FIG. 34. REALISTIC PATTERNS IN BEADS AND SHELL DISKS.
Like the bead work, the embroidery and applique found on many garments are added "to make pretty." Some of this work is quite fine, but in general that of recent years is either inferior to that found on old garments or is borrowed from, or made by, the Bila-an women. Some garments, with designs produced by oversewing before dyeing, are seen here, but they are recent importations from the Kulaman or Tagakaolo tribes.
Necklaces and leglets are made of rattan and are decorated with burned lines or by being overlaid with platted strips of orchid and fern cuticle (Fig. 2).
A few rare specimens, such as personal ornaments or basket rims, have sewed in designs in which the sewing has been done with fern cuticle (Plate XXXIVb).
Incised patterns appear on nearly all the bamboo lime and tobacco holders, but here individual fancy plays such an important part that a hundred specimens might be examined without finding duplicate patterns. Fig. 14. shows nine of these tubes covered with cut-in designs, yet only one figure, that marked X inbcould be identified. This was said to be the familiar crocodile.
Coming to the work in brass and copper we encounter an entirely new type of design. In some cases straight inlaid or overlaid strips and twisted wires are used to ornament the specimen; while in the raised and cut-in lines on the bells we find simple patterns. In the main, however, the ornamentation on this class of material consists of complicated scrolls (Plate XLI), designs suggesting flower or tree patterns, or conventionalized figures. One only needs to compare these objects with similar specimens from Borneo and the Malayan Islands of the South, to find the source of this type of ornamentation.[53] In fact the imitation of Moro wares is practiced today. In Plate XLIa and b are shown two betel nut boxes—No. 1 the work of the Samal Moro, No. 2 the imitation of the inlaid work on the top of the first specimen. This last was made in my presence, and with the expressed intention of duplicating the Moro box. However, in this case, as in all others, the Bagobo caster did not attempt to exactly reproduce the work of another, but simply borrowed a broad idea, and thus he often creates new forms.
[53] See LING ROTH, Oriental Silver Work.
Not once did the writer receive a name for any pattern or design shown in metal work. A careful study of the method of work, of the articles produced, and of the folk-lore and religious observances connected with the work in brass and copper brings one to the conclusion that this class of work is of comparatively recent introduction and that the instructors in the art were the Samal Moro.
Mention has already been made of the designs incised on combs and other objects which are afterwards filled with lime. Just here it is interesting to note that, so far as is known, the southern end of Mindanao and adjacent small islands, are the only parts of the Philippines in which this decoration, so typical of Melanesia, is to be found.
Realistic carvings were seen used in only two capacities. The first in certain ceremonies, where extremely crude wooden figures were offered to the spirits in exchange for the sick person (see p. 103), and the second, the wooden decoys used in hunting doves (See Plate XVIII).
Summing up our present information we can say: first, that the Bagobo makes use of certain realistic designs which in some cases have become conventionalized but still retain their former significance; second, that the greater part of decoration in beads, shell disks, embroidery or applique, as well as the incised designs in lime boxes and the like, have no meaning to the people of the present day, and are added only to make the objects more beautiful in the eyes of the owners. In this work there are no set patterns and each artist gives full reign to the fancy in producing these figures. Third, that the ideas for the patterns inlaid, incised, and cast in brass or copper, are furnished by the examples of this work coming from the Malays to the south, but that even in these the artist has taken great liberties in the execution of the design. Fourth, that one type of decoration, i. e., the incised figures filled with lime, suggests the possible influence of Melanesia on the artistic ideas of this people.
MYTHOLOGY.
MYTHOLOGY.
During my stay with this tribe I heard parts of many folk-tales, some chanted, others told with gravity, and still others which caused the greatest levity. My limited knowledge of the dialect and pressure of other work caused me to delay the recording of these tales until I should begin a systematic study of the language. Owing to unforeseen circumstances, that time never came, and it is now possible to give only the slightest idea of a very rich body of tales.[54]
[54] Since this was written MISS BENEDICT has published an excellent collection of Bagobo Myths (Journal of American Folklore, 1913, XXVI. pp. 13-63.)
In the main these stories are an attempt to account for the present order of things. In the tale which we quoted in part, at the beginning of the paper, we are told of an all-powerful being who created the earth and all that is. Other spirits and many animals inhabited the sky and earth which the creator had made. Of the latter only one, the monkey, is named. He and his kind, we are told, once inhabited and owned all the world, but were dispossessed by two human beings, Toglái and Toglibon, from whom all the people of the world are descended. After their death a great drought caused the people to disperse and seek out new homes in other parts. They journeyed in pairs and because of the objects which they carried with them, they are now known by certain names. One couple, for instance, carried with them a small basket calledbira-an, and for this reason their children are known as Bira-an (Bila-an). From the time of the dispersion until the arrival of the Spaniards we learn that certain mythical heroes performed wonderful feats, in some cases being closely identified with the spirits themselves, in others making use of magic, the knowledge of which seems to have been common in those times.
The two following tales are typical of those commonly heard in a Bagobo gathering. The first was told by Urbano Eli, a Bagobo of Malilla.
"After the people were created a man named LumábEt was born. He could talk when he was one day old and the people said he was sent by Manama. He lived ninety seasons and when still a young man he had a hunting dog which he took to hunt on the mountain. The dog started up a white deer and LumábEt and his companions followed until they had gone about the world nine times when they finally caught it. At the time they caught the deer LumábEt's hair was grey and he was an old man. All the time he was gone he had only one banana and one camote with him for food. When night came he planted the skin of the banana and in the morning he had ripe bananas to eat, and the camotes came the same way. When he had caught the deer LumábEt called the people to see him and he told them to kill his father. They obeyed him and then LumábEt took off his headband and waved it in the air over the dead man, and he at once was alive again. He did this eight times and at the eighth time his father was small like a little boy, for every time the people cut him in two the knife took off a little flesh. So all the people thought LumábEt was like a god.
"One year after he killed the deer he told all the people to come into his house, but they said they could not, for the house was small and the people many. But LumábEt said there was plenty of room, so all entered his house and were not crowded. The next morning thediwata,tigyama, and other spirits came and talked with him. After that he told the people that all who believed that he was powerful could go with him, but all who did not go would be turned into animals andbuso. Then LumábEt started away and those who stayed back became animals andbuso.
"He went to the place Binaton, across the ocean, the place where the earth and sky meet. When he got there he saw that the sky kept going up and down the same as a man opening and closing his jaws. LumábEt said to the sky 'You must go up,' but the sky replied 'No.' At last LumábEt promised the sky that if he let the others go he might catch the last one who tried to pass; so the sky opened and the people went through; but when near to the last the sky shut down and caught the bolo of next to the last man. The last one he caught and ate.
"That day LumábEt's son Tagalion was hunting and caught many animals which he hung up. Then he said he must go to his father's place; so he leaned an arrow against abalititree and sat on it. It began to grow down and carried him down to his father's place, but when he arrived there were no people there. He saw a gun, made out of gold, and some white bees in the house. The bees said 'You must not cry; we can take you to the sky,' So he rode on the gun, and the bees took him to the sky and he arrived there in three days.
"One of the men was looking down on the land below, and all of the spirits made fun of him and said they would take out his intestines so that he would be like one of them and never die. The man refused to let them, and he wanted to go back home because he was afraid; so Manama said to let him go.
"The spirits took leaves of thekarangrass and tied to his legs, and made a chain of the grass and let him down to the earth. When he reached the earth he was no longer a man but was an owl."
(2) The second tale, which was recorded by P. Juan Doyle, S. J., is as follows:
"In one of the torrents which has its origin at the foot of Apo, there were two eels which, having acquired extraordinary magnitude, had no room in so little water, on account of which they determined to separate, each one taking a different direction in search of the sea or the great lakes. One arrived, happily, at the sea by the Padada river, and from it came eels in the sea. The other descending a torrent, swimming and confining himself as well as he might, enclosed in these narrow places, said to himself 'I haven't the slightest idea of what the sea is, but it appears to me that when I see before me an extraordinary clearness on a limpid surface, that must be the sea, and with one spring I will jump into it.' So saying, he arrived at a point where the torrent formed a cascade. He noticed that it cut off the horizon and to his view it appeared of an extraordinary clearness; he thought he could swim there without limit, and at his pleasure, and that this, in fine, must be the sea. He darted into it, but the unhappy one was dashed against the rocks, and too fatigued to swim through the rough waters, he lost his life. His body lay there inert and formed undulations which are now the folds which the earth forms to the left of Mt. Apo."
To the south and southwest of Mt. Apo, and west of Digos, are seven
settlements, the inhabitants of which are known as Obo or Tigdapaya. On
the south they meet the Bila-an, and, like this latter people, extend
over the watershed into the valley of the Cotabato river. On the
northwest they come in contact with the Ata. They have intermarried with
both of these tribes, have adopted many of their customs, and in some
cases their manner of dress. However, they consider themselves, and are
considered by the Bagobo, as a part of that tribe, and recognize
Tongkaling as their chief. Bagobo customs and blood predominate,
although intermarriage with the Negrito was evident in nearly every
individual of this division seen by the writer. Immediately wrest of Daliao are three villages whose people are known
as Eto or Ata. Aside from a slightly greater percentage of individuals
showing negroid features, these people do not differ in any respect from
the Bagobo. It does not seem that they should be classed with the people
later referred to as Ata. To the north, their lands join the territory
held by the Guianga. The habitat of the division called Guianga begins a few miles back of
the Gulf and extends west to the watershed. An east and west line drawn
through the village of Taloma marks their southern boundary, while to
the north they approach the Lasan river. They are found in a number of
scattered settlements which owe allegiance and are subject to five pettydatu. Tongkaling is not recognized as having any authority in the
district, and there seems to be no remembrance of a time when any of the
Bagobo rulers held authority over the Guianga. Physically and culturally
they do not seem to be far removed from the Bagobo, while their language
is so closely related that individuals of the two divisions, meeting for
the first time can carry on a conversation. There is, however,
considerable variation between the dialects, both in intonation and
vocabulary. Further study may result in raising this branch to the dignity of a
tribe, but the information at hand does not justify us in considering
them other than a dialect group of the Bagobo. II. BILA-AN. II. BILA-AN. (a) TAGALÁGAD—"dwellers in the back country" is the name
generally applied to this tribe by the coast natives.(b) TAGKOGON—"dwellers in the cogon"—The group living on the
grass plains west of Malalag.(c) BULÚAN, BULUÁNES—The members of this tribe dwelling near to
Lake Buluan. This group is sometimes identified with the Tagabili or
Tagabulú who also reside in that region.(d) BIRA-AN, BARA-AN—Synonym for BILA-AN, often used by the
neighboring Bagobo.(e) VILANES, BILANES.(f) BALUD or TUMÁNAO—name sometimes applied by early writers to
the Bila-an who live on the Sarangani Islands. This tribe is found in the mountains on the west side of Davao Gulf
beginning at an east and west line drawn through Bulatakay and extending
south to Sarangani Point, and they also appear in small numbers in the
Sarangani Islands which lie just south of the mainland. At Bulatakay
they are a day's march back from the coast and to reach them it is
necessary to pass for several hours through a rolling belt of forest
land, then as the mountains are approached, gently sloping cogon plains
about ten miles in width are crossed. West of Malalag they are still far
from the sea with a belt of hill Tagakaolo between them and the coast
people. In this region they have spread out in considerable numbers on
to the grass plains, and for this reason are locally known as Tagkogon
"dwellers in the cogon." On the gulf side of the divide, south of
Malalag, they are found in small groups far back in the mountains, while
between them and the sea are Tagakaolo, Kulaman and Moro. Along the
watershed between the districts of Davao and Cotabato they possess all
the territory and even extend in some numbers into the lowlands toward
Lake Buluan. They are distinctly a mountain people, having never reached
the sea, except near Sarangani Point, until after the advent of the
American. Since then a few hundred have been induced to move to the
coast plantations, and the town of Labau has been established on the
Padada river about six miles back of the coast. According to Mr. H. S.
Wilson, tribal ward headman for the Bila-an, this tribe numbers about
ten thousand persons, of which number fifteen hundred reside on the
Sarangani Islands. The material here presented was gathered from the people of Labau,
the Malalag cogon, and those living near the headwaters of the Ma-al and
Padada rivers. Formerly a neutral, uninhabited belt extended between them and the
coast people, and at stated intervals they went to recognized trading
points in this territory to exchange their agricultural and forest
products for salt, fish, and other articles of barter. Beyond this
trading and an occasional fight, they had few dealings with the coast
people and seem never to have encountered the Spaniard. They are almost unknown to history, for aside from two or three short
accounts,[55] based mostly on hearsay, we find no mention of them. The
coast natives who knew them by name only had many stories concerning
their life and prowess, and one still hears that "the Bila-an are of
small stature but agile like monkeys. One may wander for days through
their territory without encountering a person and then when in a bad
place suddenly see the little people in hundreds swarming down the sides
of impassable cliffs. They are always in such numbers that, while they
use only the bow and arrow, they are almost sure to exterminate the
intruders." As a matter of fact, the Bila-an compare in stature with the
coast natives and differ little from them in color, although a few
individuals of decidedly lighter cast are met with. [55] BLAIR and ROBERTSON The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII, pp. 239,
282-283. Census of the Philippine Islands, 1905. Observations were made on thirty-eight men, but no women could be
induced to submit to being measured. The maximum height of the men was
found to be 163.6 cm.; minimum 142.3 cm.; with an average of 154.7 cm.
The cephalic indices showed 87.8 cm. as the maximum; 74 cm. the minimum;
and 80.4 cm. the average. The greatest length-height index was 78.6 cm.;
the minimum 62.4 cm. and the average 69.7 cm. From these measurements it
appears that the Bila-an are somewhat shorter than the Bagobo; are more
short headed, the majority being brachycephalic; while the height from
tragus to vertex is about the same in both groups, and both have the
crown and back of the head strongly arched. The face[56] is absolutely
shorter and relatively broader than in the Bagobo. The forehead is
usually high and full, but in about one-third of the individuals
measured it was moderately retreating, while in the same proportion the
supra-orbital ridges were quite strongly marked. In other features, as
well as in hair form, eyes, body form and color, this people conform to
the description given of the Bagobo (Plates XLII-XLVIII). [56] Measured from the chin to the hair of the forehead. The greater
part of this tribe live far back in the rugged mountains which form the
watershed between the Cotabato valley and the Gulf of Davao. Travel
through that district is entirely on foot, and is principally along the
water courses, so that in going from place to place a person is
continually crossing the stream. From time to time dim trails, scarcely
worthy of that name, lead from the river's bank almost perpendicularly
up the mountain-side or to the summits of high hills, where will be
found one or two frail houses (Plate XLIX). The dwellings are never in
large groups, and more frequently each house is by itself. From one
habitation it is possible to look across the hills and see many others
at no great distance, to reach which would necessitate a descent of
several hundred feet and an equal climb up to each. There is considerable variation in the architecture of the dwellings
but the following description of the home of Datu Dialum, on the
headwaters of the Ma-al river, will give the general plan of all. Small hardwood poles about twenty feet in length formed the uprights
to which the side and crossbeams were lashed, while in the center of
each end beam smaller sticks were tied to form the king posts. From the
ridge pole small timbers extended to the side beams, thus forming the
framework on which the final topping of flattened bamboo was laid. This
roof was of one pitch and at the sides overhung the walls by about a
foot. Twelve feet above the ground other poles were lashed to the
uprights and on these rested the cross timbers of the floor, which in
turn were covered with broad strips of bark. The side walls extended
between the floor and the beams, but in no place did they extend up to
the roof. Entrance to the dwelling was gained by a notched log. Once inside the house the arrangement impressed one as being similar
to those of the Bagobo. Just above the door, and again in the far end of
the room, poles were laid across the beams to form the floors of lofts
which, in this case, were used as sleeping rooms. In front of the door, at the opposite side of the room, was a bed of
ashes in which three stones were sunk to form the stove, and above this
was suspended a rack which contained cooking pots, drying wood, ears of
corn, and the like. Close to the stove were a few earthen pots (Fig. 35)
and many short bamboo tubes filled with water, while against the wall
hung rattan frames filled with half cocoanut-shell dishes, spoons, and
two or three old Chinese plates. Near the center of the room stood a
rice mortar made by hollowing out a section of log. At the far end of
the room was a raised sleeping platform, such as is found in all Bagobo
houses, and extending from this to the center and on each side of the
room were narrow stalls where the women were engaged in weaving, and in
which they slept and kept their most valued possessions. FIG. 35. COOKING POT AND COVER. In the description of the house we have mentioned most of the
furnishings. In addition it is customary to find a few well made mats ofpandanusorburipalm leaf. These are spread on the floor
when the owners wish to retire and for the rest of the time are rolled
up and laid along the walls. Carved forked sticks which serve as
torch-holders stand in various parts of the room, while somewhere near
the stove is a miscellany of wooden meat blocks, bamboo fans and fly
swatters, gourds filled with millet, salt, or mashed peppers, and
shovel-shaped or round rice winnowers, which also serve as common eating
dishes for the family and guests. Well made baskets stand by the walls
or hang from pegs along with articles of clothing, while spears,
shields, and other weapons are fastened to side walls or roof. Small clearings are found at no great distance from these dwellings
and in them the people raise rice, corn, millet, camotes, sugar-cane,
and a few banana and hemp plants (Plate L). As is the case with all the
wild tribes in this district, the Bila-an make new clearings as soon as
the cogon grass begins to invade their fields, and this in time causes
them to move their homes from one locality to another. The domestic animals consist of a few chickens, dogs, an occasional
cat and pig, and in the lower cogon lands, a few families possess
horses. Some fish are secured from the river, while deer, wild pig,
jungle fowl, and other game are taken with traps or secured by
hunting. There seems never to have been a time when this tribe was organized
under a single leader as was the case with the Bagobo. Each district is
so isolated from the others and the population so scattering that any
such development has been barred, and hence the people of each river
valley or highland plain have their local ruler. The power of this ruler
is real only so far as his personal influence can make it so. He
receives no pay for his services, but his position makes it possible for
him to secure the help of his fellows when he is in need of workers or
warriors. In return he conducts negotiations with other groups and
administers justice in accordance with the customs handed down from
bygone ages. Upon his death he is succeeded by his eldest son,
unless the old men of the group should consider him incompetent, in which
case they will determine upon the successor. Warriors who have killed one or more persons[57] are known aslEbE(Plate XLII), and are permitted to wear plain red suits
decorated with embroidery. Their duties and privileges are much the same
as those of the Bagobomagani. [57] Said to be four among the Tagkogon. A class known asalmo-osis composed mostly of middle-aged
women who are in close communication with the spirits and who, like themabalianof the Bagobo, conduct ceremonies to aid in the cure of
the sick, to secure good crops, or to thank the higher beings for their
help and watchfulness. Unlike themabalian, these women are
seldom midwives, such duties being performed by a group calledfandita.[58] Finally, we learn that slaves are sometimes taken
from neighboring tribes or even from unfriendly settlements of their own
people, to which class may be added offenders against the laws of the
group. Slavery, however, is not very prevalent, for men are not greatly
desired unless needed for a sacrifice, while young girls and women soon
become regular members of their master's family. [58] Probably a corruption of the Moro termpandita. As has just been indicated a man may have as many wives as he can
secure by purchase or capture, provided they are not blood relations,
but a new wife cannot be added to the family until the one preceding has
borne a child. Difficulties are generally settled between the parties concerned, but
if they carry their case to the ruler they must abide by his decision. A
thief is usually compelled to return the stolen property, but in at
least one case the culprit was sacrificed.[59] [59] See p. 145. Murder can be avenged by a murder so long as the trouble remains a
family affair, but if the case goes to the ruler it is probable that he
will levy a fine on the culprit. Unfaithfulness in a wife can be
punished by the death of one or both offenders if the husband exacts the
punishment, otherwise a fine is imposed. The type of clothing worn by this tribe is practically identical with
that of the Bagobo, while the cloth from which it is made is procured by
a like process. However, in the ornamentation of these garments there is
wide variation. Beads are not used to any great extent, but in their
place are intricate embroidered designs which excel, both in beauty and
technique the work of any other wild tribe in the Islands, while on the
more elaborate costumes hundreds of shell disks are used in artistic
designs. The woman's skirt is of hemp and is made in exactly the same
manner as those of the Bagobo, but the general pattern is different, and
it seldom contains the broad decorative center panel (Plate LX). Some of the men cut their hair so that it falls in bangs along the
center line of the forehead and behind reaches to the nape of the neck,
but the majority of them, and all the women, allow the back hair to grow
long and tie it in a knot at the back of the head. Ordinarily the men
dispense with head covering, or at most twist a bit of cloth into a
turban, but for special occasions they wear palm leaf hats covered with
many parallel bands of rattan and crowned with notched chicken feathers
(Plate LI). Rarely is a women seen with any kind of head protection or
hair ornament other than a small comb which is peculiar to this tribe
(Fig. 36). This comb is made of bamboo or rattan splints drawn together
at the center but flaring at top and bottom until it forms an ornament
in the shape of an hour glass. The ear plugs worn by the men are of wood
and are undecorated, but those of the women have the fronts overlaid
with incised brass plates (Fig. 37). In other respects the dress of the
women differs little from that of the Bagobo. They have the same
necklaces, arm and finger rings, leglets, and anklets, although in less
quantity. They also carry trinket baskets, but these are larger than
those used by the women of the other tribe and are lacking in bead and
bell pendants. However, they are tastily decorated with designs in
colored bamboo or fern cuticle. We have already noted that the use of
plain red garments is limited to warriors, but cloth of that hue which
contains narrow black stripes may be used by all. Quite a number of
garments are seen in which white pattens appear in a red background
(Plate LVIIIc). In this tribe the use of such suits is not restricted,
but with the neighboring Kulaman they can be worn by warriors[60]
only. FIG. 36. WOMEN'S COMBS. FIG. 37. A. WOMEN'S EAR PLUGS. B. MEN'S EAR PLUGS. [60] See p. 155 for a description of this process. [Transcriber's
note: 20 pages further from this one.] Before we proceed further with the description of the life of the
people, it will be well for us to inquire into their religious beliefs,
for, as is the case with all their neighbors, their faith in unseen
beings influences their daily life to a very great extent. The two
following tales deal with the Bila-an genesis. "In the beginning wasMElú—a being of such great size as
to be beyond comparison with any known thing; who was white, having gold
teeth, and who sat upon the clouds, and occupied all space above. "He was very cleanly and was constantly rubbing himself with his
hands in order that he might keep his skin quite white. The scurf or
dead skin which he thus removed, he placed to one side where it
accumulated at last to such a heap that it annoyed him. To be rid of
this annoyance he made the earth, and being pleased with his work, he
decided to make two beings like himself only much smaller in size. This
he did from remnants of the material from which he made the earth. "Now, while MElú was making the first two men, and when he had the
first one finished, all excepting the nose; and the second one finished
all excepting the nose and one other part, Tau Tana (Funtana) or Tau
Dalom Tana appeared and demanded of MElú that he be allowed to make the
nose. Then began a great argument in which Tau Dalom Tana gained his
point and did make the noses and placed them on the faces of the first
two people upside down. So great had been the argument over this making
and placing of noses that MElú forgot to finish that part of the second
person and went away to his place above the clouds, and Tau Dalom Tana
went away to his place below the earth. Then came a great rain and the
two people on the earth were about to perish on account of the water
which ran off their heads into their noses. MElú seeing what was
happening came to them and changed their noses, and then told them that
they should save all the hair which came from their heads, and all the
scurf which came from their bodies to the end that when he came again he
might make more people. As time passed there came to be a great many
people, and they lived in a village having plenty to eat and no labor
but the gathering of such fruits as they desired. "One day when the rest of the people were about the village and the
near country, a man and woman who had been left behind fell to gazing,
one upon the person of the other, and after a little while they went
away apart from the rest and were gone many days, and when they returned
the woman carried a child in her arms, and the people wondered and were
afraid. When MElú came again soon, knowing what had taken place, he was
very angry and he went away abandoning them, and a great drought came,
when for two seasons no rain fell and everything withered up and died.
At last the people went away, two by two, one man and one woman
together, and MElú never again came to visit his people on
earth."[61] [61] Recorded by Mr. H. S. Wilson. The writer did not hear the foregoing tale, but the following, with
more or less variation, was told to him by several Bila-an: "In the beginning four beings, MElú and Fiuweigh-males, and Dwata and
Sawegh (or sEwE or sEweigh)-females, lived on a small earth or island as
large as a hat and calledsalnaoñ. There were no trees or grass
on this island, but they had one bird called Baswit. They sent this bird
across the waters to secure some earth, the fruit of the rattan and of
trees. When it returned MElú took the earth and beat it the same as a
woman beats pots until he had made the land, then he planted the seeds
in it and they grew. When he had watched it for a time he said: 'Of what
use is land without people'; so the others said, 'Let us make wax into
people.' They did so, but when they put the wax near to the fire it
melted, so they saw they could not make man that way. Next it was
decided that they should use dirt, and MElú and Fiuweigh began to make
man. All. went well until they were ready to make the nose. Fiuweigh who
was making this part put the nose on upside down and when MElú told him
that the people would drown if he left it that way he became very angry
and refused to change it. When he turned his back, MElú seized the nose
quickly and turned it as it now is, and you can see where, in his haste,
he pressed his fingers (at the root). "The people they made were Adnato and Andawi, male and female. These
two had children, Tapi (or Mastafi) and Lakarol. (Informants disagreed
here, part insisting that MEsa, Lakbang, and Mangarang were part of the
first people made.) Their descendants were Sinudal (female), Moáy
(male), Limbay (female), Madinda (female), Sinnamoway (male), Kamansa
(male), Gilay (female), Gomayau (male), Salau (male), Slayen (female),
BaEn (female), Kanfal (female), Latara (male)." [Transcriber's note: These identifications of male and female (in
parentheses above and below) are all signaled in the text using
non-ASCII symbols; the symbols for male or female were footnoted.] The last was the father of Alimama, the chief informant of this tale.
Inok, dato of Labau, is also of this line, tracing his descent from
Lakbang. It is said that MElú and Sawegh now live below, Dwata and Fiuweigh in
the sky. A variation of this story credits MElú and Dwata with being the
creators of Fiuweigh and SEweigh. They were the ancestors of men, for
they took earth and made it into the form of people and then whipped it
until it moved. The first people they made were Otis (male) and Lakbang
(female). Two of their children were Mastafi (male) and Lakarol (or
Landol) (female). From these two came all the Bila-an. "These two lived
in a small distant place and their one animal was Baswit—a bird.
They sent him on a long journey and when he returned he brought a piece
of earth and the fruit of apandagtree. Lakarol planted the
fruit in the piece of earth and when it grew the leaves fell down and
finally made the earth." From these tales and later questioning we learn the MElú, or MElE, is
the most powerful of all the natural spirits and that his help is sought
in times of calamity and at very important occasions. Duwata (Duatá, Dwata, Adwata, Diwata) is generally considered to be
the wife of MElú and of equal strength with him. She is sometimes
identified with a female spirit called Kalalokan. Fiuweigh and SEweigh are now powerful spirits; but there is some
dispute as to whether they have always been so, or once were human. Lamot ta Mangayó, also called Mandalangan, is the patron spirit of
the warriors and is in all respects almost identical with Mandarangan of
the Bagobo. Thebusauare a class of spirits, often ill-disposed toward
men, who live in various parts of the mountains. Bakay, one of thebusau, is said to be the owner of the deer and pig and is held in
considerable esteem by the people of the Padada region, but he is not
recognized by the Tagkogon branch of the tribe. Another spirit, Bawi,
who owns the rice, is in great favor with the Padada people, but is
unknown to the latter group. Flau is the spirit of an unborn child whose
mother died in pregnancy. Its cry is often heard at night, and at times
it attacks and injures people. These natural spirits are very powerful, and since they sometimes
interest themselves in the doings of mortals it behooves all to keep
their good will. Below them is another class of spirits, less powerful,
but far more concerned in the affairs of men, and for this reason more
to be feared should they become displeased. This class is made up of the
spirits of the dead. A man's spirit,almogol, does not live in
his body, but always accompanies him during life. If at any time it
wanders the man becomes ill, and if it fails to return its owner dies.
After separating from the body thealmogolgoes to Kilot, a good
place below the earth where there is no work or punishment. There it
spends most of its time, but upon occasion returns to its former haunts
where it aids or injures the living. Thealmo-os, already mentioned,[62] have considerable
influence with all the spirits, but they are particularly close to thealmogol. When a person is ill he is placed in a little house
known aslawig(Plate LII), beside which a fire is kindled.
Nearby are two decorated bamboo sticks, behind which the spirit of the
sick man stands while he watches the proceeding. Thealmo-ostakes a chicken in his hands and, while five or six assistants dance, he
chants, appealing to the spirit to see the good things that are being
prepared, and to be pleased to return to the sick man. Occasionally, the
music stops and one of the dancers cries "almogol, here is food
for you; you must not go away." After a time the fowl is killed, is
cooked over the fire, and is fed to the invalid, while the "doctor"
continues his song of entreaty. If the call pleases the spirit it will
pass between the bamboo sticks and go to the sick person in thelawig, but if it is not convinced that it should remain it
departs, and the patient dies. The sick person is kept in the spirit
house for a day and is then returned to his home. [62] See page 133. Little structures known asboloñare erected for other spirits
who may be trying to injure thealmogolor attempting to persuade
it to leave its owner. Certain ceremonies and offerings occur after a death, at the birth of
a child, at planting and harvest times, and when the warriors are about
to start on a raid; all of which will be spoken of in a later paragraph.
When approaching a place known to be owned by certain spirits, it is
thought wise to make a small offering. On the trail to Ma-al is a large
rock which marks the divide between the mountains and the open cogon
lands. As the writer's party approached this stone one of the men
removed some of his leg bands and placed them beside the rock, at the
same time praying thebusauto "take the present and do not let
any of our party fall sick or be injured on the journey." It is also
customary for a man who wishes to buy anything or to make a trade, first
to make an offering of betel-nut to the spirit of some rich man, and to
ask his help in the venture. Some new clearings are cut in the jungle each year, after the
constellationBalatikhas risen out of the sea. The spirits place
this sign in the heavens to notify all that the land should be cleared,
but it does not call for a sacrifice as in the case of the people we
have previously described. At that time the men cut the trees and
underbrush, and after allowing them to dry, fire them. They also make
the holes into which the women drop seed rice. When the land is ready for planting, a little house calledbotabwEis built in the center of the field, and beside it is
placed a platform or table,sina-al, on which is an offering of
food. Early in the morning, while the others sleep, the owner and his
wife carry the seed rice to the field and place it on thebotabwE. After a time they eat some of the food which has
previously been offered and then begin to plant, beginning close to the
spirit house. Soon they are joined by other workers who aid them in the
planting. These assistants do not receive payment for their services
other than food while working and like help when in need. At this time a
bamboo pole, with one end split and spread open like a cup,[63] is
placed in front of the elevated platform of the family dwelling and the
guardian spirit of the fields is promised that after the harvest he will
receive the new seed rice. While the rice is growing the men attend to
the fences and the women keep down weeds or frighten birds and other
intruders away. When the crops have matured all the people of a
neighborhood will meet at the home of the chief, and there celebrate a
ceremony known asPandoman. Two bundles of rice are laid on a mat
in the center of the room, and beside them a spear is thrust into the
floor. These are offerings to the great spirits MElú and Dwata who are
besought to give health to the workers while they are gathering crops.
As soon as this offering is made, the men begin to build the rice
granaries; meanwhile the women silently guard the mat and gifts, for
until the new storehouses are completed there must be no dancing or
merry-making. When all is ready for the harvest, the wife of the owner
goes alone to the field, and having cut a few heads of grain, she
carries them back to the house. One portion is placed in thesabakanother on a little platform,gramso, near to the
house, as an offering to MElú and Dwata; and the balance is cooked and
eaten by the family. The following morning all the women go to the
fields to gather the harvest. When the last bundle has been carried to
the house a celebration begins, agongs andEdEl[64] furnish the
music for the dancers, and for a day and a night all feast and make
merry; then the workers return to their homes carrying small gifts of
cooked food or new rice. [63] This pole which is here known assabakis the same as thetambaraof the Bagobo. See p. 66 and Fig. 12. [64] See p. 110 note. [Transcriber's note: 30 pages earlier.] Aside from clearing the land and helping somewhat with the rice
crops, the men seldom concern themselves with work in the fields but
leave the cultivation of corn, sweet potatoes, tobacco, and the like to
the women. A large part of the food of the tribe is furnished by the fruits and
herbs of the jungle and here again the women are the chief providers.
Although in the sago industry both sexes have well defined duties. Along the edge of the cogon lands are many largeburipalms,[65] from which a starch commercially known as sago is secured.
The men cut down a tree close to its roots and remove the hard outer
bark, thus exposing the soft fibrous interior (Plate LIII); then a
section of bamboo is bent so as to resemble an adze[sic], and with this
the men loosen or break up the soft interior portion of the trunk. This
is removed to a near-by stream, and is placed in a bark vat into which
water is led by means of bamboo tubes. Here a woman works it with her
hands until the starch grains are separated from the fibrous matter. As
the water drains slowly out the fine starch is carried with it into a
coarse cloth sieve, which retains all the larger matter but allows the
starch to be carried into another bark vat below. Fresh water passes
slowly through this lower vat, removing the bitter sap from the flour,
which is deposited on the bottom of the vat. From time to time this is
scraped up and placed in baskets where it is kept until needed. The
flour, while rather tasteless, is nutritious and in years of drought is
the chief source of food supply. [65]Corypha umbraculifera. Preparation of the meals, care of the children, basket and mat
making, weaving and decoration of clothing, take up most of the time of
the women when they are not engaged in the cultivation of the fields or
in search of forest products. The hardest work in the fields falls to the men; they also strip the
hemp needed in weaving, while a few of them are skilled workers in brass
and copper and turn out bells and other ornaments not at all inferior to
those of the coast natives. Their methods of casting as well as their
manufactures are identical with those of the Bagobo from whom they
probably learned the art. So far as could be learned no iron work is
done by members of this tribe, and the few spears and knives possessed
by the warriors seem to be trade articles. The old men claim that until recent years the bow and arrow was their
sole offensive weapon. It is certain that today they have a greater
variety of arrows and are more skillful in the use of this type of
weapon than are any of their neighbors. None of the weapons found on the
gulf side of the divide appeared to be poisoned, but a number secured by
Major Porter from the Lake Buluan region seem to have been so treated
(Fig. 38). Different types of arrows have been developed for different
purposes; one for fighting, another for deer and pig, another for
monkeys, and still others for fish and birds (Fig. 39). Birds are killed
also by means of reed blow guns, identical in type with those shown on
page 73, Fig. 18. As a rule such weapons are used by boys. Pitch sticks
(Fig. 40), chicken snares, and fish traps are in common use, but bird
nets and wooden decoys seem to be unknown. FIG. 38. BOWS, ARROWS AND QUIVER FROM LAKE BULÚAN REGION. FIG. 39. BOWS AND ARROWS IN COMMON USE. FIG. 40. PITCH STICK USED IN THE CAPTURE OF SMALL BIRDS. When on a raid warriors carry beautifully carved shields, bows and
arrows, spears, and fighting knives (Plates LIV-LV). They are in bad
repute with the coast natives, but are really far less warlike and
troublesome than any of their neighbors. Their isolated dwellings serve
as protection against invaders, but at the same time make it difficult
to gather large bodies of men for raiding purposes. It is only when
urged on by an invasion of their country, by a desire for revenge for
real or fancied wrongs, or when a victim is needed for a sacrifice that
great raids are planned. Before a war party is to start against an enemy
the leader takes eight pieces of betel nut and some leg bands and
placing them on his shield, bids his followers lay their weapons upon
them. Addressing the guardian spirit of the warriors, he speaks as
follows: "Now listen Lamot ta Mangayó, let the person who killed my
brother come to meet us even though his head does ache, for now we offer
to you. Give us good fortune in the fight." Upon returning from the fray
they place eight whole betel nuts, together with leaves, on a plate, and
having set it outside the house, one of the warriors calls to MElú
saying: "If the brother of the man we have killed in payment for my
brother calls on you for aid, you must not give heed, for here we make a
present to you." There are no restrictions placed upon a pregnant woman, who, as a
rule, continues her regular duties until near the time of delivery.[66]
When the first pains begin an old man or woman offers four pieces of
betel nut to MElú, and to the spirit of the child's grandfather, if
deceased. The midwife prepares a drink which is supposed to aid in the
delivery, and after the birth she cuts the umbilical cord with a bamboo
knife. She also assists about the house for a time, and for these
services receives two or three Chinese plates, some small knives, rings
for the right arm, and some needles. The father is not under any
restrictions at this time, but for a day of two he will gather youngpatinapalms and from them prepare food for his wife. [66] A woman does not work during her periods, and any food prepared
by her at that time would be refused by all who knew her condition. From birth until marriage the career of the child is without special
event. He is a welcome addition to the family, but no ceremonies attend
either his naming, or his arrival at the age of puberty. As a rule, a youth does not take a wife until he is near twenty years
of age, and then his mate is generally of his own choosing. Having
decided upon a suitable girl he informs his parents and the friends he
may wish to accompany him when he goes to her home to press his suit.
Arrived at the house, the father of the suitor expresses his belief that
his son wishes to reside there since he now asks the daughter for his
wife. In reply he is told that the family is poor, having neither
agongs, animals, or other things of value. The suitor at once makes an
offering of some of these desired articles, but whatever the gift may
be, a return present equal to half its value must be made.[67] Should
the girl's parents reject the gift all negotiations would be called off
and the guests return home, but as a rule, both families are well aware
of and favorable to the expected wedding sometime before the visit of
the groom's parents. After the exchange of gifts, food is furnished
first to the guests and later to the couple, who in the presence of all
the friends, feed each other with rice and are henceforth considered as
husband and wife. Until after the birth of a child the couple live with
the girl's family and the groom serves his father-in-law. After the
birth of an heir the couple establish a home of their own and to it the
husband may bring other wives if he desires. He pays a price for these
new wives, but does not give any services to their families. The first
mate is considered superior to the others, and in case her husband dies,
she acts as administrator of his property; however, the children of a
second wife share equally with those by the first marriage. [67] Note the similarity to the Bagobo custom. Page 101. The evening following a death, the friends gather and throughout the
night sing of the virtues of the deceased and of their own sorrow. The
body is placed on a mat in the center of the house and for three days is
watched over by the relatives, who, during this time, abstain from
music, dancing, shouting, or loud talking. The women cease from weaving
and the men refrain from all labor. A breaking of this taboo would
result in the certain death of the offender, for the spirit of the dead
man is still near at hand and is sure to wreak his vengeance on those
who show him disrespect. Finally, the body is wrapped in mats and is
buried at some little distance from the house. All the people return to
the dwelling, where the headman makes a cup out of leaves, and having
placed in it a narrow belt or string, together with betel leaves, sets
it adrift on a near-by stream, while all the men shout.[68] This removes
the ban, so that all the people can resume their regular
occupations. [68] See pp. 157 and 161. [Transcriber's note: This is page 144.] If the deceased has been a person of great importance, the death
should be followed eight days later by a human sacrifice. This rite,
while less common than with the Bagobo, is by no means infrequent, and
may be occasioned by several causes beside that of death. For instance,
if a person has been ill for a long time and his relatives have become
convinced that an enemy has used magic to bring about the misfortune,
they may seize and sacrifice him, even though he be a member of their
own community. A case is known where a thief was put to death in this
manner. As there is considerable variation in the accounts of this
important ceremony the writer has thought it wise to give the
descriptions of two eye-witnesses. The first informant was an eighteen year old Bila-an boy of Labau
named Lantingan. His account is as follows: "Sololin of Ma-al, the wife of Karan, a Bila-an living near Digos,
died and her husband, in company with Umook, Gamban, and Bunod, Bagobos
of Digos, and the people of Labau, decided that a sacrifice was
necessary both because of the death and in order that the size, wealth,
and fame of the tribe might be increased. About this time Dianon, a
Bila-an of Latian (now deceased), caught a man named Saligon stealing
camotes, sugar-cane, and corn from the land.[69] He bound and tied the
man, and after a conference with Karan, Dianon agreed to turn over his
prisoner for the sacrifice if paid five agongs and one gun. [69] The woman Sololin had planted this sugar-cane and is reported to
have eaten some of it just prior to her death. The cane stolen was from
the patch, but the informant could not say whether or not this had
anything to do with later developments. "The sacrifice took place on a stream called Matinao near Labau
during the new moon. Two poles were sunk into the ground seven feet
apart, and a cross-piece attached about six feet above the ground. The
culprit was tied with hands crossed, one on each side of the horizontal
pole so that his arms were high above his head, and his feet were
fastened to a stake. "The men gathered close around the poles, but the women and children
stood at a distance. Karan took his stand just back and to the right of
the victim, and Umook stood in front on the left side. Both unsheathed
their knives and then they called upon the spirits Dwata, MElú and Lamot
ta Mangayó to look and see that they were killing the man because of his
great fault; if this were not true they surely would not kill him.[70]
At this point Saligon, the victim, told the men that he was not afraid
to die, that if they killed him, their fault would be great, but that if
they would release him, he would return at once to his home in Bilawan
and would not cause them any trouble because of what they had proposed
to do. When he stopped talking, Karan struck him from in front just
below the ribs with his fighting knife, and Umook struck him from in
back. The other men present who were willing to pay for the privilege
then struck at the body with their knives. The body was then cut down
and buried in a shallow grave already prepared for it. No parts were
carried away, although in some cases the women take the long hairs of
the victim and sew them in the designs on the men's trousers in place of
black thread."[71] [70] The informant here added that if the man had not been guilty,
Karan and Umook would surely have been punished with sickness; but since
they were not ill, it is certain that he was bad, and that Dwata had
taken his body up and would not punish his murderers. [71] The informant further volunteered, that the Bila-an make a
sacrifice every two years, and that several years ago his uncle named KE
was the victim. At that time he was too young to remember the
details. Datu Baklay who now lives near the Padada river, but was formerly a
resident of the Malalag cogon plains, claims that the ceremony is not a
yearly event, as is the case with the Bagobo, neither does it follow
each death; but if the deceased has been a person of great importance or
a member of the ruler's family it should take place in eight days,
regardless of the phase of the moon or the position of the stars. He
further insists that neitherBalatiknor any other constellation
governs the time of an offering, nor does such a ceremony insure better
crops or success in war. He describes the sacrifice following the death
of Datu Kalayan, his father, as follows: "A Bila-an slave was purchased for one agong and preparations made
for a sacrifice. A small house without floor or sides was built in the
forest some distance from the town, and in this were two upright poles
which supported a crossbeam at a height of about seven feet. Near them
and inside the house a shallow grave was dug and then the victim was
brought in. He was tied to the horizontal pole, hands crossed one on
each side of the beam. The men filled the house, leaving a free place
only near the victim, and the women and children crowded close around in
the yard. After addressing the spirits, Lamot ta Mangayó, MElú, and
Dwata, I placed my spear to the man's side, and then all the male
relatives took hold of the shaft and at my signal forced the weapon
through the body. Other men then cut at the body with their knives,
finally releasing it from the pole. While it lay on the ground the women
and boys were allowed to enter the house and throw spears at it, after
which it was buried." Baloey, a Kagan living at Padada, claims to have seen a Bila-an
sacrifice at Ma-al, about ten years ago, while Bagobo Datu Ansig of
Talun, and Tongkaling of Cibolan claim to have witnessed several of
these events. As their accounts agree in most particulars with the two
just recorded, it seems probable that we have here a fairly accurate
account of a rite which no white man has seen or can hope to see. In studying the decorative art of this people a person encounters the
same difficulties as with the Bagobo. Nearly all garments are covered
with elaborate patterns (Plates LVI-LX), to some of which all the people
will give the same names and explanations; but by far the greater
portion of the designs have only pattern names which are unexplained.
Many designs are readily identified as men and alligators. In Fig. 41
the forms marked a are identified as men and women, while the
conventionalized crocodile is shown in the same plates by the figures
marked b. Fig. 42 is perhaps the most interesting since it shows in one
garment the process of conventionalization. Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4, are
realistic representations of the human form; in 5 and 6 the heads are
lacking but the figures are easily recognized, while the balance have
lost all resemblance to the original, except for the uplifted arms and
spread legs, However, the great majority of decorative patterns on
clothing are without meaning to the mass of the people, and this is true
also of the designs on baskets, in mats, the incised designs often seen
on pottery jars, and of the carvings which frequently cover hangers,
tobacco tubes, and the like.
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