered with bracelets; theyre were handfuls of necklaces about her neck, and several sorts of jewels in her ears. She had fine red stockings, and white shoes, her hair powered, and her face painted red....”, in S. G. Drake, TRAGEDIES OF THE WILDERNESS (Boston, 1841), pp. 51-52.
[199]Rowlandson gives the following description of Indians in 1676 wearing festive attire: “He was dressed in his Holland shirt, with girdles of wampom upon his head and shoulders. She had a kersey coat, covered with girdles of wampom from the loins upward. Her arms from her elbows to her hands were covered with bracelets; theyre were handfuls of necklaces about her neck, and several sorts of jewels in her ears. She had fine red stockings, and white shoes, her hair powered, and her face painted red....”, in S. G. Drake, TRAGEDIES OF THE WILDERNESS (Boston, 1841), pp. 51-52.
[200]Gookin, p. 152.
[200]Gookin, p. 152.
[201]Ibid. This material came in widths of about a yard and half, and was colored blue, red, purple, and some was used white. About two yards would be used to make a mantle for a man or woman.
[201]Ibid. This material came in widths of about a yard and half, and was colored blue, red, purple, and some was used white. About two yards would be used to make a mantle for a man or woman.
[202]Williams, pp. 143-45.
[202]Williams, pp. 143-45.
[203]These items also appear archaeologically, but in most cases the dating is imprecise.
[203]These items also appear archaeologically, but in most cases the dating is imprecise.
[204]All work in copper and brass was done by pounding the soft metal into shape, and cutting was probably done by scoring with a sharpened stone. Metal casting was unknown to the Wampanoags prior to the arrival of European settlers.
[204]All work in copper and brass was done by pounding the soft metal into shape, and cutting was probably done by scoring with a sharpened stone. Metal casting was unknown to the Wampanoags prior to the arrival of European settlers.
[205]Archer’s narrative in Howe, p. 59. A breastplate of this description was excavated in a burial at Fall River, Massachusetts; Willoughby, p. 233.
[205]Archer’s narrative in Howe, p. 59. A breastplate of this description was excavated in a burial at Fall River, Massachusetts; Willoughby, p. 233.
[206]It is thought, based on excavated remains, that the wood used was elder; Willoughby, pp. 233, 238-39.
[206]It is thought, based on excavated remains, that the wood used was elder; Willoughby, pp. 233, 238-39.
[207]A burial was excavated in which a bandolier lay across the copper breastplate, possibly indicating simultaneous wearing; Willoughby, p. 233.
[207]A burial was excavated in which a bandolier lay across the copper breastplate, possibly indicating simultaneous wearing; Willoughby, p. 233.
[208]Willoughby, pp. 240-41. These were joined by running a thread through the bead and looping it around two threads running along the ends of the beads; Ibid., p. 233. Stringing material in one case was a 2-ply twisted cord; Ibid., p. 238.
[208]Willoughby, pp. 240-41. These were joined by running a thread through the bead and looping it around two threads running along the ends of the beads; Ibid., p. 233. Stringing material in one case was a 2-ply twisted cord; Ibid., p. 238.
[209]Brereton, pp. 43-44, reported the wearing of this style of necklace simultaneously with a bandolier.
[209]Brereton, pp. 43-44, reported the wearing of this style of necklace simultaneously with a bandolier.
[210]Brereton, p. 43; Archer in Howe, p. 59. A gorget recovered archaeologically was disc-shaped, of sheet brass, with two perforations; Willoughby, pp. 238-39.
[210]Brereton, p. 43; Archer in Howe, p. 59. A gorget recovered archaeologically was disc-shaped, of sheet brass, with two perforations; Willoughby, pp. 238-39.
[211]A large copper necklace was placed about the neck of an important chief’s daughter in a Rhode Island burial that dates to about 1660; H. H. Wilder, “Notes on the Indians of Southern Massachusetts,” AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, ns. XXV (1923), p. 211.
[211]A large copper necklace was placed about the neck of an important chief’s daughter in a Rhode Island burial that dates to about 1660; H. H. Wilder, “Notes on the Indians of Southern Massachusetts,” AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, ns. XXV (1923), p. 211.
[212]Wood, p. 74.
[212]Wood, p. 74.
[213]Willoughby, p. 265, notes that “... the termWampumorwampumpeagewas usually applied by the New England tribes to the white beads andsuckauhock,mowhackeesormacheisto the purple variety, both types were generally known to the English aswampum.”
[213]Willoughby, p. 265, notes that “... the termWampumorwampumpeagewas usually applied by the New England tribes to the white beads andsuckauhock,mowhackeesormacheisto the purple variety, both types were generally known to the English aswampum.”
[214]Bradford, II, p. 43.
[214]Bradford, II, p. 43.
[215]Altham, p. 30.
[215]Altham, p. 30.
[216]Gookin, p. 152; Thomas Lechford, PLAIN DEALING, OR NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND, J. H. Trumbull, ed. (Boston, 1868), pp. 116-117, describes one such belt as having a checkered design.
[216]Gookin, p. 152; Thomas Lechford, PLAIN DEALING, OR NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND, J. H. Trumbull, ed. (Boston, 1868), pp. 116-117, describes one such belt as having a checkered design.
[217]Bushnell, p. 674; Lechford, pp. 116-117; Williams, pp. 177-78.
[217]Bushnell, p. 674; Lechford, pp. 116-117; Williams, pp. 177-78.
[218]A “belt” of wampum might range in size from one to five or more inches wide; Williams, pp. 177-78. Willoughby, p. 271, cites a contemporary account of wampum belts owned by King Philip: “One of King Philip’s belts, ‘curiously wrought with black and white wampum in various figures and flowers and pictures of many birds and beasts’ was nine inches broad, and when hung about Captain Church’s shoulders reached to his ankles. Philip had two other belts, one with two flags upon the back which hung from his head, the other with a star upon the end which hung from his breast. When Philip visited Boston he wore a coat and leggings, set with wampum ‘in pleasant wild works’ and a broad belt of the same.”
[218]A “belt” of wampum might range in size from one to five or more inches wide; Williams, pp. 177-78. Willoughby, p. 271, cites a contemporary account of wampum belts owned by King Philip: “One of King Philip’s belts, ‘curiously wrought with black and white wampum in various figures and flowers and pictures of many birds and beasts’ was nine inches broad, and when hung about Captain Church’s shoulders reached to his ankles. Philip had two other belts, one with two flags upon the back which hung from his head, the other with a star upon the end which hung from his breast. When Philip visited Boston he wore a coat and leggings, set with wampum ‘in pleasant wild works’ and a broad belt of the same.”
[219]Willoughby, p. 265.
[219]Willoughby, p. 265.
[220]Ibid.; Bushnell, p. 647; Williams, p. 176.
[220]Ibid.; Bushnell, p. 647; Williams, p. 176.
[221]A breastplate, the collar made of wampum and the main body of “shells out of the up country fresh water lakes”, worn on occasion of war and feast, was among the items collected and described by John Winthrop; Bushnell, p. 674.
[221]A breastplate, the collar made of wampum and the main body of “shells out of the up country fresh water lakes”, worn on occasion of war and feast, was among the items collected and described by John Winthrop; Bushnell, p. 674.
[222]Willoughby, pp. 271-74.
[222]Willoughby, pp. 271-74.
[223]Ibid., pp. 238-39.
[223]Ibid., pp. 238-39.
[224]Willoughby, p. 198, describes a group of seeds “resembling those of theCornus” with the ends ground off preparatory to stringing. These were found archaeologically, associated with European trade beads. MOURT’S RELATION, p. 194, describes Massasoit as wearing a “great chain of white bone beads about his neck”.
[224]Willoughby, p. 198, describes a group of seeds “resembling those of theCornus” with the ends ground off preparatory to stringing. These were found archaeologically, associated with European trade beads. MOURT’S RELATION, p. 194, describes Massasoit as wearing a “great chain of white bone beads about his neck”.
[225]Verrazano’s narrative in Howe, p. 15. It is possible that glass trade beads were not very popular among the Wampanoags in the early 17th century. There are 16th century accounts of glass beads given to the Indians by explorers, and glass beads dating to the early 16th century have been in graves in this area, but glass beads are not mentioned as a part of Indian dress by writers of the early colonial period.
[225]Verrazano’s narrative in Howe, p. 15. It is possible that glass trade beads were not very popular among the Wampanoags in the early 17th century. There are 16th century accounts of glass beads given to the Indians by explorers, and glass beads dating to the early 16th century have been in graves in this area, but glass beads are not mentioned as a part of Indian dress by writers of the early colonial period.
[226]Wood, p. 74.
[226]Wood, p. 74.
[227]“... in forme of mullets or spur-rowels”; Ibid. Mullet is the same shape as a rowel.
[227]“... in forme of mullets or spur-rowels”; Ibid. Mullet is the same shape as a rowel.
[228]Gookin, p. 153; Rowlandson, pp. 51-52.
[228]Gookin, p. 153; Rowlandson, pp. 51-52.
[229]Gookin, p. 153; MOURT’S RELATION, p. 194.
[229]Gookin, p. 153; MOURT’S RELATION, p. 194.
[230]Gookin, p. 153; Verrazano in Howe, pp. 15, 59; MOURT’S RELATION, p. 194, mentions painted faces “with crosses, and some other antic works....” This could be actual painting in patterns or a mistaking of tattoos for paint.
[230]Gookin, p. 153; Verrazano in Howe, pp. 15, 59; MOURT’S RELATION, p. 194, mentions painted faces “with crosses, and some other antic works....” This could be actual painting in patterns or a mistaking of tattoos for paint.
[231]Archer in Howe, p. 59; Champlain, p. 91; Gookin, p. 153; MOURT’S RELATION, p. 194; Vaughan, p. 42; Verrazano in Howe, p. 15; Wood, p. 74.
[231]Archer in Howe, p. 59; Champlain, p. 91; Gookin, p. 153; MOURT’S RELATION, p. 194; Vaughan, p. 42; Verrazano in Howe, p. 15; Wood, p. 74.
[232]Gookin, p. 153.
[232]Gookin, p. 153.
[233]Ibid.; Rowlandson, pp. 51-52; Vaughan, p. 42.
[233]Ibid.; Rowlandson, pp. 51-52; Vaughan, p. 42.
[234]Lechford, p. 116.
[234]Lechford, p. 116.
[235]“Their Virgins are distinguished by a bashfull falling downe of their haire over their eyes.”; Williams, p. 58.
[235]“Their Virgins are distinguished by a bashfull falling downe of their haire over their eyes.”; Williams, p. 58.
[236]Winslow, p. 364.
[236]Winslow, p. 364.
[237]“... Their boyes being not permitted to weare their haire long till sixteene years of age, and then they must come to it by degrees....”; Wood, pp. 71-72.
[237]“... Their boyes being not permitted to weare their haire long till sixteene years of age, and then they must come to it by degrees....”; Wood, pp. 71-72.
[238]Ibid.
[238]Ibid.
[239]MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 183, 187.
[239]MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 183, 187.
[240]Pring in Howe, p. 72.
[240]Pring in Howe, p. 72.
[241]Ibid.; Champlain, p. 90; Gookin, p. 153; Lechford, p. 116; Wood, pp. 71-72, gives a description of hairstyles for the Massachusetts. For a youth above sixteen there was a long lock in front, on the crown, and on either side. The rest of the hair was shaved off close to the scalp. A warrior wore his hair long on one side and short on the other.
[241]Ibid.; Champlain, p. 90; Gookin, p. 153; Lechford, p. 116; Wood, pp. 71-72, gives a description of hairstyles for the Massachusetts. For a youth above sixteen there was a long lock in front, on the crown, and on either side. The rest of the hair was shaved off close to the scalp. A warrior wore his hair long on one side and short on the other.
[242]Gookin, p. 153.
[242]Gookin, p. 153.
[243]Ibid.; Pring in Howe, p. 72; Lechford, p. 116.
[243]Ibid.; Pring in Howe, p. 72; Lechford, p. 116.
[244]Gookin, p. 153; Archer in Howe, p. 59; MOURT’S RELATION, p. 187.
[244]Gookin, p. 153; Archer in Howe, p. 59; MOURT’S RELATION, p. 187.
[245]Lechford, p. 116. An ornamental comb of the same style in brass was recovered archaeologically; Willoughby, pp. 235, 243-44.
[245]Lechford, p. 116. An ornamental comb of the same style in brass was recovered archaeologically; Willoughby, pp. 235, 243-44.
[246]Champlain, p. 90.
[246]Champlain, p. 90.
[247]Ibid., p. 91; Wood, p. 72.
[247]Ibid., p. 91; Wood, p. 72.
[248]Brereton in Howe, p. 64.
[248]Brereton in Howe, p. 64.
[249]Ibid., p. 105.
[249]Ibid., p. 105.
[250]Byers, p. 16.
[250]Byers, p. 16.
[251]Williams, p. 206.
[251]Williams, p. 206.
[252]Gookin, pp. 152-53.
[252]Gookin, pp. 152-53.
[253]H. M. Chapin, “Indian Implements found in Rhode Island,” Rhode Island Historical Society, COLLECTIONS, XVIII (1924), p. 15, notes that soapstone quarries known to have been used by the Indians are located at Johnstone and Westerly, R.I., and Wood, p. 69, mentions the source of stone pipes as being to the south, among the Narragansetts. Although it is true that copper and brass were early obtained by trade from Europeans, native copper was also available. Byers, p. 5, cites several locations of outcroppings in western Massachusetts and Connecticut. Copper items from at least one site in Massachusetts have been analyzed and found to be of native materials.
[253]H. M. Chapin, “Indian Implements found in Rhode Island,” Rhode Island Historical Society, COLLECTIONS, XVIII (1924), p. 15, notes that soapstone quarries known to have been used by the Indians are located at Johnstone and Westerly, R.I., and Wood, p. 69, mentions the source of stone pipes as being to the south, among the Narragansetts. Although it is true that copper and brass were early obtained by trade from Europeans, native copper was also available. Byers, p. 5, cites several locations of outcroppings in western Massachusetts and Connecticut. Copper items from at least one site in Massachusetts have been analyzed and found to be of native materials.
[254]These items were probably all available in surface outcroppings, and specialized techniques other than knocking off chunks were unnecessary; Chapin, p. 3.
[254]These items were probably all available in surface outcroppings, and specialized techniques other than knocking off chunks were unnecessary; Chapin, p. 3.
[255]It is not known whether the Wampanoags made their own clay pots or traded for them. However, explorers reported that there were outcroppings of potting quality clay in Plymouth. Brereton, p. 38, reports that there was clay on Martha’s Vineyard which the Indians there used for making pipes.
[255]It is not known whether the Wampanoags made their own clay pots or traded for them. However, explorers reported that there were outcroppings of potting quality clay in Plymouth. Brereton, p. 38, reports that there was clay on Martha’s Vineyard which the Indians there used for making pipes.
[256]Chapin, p. 15.
[256]Chapin, p. 15.
[257]Ibid.
[257]Ibid.
[258]Wood, pp. 69-70.
[258]Wood, pp. 69-70.
[259]Bradford, II, p. 52; Willoughby, pp. 243-44.
[259]Bradford, II, p. 52; Willoughby, pp. 243-44.
[260]Willoughby, pp. 243-44.
[260]Willoughby, pp. 243-44.
[261]Gookin, p. 152.
[261]Gookin, p. 152.
[262]Champlain in Howe, p. 105; Wood, p. 102.
[262]Champlain in Howe, p. 105; Wood, p. 102.
[263]Champlain in Howe, p. 105; Gookin, p. 152; Willoughby, p. 154; Wood, p. 102.
[263]Champlain in Howe, p. 105; Gookin, p. 152; Willoughby, p. 154; Wood, p. 102.
[264]Champlain in Howe, p. 105.
[264]Champlain in Howe, p. 105.
[265]Ibid.
[265]Ibid.
[266]Willoughby, p. 154.
[266]Willoughby, p. 154.
[267]Champlain in Howe, p. 105; Wood, p. 102.
[267]Champlain in Howe, p. 105; Wood, p. 102.
[268]Champlain in Howe, p. 105.
[268]Champlain in Howe, p. 105.
[269]Once a bowl was thus far completed, it is reported that they would “soak it in their minerall springs to dye it”; Bushnell, p. 675.
[269]Once a bowl was thus far completed, it is reported that they would “soak it in their minerall springs to dye it”; Bushnell, p. 675.
[270]Pring, p. 58.
[270]Pring, p. 58.
[271]Byers, p. 16.
[271]Byers, p. 16.
[272]The weight of even a large version of this canoe (9-passenger) did not exceed 60 pounds; Pring, p. 58.
[272]The weight of even a large version of this canoe (9-passenger) did not exceed 60 pounds; Pring, p. 58.
[273]“... sewing them with a kind of bark....”; Gookin, pp. 152-53. “... sowed together with strong and tough oziers or twigs....”; Pring p. 58.
[273]“... sewing them with a kind of bark....”; Gookin, pp. 152-53. “... sowed together with strong and tough oziers or twigs....”; Pring p. 58.
[274]Ibid.
[274]Ibid.
[275]Gookin, p. 152-53; Wood, p. 102.
[275]Gookin, p. 152-53; Wood, p. 102.
[276]Bushnell, p. 675.
[276]Bushnell, p. 675.
[277]Champlain in Howe, pp. 117, 133-34; Morton, pp. 134-35; MOURT’S RELATION, p. 144; Verrazano in Howe, p. 17; Williams, pp. 60-61; Wood, pp. 105-6.
[277]Champlain in Howe, pp. 117, 133-34; Morton, pp. 134-35; MOURT’S RELATION, p. 144; Verrazano in Howe, p. 17; Williams, pp. 60-61; Wood, pp. 105-6.
[278]Gookin, pp. 149-50; Vaughan, p. 46; Williams, pp. 60-61.
[278]Gookin, pp. 149-50; Vaughan, p. 46; Williams, pp. 60-61.
[279]Williams, pp. 60-61.
[279]Williams, pp. 60-61.
[280]Ibid.; Gookin, pp. 149-50; Wood, pp. 105-6.
[280]Ibid.; Gookin, pp. 149-50; Wood, pp. 105-6.
[281]Vaughan, p. 46.
[281]Vaughan, p. 46.
[282]Ibid.
[282]Ibid.
[283]And it is the type with which the early colonists of Plymouth would have been the most familiar. We have no firsthand accounts of the use of the longhouse by the Wampanoags; however, we do know that it was in use among the Narragansetts and the Massachusetts, which is strong evidence that the Wampanoags, who followed a similar pattern of seasonal settlement had this structure also.
[283]And it is the type with which the early colonists of Plymouth would have been the most familiar. We have no firsthand accounts of the use of the longhouse by the Wampanoags; however, we do know that it was in use among the Narragansetts and the Massachusetts, which is strong evidence that the Wampanoags, who followed a similar pattern of seasonal settlement had this structure also.
[284]“Two families will live comfortably and lovingly in a little round house of some fourteen or sixteen foot over, and so more and more families in proportion”; Williams, pp. 60-61. However, according to Gookin, they might go up to 40 feet in diameter: “These houses they make of several sizes, according to their activity and ability; some twenty, some forty feet long, and broad.” Gookin, pp. 149-50.
[284]“Two families will live comfortably and lovingly in a little round house of some fourteen or sixteen foot over, and so more and more families in proportion”; Williams, pp. 60-61. However, according to Gookin, they might go up to 40 feet in diameter: “These houses they make of several sizes, according to their activity and ability; some twenty, some forty feet long, and broad.” Gookin, pp. 149-50.
[285]Champlain, p. 117.
[285]Champlain, p. 117.
[286]MOURT’S RELATION, p. 144; Williams, p. 67.
[286]MOURT’S RELATION, p. 144; Williams, p. 67.
[287]Morton, pp. 134-35, says that they place the mats of their houses “... leaving severall places for dores, according as the winde sitts.”
[287]Morton, pp. 134-35, says that they place the mats of their houses “... leaving severall places for dores, according as the winde sitts.”
[288]Williams, p. 67.
[288]Williams, p. 67.
[289]Morton, pp. 134-35.
[289]Morton, pp. 134-35.
[290]Their manufacture is discussed more fully in a previous section on textiles.
[290]Their manufacture is discussed more fully in a previous section on textiles.
[291]Williams, p. 67.
[291]Williams, p. 67.
[292]Gookin, pp. 149-50.
[292]Gookin, pp. 149-50.
[293]Ibid.
[293]Ibid.
[294]Williams, p. 61.
[294]Williams, p. 61.
[295]Gookin, pp. 149-50; Champlain in Howe, pp. 117, 133-34; Morton, pp. 134-135; MOURT’S RELATION, p. 144.
[295]Gookin, pp. 149-50; Champlain in Howe, pp. 117, 133-34; Morton, pp. 134-135; MOURT’S RELATION, p. 144.
[296]Wood, pp. 105-6.
[296]Wood, pp. 105-6.
[297]Williams, p. 163. The sachem’s house is called by a different name from that of an ordinary dwelling; Winslow, p. 317.
[297]Williams, p. 163. The sachem’s house is called by a different name from that of an ordinary dwelling; Winslow, p. 317.
[298]Wood, p. 98.
[298]Wood, p. 98.
[299]Williams, p. 189. These would probably have varied considerably depending on whether it was a single hunter or two that was being housed or whether the whole family made the move. As mentioned earlier, both patterns were followed. Structures housing single hunters could have been mere lean-to’s or something like the barkwickiupused to the north. When a family was living in the hunting camp, there would have been women to carry up the mats, and the house was probablymore elaborate; it may have been built in the usual hemispherical plan.
[299]Williams, p. 189. These would probably have varied considerably depending on whether it was a single hunter or two that was being housed or whether the whole family made the move. As mentioned earlier, both patterns were followed. Structures housing single hunters could have been mere lean-to’s or something like the barkwickiupused to the north. When a family was living in the hunting camp, there would have been women to carry up the mats, and the house was probablymore elaborate; it may have been built in the usual hemispherical plan.
[300]Rowlandson, p. 50; Williams, p. 194.
[300]Rowlandson, p. 50; Williams, p. 194.
[301]Williams, pp. 60-61, 114.
[301]Williams, pp. 60-61, 114.
[302]Ibid., pp. 211-12; E. L. Butler, “Sweat Houses in the Southern New England Area,” BULLETIN OF THE MASSACHUSETTS ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY, VII (October, 1945), p. 12.
[302]Ibid., pp. 211-12; E. L. Butler, “Sweat Houses in the Southern New England Area,” BULLETIN OF THE MASSACHUSETTS ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY, VII (October, 1945), p. 12.
[303]Williams, pp. 60-61; Willoughby, pp. 244-45. “Embroidery” might also refer to designs that were woven into the mats.
[303]Williams, pp. 60-61; Willoughby, pp. 244-45. “Embroidery” might also refer to designs that were woven into the mats.
[304]Gookin, p. 150.
[304]Gookin, p. 150.
[305]Ibid.; Morton, pp. 135-37.
[305]Ibid.; Morton, pp. 135-37.
[306]Gookin, p. 150; Champlain in Howe, pp. 133-34; Morton, pp. 135-37.
[306]Gookin, p. 150; Champlain in Howe, pp. 133-34; Morton, pp. 135-37.
[307]Gookin, p. 150; Morton, pp. 135-37. Kinds of skins mentioned for this purpose are: deer, bear, otter, beaver, racoon.
[307]Gookin, p. 150; Morton, pp. 135-37. Kinds of skins mentioned for this purpose are: deer, bear, otter, beaver, racoon.
[308]Gookin, p. 151.
[308]Gookin, p. 151.
[309]Ibid.; Wood, p. 75.
[309]Ibid.; Wood, p. 75.
[310]MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 144-45; Williams, p. 65.
[310]MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 144-45; Williams, p. 65.
[311]Gookin, p. 151; MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 144-45.
[311]Gookin, p. 151; MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 144-45.
[312]Morton, pp. 135-37.
[312]Morton, pp. 135-37.
[313]Ibid.
[313]Ibid.
[314]MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 144-45; Willoughby, 292.
[314]MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 144-45; Willoughby, 292.
[315]Morton, pp. 135-37.
[315]Morton, pp. 135-37.
[316]“... we found also two or three deer’s heads, one whereof had been newly killed, for it was still fresh. There was also a company of deer’s feet stuck up in the house, hart’s horns, and eagles’ claws, and sundry such like things there was; also two or three baskets full of parched acorns, pieces of fish, and a piece of a broiled herring”; MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 144-45. Willoughby, p. 248.
[316]“... we found also two or three deer’s heads, one whereof had been newly killed, for it was still fresh. There was also a company of deer’s feet stuck up in the house, hart’s horns, and eagles’ claws, and sundry such like things there was; also two or three baskets full of parched acorns, pieces of fish, and a piece of a broiled herring”; MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 144-45. Willoughby, p. 248.
[317]Champlain in Howe, pp. 112, 133; Rowlandson, pp. 46-47, has wives occupying separate households, where there are multiple wives.
[317]Champlain in Howe, pp. 112, 133; Rowlandson, pp. 46-47, has wives occupying separate households, where there are multiple wives.
[318]Champlain in Howe, pp. 172-73.
[318]Champlain in Howe, pp. 172-73.
[319]Ibid., p. 112.
[319]Ibid., p. 112.
[320]Wood, p. 106.
[320]Wood, p. 106.
[321]Williams, pp. 74-75.
[321]Williams, pp. 74-75.
[322]When Plimoth Plantation was established there were no Indians settlements in its immediate neighborhood. The former village of Patuxet, once located on the site of Plymouth and said to have had a population of two thousand, was wiped out by the plague prior to the settlement of Europeans. Altham, p. 29, reports that the nearest Indian settlement to Plymouth was called Manomet and was fourteen miles away. This is probably identical with the town of Mannamit, described by Chase as being in Sandwich, near the bottom of Buzzard’s Bay; H. E. Chase, “Notes on the Wampanoag Indians,” SMITHSONIAN ANNUAL REPORT, 1883 (Washington, 1885), p. 888.
[322]When Plimoth Plantation was established there were no Indians settlements in its immediate neighborhood. The former village of Patuxet, once located on the site of Plymouth and said to have had a population of two thousand, was wiped out by the plague prior to the settlement of Europeans. Altham, p. 29, reports that the nearest Indian settlement to Plymouth was called Manomet and was fourteen miles away. This is probably identical with the town of Mannamit, described by Chase as being in Sandwich, near the bottom of Buzzard’s Bay; H. E. Chase, “Notes on the Wampanoag Indians,” SMITHSONIAN ANNUAL REPORT, 1883 (Washington, 1885), p. 888.
[323]If, as reports indicate, twelve to twenty men went out from each summer village in the fall to their hunting camps, and it may be assumed that these represent most of all the able-bodied adult male population, then we would seem to be dealing with summer village populations whose total numbers would equal in size the population of a winter longhouse. It might further be surmised that the personnel of each are identical; in other words, the same group of 40 to 50 people may have formed a camping-together unit for most of the year, living together in the same longhouse in winter and camping near each other as a summer village.
[323]If, as reports indicate, twelve to twenty men went out from each summer village in the fall to their hunting camps, and it may be assumed that these represent most of all the able-bodied adult male population, then we would seem to be dealing with summer village populations whose total numbers would equal in size the population of a winter longhouse. It might further be surmised that the personnel of each are identical; in other words, the same group of 40 to 50 people may have formed a camping-together unit for most of the year, living together in the same longhouse in winter and camping near each other as a summer village.
[324]Wood, pp. 100-101.
[324]Wood, pp. 100-101.
[325]“... a bundle of Indian candles or splints of the pitch tree”; Bushnell, p. 675. Willoughby, p. 294.
[325]“... a bundle of Indian candles or splints of the pitch tree”; Bushnell, p. 675. Willoughby, p. 294.