SKETCH OF FUNDAMENTAL RELIGIOUS BELIEFS.

FIG. 7. LITTLE GIRLS' PUBIC SHIELDS.

Although we shall treat religion more fully in a later paragraph, it is desirable that we now gain an idea of those beliefs which enter intimately into every activity of the daily life of this people.

The Bagobo believes in a mighty company of superior beings who exercise great control over the lives of men. Above all is Eugpamolak Manobo, also called Manama, who was the first cause and creator of all. Serving him is a vast number of spirits not malevolently inclined but capable of exacting punishment unless proper offerings and other tokens of respect are accorded them. Below them is a horde of low, mean spirits who delight to annoy mankind with mischievous pranks, or even to bring sickness and disaster to them. To this class generally belong the spirits who inhabit mountains, cliffs, rooks, trees, rivers, and springs. Standing between these two types are the shades of the dead who, after they have departed from this life, continue to exercise considerable influence, for good or bad, over the living.

We have still to mention a powerful class of supernatural beings who, in strength and importance, are removed only a little from the Creator. These are the patron spirits.

Guarding the warriors are two powerful beings, Mandarangan and his wife, Darago, who are popularly supposed to make their home in the crater of the volcano. They bring success in battle and give to the victors loot and slaves. In return for these favors they demand, at certain times, the sacrifice of a slave. Dissentions[sic], disasters, and death will be sure to visit the people should they fail to make the offering. Each year in the month of December the people are reminded of their obligation by the appearance in the sky of a constellation known asBalatik,[9] and soon thereafter a human sacrifice doubtless takes place in some one or more of the Bagobo settlements.

[9] Orion.

A man to come under the protection of these two deities must first have taken at least two human lives. He is then entitled to wear a peculiar chocolate-colored kerchief with white patterns in it. When he has killed four he may wear blood-red trousers, and when his score has reached six he may don a full blood-red suit and carry a sack of the same color. Such a man is known asmaganiand his clothing marks him as a person of distinction and power in his village. He is one of the leaders in a war party; he is chosen by thedatuto inflict the death penalty when it has been decreed; and he is one of the assistants in the yearly sacrifice. It is not necessary that those he kills, in order to gain the right to wear a red suit, be warriors. On the contrary he may kill women and children from ambush and still receive credit for the achievement, provided his victims are from a hostile village. He may count those of his townspeople whom he has killed in fair fight, and the murder of an unfaithful wife and her admirer is credited to him as a meritorious deed.

The workers in iron and brass, the weavers of hemp cloth, and the mediums or shamans—known asmabalian—are under the protection of special deities for whom they make ceremonies at certain times of the year.

Themabalianjust mentioned are people—generally women past middle life—who, through sufficient knowledge of the spirits and their desires, are able to converse with them, and to make ceremonies and offerings which will attract their attention, secure their good will, or appease their wrath. They may have a crude knowledge of medicine plants, and, in some cases, act as exorcists. The ceremonies which art performed at the critical periods of life are conducted by thesemabalian, and they also direct the offerings associated with planting and harvesting. They are generally the ones who erect the little shrines seen along the trails or in the forests, and it is they who put offerings in the "spirit boxes" in the houses. Although they, better than all others, know how to read the signs and warnings sent by the spirits, yet, all of the people know the meaning of certain omens sent through the medium of birds and the like. The call of thelimokon[10] is recognized as an encouragement or a warning and its message will be heeded without fail. In brief, every natural phenomenon and every living thing is caused by or is subject to the will of unseen beings, who in turn can be influenced by the acts of individuals. As a result everything of importance is undertaken with reference to these superior powers.

[10] A dove (Calcophops indica). Similar beliefs held by the Tagalog were mentioned by Juan de Plasencia in 1589. See BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. VII, p. 189.

DWELLINGS—HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS.

The houses found in the coast villages line well marked streets and differ in few respects from those built by the Christianized natives throughout the Islands. Even in the more isolated districts the effect of this outside influence is marked. However, we can state with confidence that village life is a new idea to the Bagobo. He has, from time immemorial, built his home near to his fields, and there he and his family reside, except during festivals or when extreme danger threatens. At such times all go to the house of the local ruler and there unite in the festivities or the common defense.

The smaller dwellings have but one room, the floor of which is raised several feet above the ground and supported by many piles. A part of the latter extend five of[sic] six feet above the floor and form supports for the side and cross-beams. From the center of the room lighter poles project eight or ten feet above the cross-beams and form the main supports for the ridge timber. From beams at the end and sides of the room similar pieces run to this central ridge; below this they are joined together, at intervals, by means of horizontal poles and cross-beams. To this framework are lashed strips ofpalma brava, supports for a covering of closely laidruno, on which rests the final topping of flattened bamboo. The ridge pole is always at a sufficient height above the floor to give the roof a steep peak, and is of such length that, at the top, the side roof overhangs the ends. The roof generally rises in two pitches and always extends past the sides of the room.

In house building, the roof, which is made first, is raised to the desired height, thus serving as a shelter for the workers until the structure is complete (Plate XIII). Resting on the cross-beams, just below the rafters, a number of loose boards are laid to form a sort of attic or storage room where all unused articles, and odds and ends are allowed to accumulate.

The sides of the room, which are of flattened bamboo, are about six feet in height, and extend only to within a foot of the roof. In the walls small peep holes are cut so that the inhabitants can look outside without being seen (Plate XIV).

The flooring, which is generally made of strips ofpalma brava, is in two levels, forming a narrow elevated platform at one end of the room on which a part of the family sleep.

The furniture of this house is very scanty. Near to the door is the "stove" (Fig. 8)—a bed of ashes in which three stones are sunk to form a support for the pots and jars and nearby stand a few native jars and sections of bamboo filled with water. On a hanger above the fire may be found articles of food, seeds, and the like, which need protection from flies and insects. Against the wall is a bamboo rack (Fig. 9), filled with Chinese plates, or half cocoanut shells which serve as dishes. Near to the stove is a rice mortar standing on its own wooden pedestal which reaches to the ground (Fig. 10).

FIG. 8. THE "STOVE."

FIG. 9. BAMBOO PLATE RACK.

FIG. 10. RICE MORTAR.

FIG. 10A. RICE MORTAR.FIG. 10B. PEDESTAL WHICH REACHES TO THE GROUND.FIG. 10C. CIRCLE OF CORN HUSKS PLACED SO AS TO PREVENT GRAIN FROM FALLING OUT.FIG. 10D. WOODEN PESTLE.

A child's cradle, made of a blanket suspended hammock-like between the wall and a beam support, will probably be found. A few boxes and jars, usually of Chinese make, and always a copper gong or two are regular furnishings, while to these can be added a miscellany of clothing, looms, spears, shields, meat blocks, spoons (Fig. 11), and the like. Akin to furniture, since they are found in every house, are little basket-like receptacles made by splitting one end of a bamboo pole into several vertical strips and then weaving in other shorter horizontal strips (Fig. 12). These are attached to walls and supporting poles, and in them offerings are made to the various spirits.

FIG. 11. COCOANUT SHELL SPOONS WITH WOODEN HANDLES.

FIG. 12. TAMBARA OR BASKET-LIKE RECEPTACLE IN WHICH OFFERINGS ARE MADE TO THE SPIRITS.

This is our picture of a typical home. It is not a cheery place by day, for the lack of windows, as well as a fog of smoke from the open stove, makes it dark and gloomy. Nevertheless, since the house offers a cool retreat from the blazing sun, and the smoke-laden air is free from flies and mosquitoes, it is a popular resort for all members of the family during the hottest part of the day. The little light, which filters in through the many cracks in the floors and walls, is sufficient to allow the women to spin, dye, weave, and decorate their clothing, or to engage in other activities. After dark the resinous nuts of thebitáogtree, or leaf covered resin torches are burned, and by their uncertain light the women and men carry on their labors until far into the night. Entrance to the dwelling is gained by means of a notched log, bamboo pole, or by a ladder of the same material. As a protection against strong winds many props are placed against the sides of the house, and when large trees are available the dwellings are further secured by being anchored to them with rattan lines.

In each settlement or district will be found one large house built on the same general plan as the smaller dwellings, but capable of housing several hundred people (Plate XV). This is the home of the localdatuor ruler. All great ceremonies are held here, and it is the place to which all hasten when danger threatens. It is the social center of the community, and all who desire go there at any time and remain as long as they wish, accepting meanwhile the food and hospitality of the ruler.

A brief description of the house of Datu Tongkaling will give a good idea of this type of structure. Except for size—the dimensions being 44 x 20 ft.—the exterior does not differ greatly from the houses already described. A long, partially covered porch leading to the doorway is provided with benches which are always occupied by men and boys, loitering or engaged in the absorbing task of lousing one another. At the far end of the room is the elevated platform, but this one is much wider than is customary, and is intended as the sleeping place for the warriors, or illustrious guests. As the writer and his wife were considered, by thedatu, as belonging to the latter class, they were favored with this vantage spot, from which they could view and be viewed by the whole household. Along the sides of the room are elevated box-like enclosures in which thedatuand some of his wives and daughters sleep and keep their belongings. At night the balance of the family, including men, women, children, and dogs, occupy the floor. Midway between the side walls and near to the elevated platform are two decorated bamboo poles, which are raised in honor of the patron spirits of the warriors; while in other parts of the room are baskets, hanging altars, and other devices in which are placed offerings intended for the spirits. In addition to the customary furnishings are hundreds of objects testifying to the wealth of thedatu. Clothes, boxes, dozens of huge copper gongs, drums, ancient Chinese jars and plates, spears and shields, beaded clothing, baskets, and last but not least—in the estimation of thedatu—a huge enameled advertisement of an American brewery.

In the western part of the Bagobo district is a village known as Bansalan. Recently its people have been induced to leave the old settlement and build in a new location, midway between the mountains and the sea. Here the writer found a very different type of house (Plate XVIa). Small trees formed the uprights to which cross-beams were tied to make the roof supports, and on these rested a final covering ofnipapalm. A few feet above the ground other supports were lashed and on them strips ofpalma bravawere laid as flooring. In the few cases where the houses were fitted with sides, strips ofnipapalm fastened together with rattan were used. There seemed to be no uniform type of dwelling, each house differing from its neighbor in number of rooms, floor levels, or in other respects. Only one feature, the elevated sleeping platform at one end of the house, was always found. A few miles further inland, in the old settlement, the houses are of the type already described in detail. The people have been practically forced to their new location by governmental action. The new careless type of structures seen in Bansalan probably represents, to them, temporary structures in which they expect to remain only until a change of governors will furnish an excuse for returning to the old location.

OTHER BUILDINGS.

Near to each farm house or settlement will be seen one or more granaries, in which rice is stored (Plate XIV). Four poles form the support for a rectangular base from which the sides of the structure slope out at an angle of about 25 degrees from the perpendicular until they meet the roof. The sides and roof are of bamboo beaten flat, the latter covered with a topping of straw.

In the hemp fields is an occasional shed where the fiber is sometimes stripped, but more often these buildings, thus hidden from the public gaze, house the forges on which the smiths fashion knives and spears, or cast the bells and betel nut boxes so dear to the heart of each Bagobo.

Aside from the shrines or altars, which we shall describe later, the Bagobo erects no other buildings. He sometimes encloses a rice or cornfield with a fence, but this requires no special skill in building, since it consists of two parallel lines of uprights, between which bamboo tubes are laid to the desired height (Plate XVIb).

FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION.

It is impossible, without including about everything edible in a vegetable line to be found in the district, to give a full list of foods; hence no such attempt will be made. Chief of all is the rice, many varieties of which are grown in the mountain-side clearings.[11]

[11] Back of the coast there are no irrigated fields to be found in the Davao District.

Next in importance is thecamote, or sweet potato, and then follow in the order of their importance: corn, banana, sago and cocoanut.

Fish, eels, crabs, grasshoppers, monkeys,[12] deer, pigs, and chickens form a part of the food supply; in fact, the people seem to draw the line at nothing but crows, snakes, mice, rats, goats, horses, dogs, and cats. Despite the assertion of a number of worthy informants that the last three are on the prohibited list, it is the opinion of the writer that it is the scarcity of the supply rather than any feeling of prejudice which causes them to be included.

[12] Some people refuse to eat monkey meat.

Salt and pepper are used as condiments. The former is secured in trade with the coast natives and Chinese, while the latter is produced by mashing the fruit of a small wild pepper, locally known askatombal.

Rice, after being allowed to dry, is stored without being separated from the straw. When a supply is needed a bundle is laid on a piece of hide and is beaten with a wooden pestle, wielded by a woman or a slave. This separates the grain, which is gathered up and placed in a wooden mortar, where it is again beaten with the pestle until the outer husk has been loosened. To remove the chaff the rice is taken from the mortar, placed on a flat winnowing tray (Fig. 13), and tossed and caught, until the wind has carried away the lighter husks, thus leaving the grain free. This is placed in a pot, a small quantity of water is added, and the vessel is placed over the fire. Here it is allowed to remain only until it begins to boil, when it is placed on the ashes, near enough to the fire to keep it hot. From time to time the woman turns the jar until the contents is cooked through, wren each grain stands out free from its fellows.[13]

[13] This is the usual way of preparing rice throughout the archipelago.

FIG. 13. RICE WINNOWER.

Other vegetable foods are eaten raw, or are cooked with water and salt, with perhaps the addition of a little meat broth or a sour[sic].

[Transcriber's note: "sour" should read "soup."]

Small birds and fish are cooked without other treatment than a hasty cleaning; but the flesh of larger fowls, deer, and pig is generally cut into small cubes and cooked with condiments in a jar or small Chinese caldron. Birds are sometimes prepared by placing them on a spit, covering them with green banana leaves, and suspending them above the fire until roasted. This primitive paper bag cooking yields a most excellent dish.

Grasshoppers are relished, and are secured in the following manner: A clear grass spot is selected and several deep holes are dug in one end. Back of them, and leading toward them, is a high tight fence made in a V. By beating the grass with boughs as they walk toward the trap, the people drive the grasshoppers before them until they are finally forced into the pit, from which they are collected by the bushel.

I was told that meat was sometimes salted, dried, and stored away for future use. The climate seems to be absolutely opposed to such foresight, and the one time that I saw the process being used, the odors were such that I beat a hasty retreat and chose to accept, without proof, the verdict of the natives, that venison thus prepared was excellent.

Of almost as much importance as food is the use of the betel or areca nut,[14] which is chewed almost constantly by young and old of both sexes. The nut is divided into quarters and a piece ofbuyoleaf[15] is wrapped about each bit. To this is added a little lime and a pinch of tobacco, and it is ready for the mouth. The resultant deep red saliva is distributed indiscriminately on the floor, walls, and furniture where it leaves a permanent stain. To hold the materials necessary for this practice brass betel nut boxes, secured from the Moro or of their own manufacture, as well as plaited grass boxes and pouches are constantly carried (Plates XVIIa and XLI). The brass boxes generally have three compartments; the first for nuts, the second for leaves and tobacco, and the third for lime. Lime is also carried in small bamboo tubes (Fig. 14), in the decoration of which a great deal of time is consumed. The open end is fitted with a rattan sifter so that the powder is distributed evenly on the nut and leaf.

[14]Catechu L.

[15]Piper betel L.

FIG. 14. INCISED LIME AND TOBACCO TUBES.

Aged persons and those whose teeth have been so mutilated that they cannot chew, make use of an outfit which includes a small mortar and pestle (Plate XVIIb). Cutting open green betel nuts, the chewer wraps the pieces in leaves and, after adding a liberal supply of lime, mashes them in the mortar until all are reduced to a soft mass.

Lime is secured by placing snail shells in a fire, from which they are taken while hot and dropped into cold water. They can then be crushed into powder with the fingers.

Although the Bagobo raises a considerable quantity of tobacco he seldom, if ever, smokes it unless the leaf is furnished him, already prepared, by an outsider. Sometimes a small ball made of the green leaves is placed between the teeth and upper lip, where it remains until all the flavor has been extracted.

The outfits for betel nut and tobacco, aside from the brass boxes which fasten at the side, are generally carried in the sacks worn on the backs of the men or in the elaborate shoulder bags worn by the women. However, a small waterproof box is frequently seen attached to a man's belt, and in this he carries his betel nut, tobacco, and fire-making outfit.

The usual method of making fire is by the use of flint and steel, but when this is not at hand a flame can be quickly obtained by rubbing two pieces of bamboo rapidly together until the friction produces a spark.

HUNTING AND FISHING.

Since only a few domesticated animals and fowls are found in a settlement, the greater part of the meat supply is secured by hunting and fishing.

Deer and wild pig are taken by means of spears. The hunter either lies in wait near the runways of the game, or the animals are driven toward the spot where the huntsmen are concealed. For this purpose the ordinary lance (Figs. 15a, b and c) is often used, but a more effective weapon is the spear known askaláwat(Fig. 15d). In this the metal head fits loosely into a long shaft to which it is attached by a rope. As soon as the weapon enters the body of the animal the head pulls out of the shaft, and this trails behind until it becomes entangled in the undergrowth, thus putting the game at the mercy of the hunter. Dead falls and pits are put in the runways, and a frightened animal is sometimes impaled on concealed sharpened bamboo sticks. Less frequently, large animals are secured by means of rope loops which hang from trees past which the game is accustomed to pass. Until recent years thebalatik, a trap which when sprung throws an arrow with great force against the animal which releases it, was much used but so many domestic animals have been killed by it that this sort of trap is now in disfavor.

FIG. 15. SPEARS USED IN FIGHTING AND HUNTING.

Wild chickens are captured by means of snares (Fig. 16). A tame rooster is fastened in the jungle and around him is placed a snare, consisting of running knots attached to a central band. The crowing of this fowl soon attracts the wild birds which, coming in to fight, are almost sure to become entangled in one of the nooses. Slip loops, attached to a bent twig and released by disturbing the bait, are also employed in the capture of wild fowl.

FIG. 16. CHICKEN SNARE AND CARRYING CASE.

Birds of all sizes are secured by use of bows and arrows, blow guns, or nets. Wooden decoys (Plate XVIII) are tied to the branches of trees in which the hunters are concealed. The bows used are ofpalma brava, in each end of which notches are cut to hold the rattan bow strings (Fig. 17). The arrow shafts are of light reeds and are fitted with one or two bamboo points. These weapons are effective only for close range, and even then the Bagobo are far from being expert marksmen. Boys use a reed blow gun through which they shoot light darts tufted with cotton (Fig. 18). The missile is not poisoned and is of little use at a distance of more than twenty feet.

FIG. 17. BOWS AND ARROWS.

FIG. 18. BLOW GUNS AND DARTS.

By far the most effective means of securing birds is to stretch a net between trees or poles where the birds are accustomed to fly. Wooden decoys are attached to the net in order to attract the game which, once enmeshed, is easily caught.

Various devices are employed in the capture of fresh water fish,[16] but the most common is a torpedo-shaped trap of bamboo (Fig. 19). Stone conduits lead the water from streams into the open ends of these traps, thus carrying in fish and shrimps. The funnel-shaped opening has the sharpened ends set close together so that it is quite impossible for the prisoners to escape, although the water readily passes between the bamboo strips.

[16] Along the coast the methods of the Christianized natives are used in salt water fishing.

FIG. 19. BAMBOO FISH TRAP.

A hook and line is employed, especially for eels; while in clear pools fish are secured by means of a four-pointed spear which is thrust or thrown (Fig. 20). Perhaps the most interesting device used is a lure, known asboro(Fig. 21). A live minnow is fastened at the end of the rod near to a rattan noose. A cord running from the noose to the end of the stick allows the fisherman to draw up the noose as he desires. The struggles of the captive fish soon attract others, and when one enters the loop the line is drawn taut, securely binding the intruder. Several fish can be taken from a single pool by this method. A berry (anamirta coccithis L.) is used in the capture of fish. It is crushed to a powder, is wrapped with vines and leaves, and is thrown into pools. The fish become stupified[sic] and float to the surface where they are easily captured. After being cooked they are eaten without any ill effects.

FIG. 20. (LEFT) FOUR-POINTED FISH SPEAR.

FIG. 21. (RIGHT) FISH LURE.

OCCUPATIONS.

Mention has already been made of some of the daily occupations of the people. We have found the women caring for the home and preparing the rice and other foods which are served in the house. At no time did the writer see a man, other than a slave, take any part in such household duties; but when on the trail each would do his share in preparing the meals. In the village we found the women and children carrying the water and wood and, at rare intervals, doing laundry work. Instead of soaping and rubbing soiled clothing, they soak the garments in water, then place them on stones and beat them with wooden paddles or clubs. The articles are alternately soaked and beaten until at least a part of the dirt has been removed. It is also the privilege of any woman to engage in the manufacture of basketry, or to act as a potter.

In the manufacture of baskets the woman makes use chiefly of bamboo and rattan, though other materials, such aspandanusare sometimes brought into service. Three weaves or their variants are employed. The first is the common diagonal or twilled weave, in which each element of the weft passes over two or more of the warp elements. In this way most of the rice winnowers, transportation baskets, knife sheaths, and the like are made. In the second weave (Fig. 22), the foundation of the basket is made up of parallel horizontal rods, or strips of bamboo. These are laced together by warp strips which pass alternately under one and over one of the foundation rods, crossing each other at an angle, one above the other below the rod. The trinket baskets carried by the women, the larger waterproof receptacles known asbinota, and the covers for wild chicken snares are in this technic. A variant of this weave is found in the rattan carrying frames and in some fish traps (Fig. 23). Here the warp strips cross one another at an angle, at each meeting place enclosing the horizontal foundation strips. Unlike the second weave described, the warp strips do not pass alternately above and below the horizontal foundation, but retain the same relation to it throughout the entire length of each strip. A coiled weave (Fig. 24) is used in the manufacture of tobacco boxes (Plate XIX) and in the rims of women's baskets. In this type the foundation consists of a series of horizontal rattan strips or rods which are sewed together in the following manner. A narrow stripApasses over two of these parallel rods2and3in a left handed spiral. At the top of the loop the strip passes under a similar stripBwhich binds rod2to the one above. Passing downward inside the basket, the stripAgoes beneath the stripCwhich binds rods3and4together. These are drawn tightly while damp, thus forcing the foundation rods so closely together as to make the basket practically water-tight. Pitch from thetabon-tabonnuts may also be rubbed over the outside surface, thus making the receptacle impervious to water.

FIG. 22.

FIG. 23.

FIG. 24. TYPES OF WEAVING USED IN BASKETRY.

In the great majority of baskets the surface is divided into three parallel zones or decorative bands. These are produced by making a slight variation in the weave, by the use of blackened strips of bamboo and rattan, or by substituting in their place the black cuticle of a fern.

As a rule the women of this tribe are not good potters and take little pride in their work. In some districts the art has been entirely lost, and the people depend on the coast natives for their cooking utensils. At the village of Bansalan the women were found still to be proficient in their work. After the dampened clay had been carefully kneaded in order to remove lumps and gravel, the bottom of the jar was moulded with the fingers and placed on a dish which was turned on a bit of cloth or a board and answered the purpose of a potter's wheel. As the dish was turned with the right hand the operator shaped the clay with the fingers of the left adding fresh strips of material from time to time until the desired size was obtained. The final shaping was done with a wooden paddle and the jar was allowed to dry, after which it was smoothed off with a stone. When ready for firing it was placed in the midst of a pile of rubbish, over which green leaves were placed to cause a slow fire.

Other dishes are made by splitting a cocoanut in half and removing the "meat." This is readily accomplished by the use of a scraper fitted with a rough iron blade (Fig. 25), over which the concave side or the half nut is drawn. The cocoanut meat is used for food and oil.

FIG. 25. COCOANUT SCRAPER.

A little later we shall describe the active part woman takes in the planting and care of the fields, but now we shall take up in some detail the industry in which she stands pre-eminent, the preparation and weaving of hemp.

The hemp ordinarily stripped by the men is considered too fine to be used in the manufacture of clothing, so a smaller stripping device is employed by the woman (Plate XX). On this she cleans the outer layers of the hemp stalk, from which a stronger and coarser thread can be obtained. The fiber is tied in a continuous thread and is wound onto a reel. The warp threads are measured on sharpened sticks driven into a hemp or banana stalk, and are then transferred to a rectangular frame (Plate XXI). The operator, with the final pattern in mind, overties or wraps with waxed threads, such portions of the warp as she desires to remain white in the completed garment. So carefully does she wrap these sections, that, when the thread is removed from the frame and placed in the liquid dye, no portion of the coloring matter penetrates to the portions thus protected. If a red color is desired the root of thesikarig[17] palm is scraped and the scrapings placed in bark vats filled with cold water. The thread is first washed in, and is later boiled with the dye for a half hour, after which it is placed in a basket to drain and dry. The process is repeated daily for about two weeks, or until the thread assumes a brick red color. If a purple hue is desired a little lime is added to the dye. Black is obtained by a slightly different method. The leaves, root, and bark of thepinarrEmtree are crushed in water. This yields a black liquor which is poured into a jar containing the thread and the whole is placed over a slow fire where it remains until the liquid is near the boiling point. When this is reached the thread is removed and placed in a gourd, the open end of which fits over the jar so as to catch the steam coming from the dye. After a time the thread is removed and dried, and the process is repeated until at last a permanent black is obtained. After the coloring is complete the thread is again placed on the rectangular frame, the over-tying is removed and the warp is ready for the loom (Plate XXII.) In the loom (Plate XXIII) the threads encircle a bamboo pole attached to the wall, and are held tense by a strap which passes around the waist of the operator. The weft threads are forced up against the fabric by means of the comber board and are beaten in with a baton. The warp threads are held in their relative positions, first by the comber board, second by loops which pass under the lower threads and over a small stick or lease rod, and lastly by passing over and under, or around, other lease rods. These are rolled away as the work progresses.

[17]Morinda Bracteata Roxb.

[18] Woof threads are generally of one color. A somewhat similar process used in Java is described by SIR THOS. RAFFLES in The History of Java, Vol. I, p. 189.

[Transcriber's note: Although footnote 18 appears on the same page as the above paragraph, it is not clear to what particular part of that paragraph it refers.]

After the cloth is removed from the loom it is polished. A long pole ofpalma bravais fitted into a notch in the roof. The operator seats herself on the floor with a smooth board before her, or in her lap, and on it places the dampened cloth. A shell is fitted over the lower end of the pole, which is bent and made bowlike, until the shell rests on the cloth. It is then ironed rapidly to and fro until the fabric has received a high polish (Plate XXIV).

The woman's duties do not end with the manufacture of cloth, for all the garments worn by the members of the tribe are the result of her handiwork. She sews the strips of hemp cloth into skirts, men's trousers, carrying bags, and sometimes into jackets. The women devote hours of labor to these jackets, covering arms, necks, and waist bands with colored embroidery or designs in applique, while on the better garments they place elaborate designs in beads or shell disks.

After the evening meal is over the women of the household gather around the flickering lights, and until far into the night work on these garments, bead necklaces, or other ornaments.

Only a few of the weavers attempt to make the peculiar chocolate-colored head covering worn by themagani. For these kerchiefs the woman weaves a square cotton cloth of the desired size, and at one corner attaches a small brass hook. Joined to the hook, by means of a chain, is a loop which fits over the toes of the operator, thus enabling her to keep the fabric taut while her hands are left free for work. Small sections of this cloth are raised and are wrapped with waxed thread, so that when the fabric is dyed these portions will not receive the coloring matter (Plate XXV). Later the overtying is removed, leaving small white rings or squares on a chocolate-colored background. These cloths are meant primarily for the warriors, but expert weavers, who are under the protection of a certain powerful spirit, are also permitted to wear an upper garment of this material.

A considerable part of the man's time is consumed in preparation for, or actual participation in, hunting or warfare, but in addition to this he does a goodly portion of the work in the fields, and is the house builder. When a man is about to erect a dwelling he notifies his friends to come and aid him. This they will do without pay, but when in need of similar services they will expect and will receive similar help. All sorts of house-furnishings, such as spoons, meat blocks, or rice mortars are made by the man, and not infrequently, he assists in the making or waterproofing of baskets. A few of the old men of Cibolan still engage in the manufacture of small shell disks with which valuable suits are decorated, but the greater part of those now in use have been inherited, or are purchased from neighboring peoples. The men carve beads out of "Job's tears"[19] and make them into necklaces. For this purpose a peculiarly carved and decorated stick is employed (Plate XXVI). This is placed in the palm of the left hand so that the thumb and forefinger can hold the seed which fits into a depression in the top. A knife in the right hand of the artist is worked over the seed thus cutting a line into which dirt is rubbed. Women's combs are made by shaping a half circle out of light wood and then cutting teeth into it with a saw-like blade of tin or iron.

[19]Coix lachryma Johi L.

Among the men, as with the women, certain industries are monopolized by a few individuals. In this community no men stand higher in the estimation of their fellows than do the smiths and the casters of copper. The writer spent many hours watching I-o, the brass and copper worker of Cibolan, while he shaped bells, bracelets, and betel boxes at his forge on the outskirts of the village (Plate XXVII). Feathered plungers, which worked up and down in two bamboo cylinders, forced air through a small clay-tipped tube into a charcoal fire. This served as a bellows, while a small cup made of straw ashes formed an excellent crucible. The first day I watched I-o, he was making bells. Taking a ball of wax the size of a bucket shot, he put it on the end of a stick (Fig. 26a), and over this moulded the form of a bell in damp ashes obtained from rice straw (b). When several bells were thus fashioned they were dipped in melted wax and were turned on a leaf until smooth, after which an opening was cut through the wax at the bottom of each form (c). Strips of wax were rolled out and laid in shallow grooves which had been cut in the sides of the bells and were pressed in, at intervals, with a small bamboo knife (d). The top stick was then withdrawn, leaving an opening down to the wax ball inside. Into this hole a thin strip of wax was inserted and was doubled back on itself so as to form a hanger (e). For three days the forms were allowed to harden and were covered with several coats of damp straw ashes. Finally they were laid in a bed of the same material with a thin strip of wax leading from each bell to a central core (f). [FIG. 26] The whole, with the exception of the top of the central wax strip, was covered with a thick coating of damp ashes, and when this had hardened pieces of copper, secured from broken gongs, were placed in the crucible, melted and poured into the open end of the clay form. The molten metal took the place of the wax as it was dissolved and flowed to all parts where it had been. After being dropped in water the form was broken open, revealing six nearly perfect little bells which were ready for use as soon as the ashes were removed from them. The same method was used for all other casting. Clay forms were made as desired, were covered with wax, and the final coating of ashes applied before the casting. The workers in copper and brass are under the care and guidance of a spirit, Tolus ka towangan, for whom they make a yearly ceremony,Gomek towangan.

FIG. 26. STAGES IN THE MANUFACTURE OF METAL BELLS.

FIG. 26. STAGE IN THE MANUFACTURE OF METAL BELLS.

[Transcriber's note: Two different figures on different pages are both labeled FIG. 26.]

Of even greater importance are the smiths who are also under the care of a powerful spirit for whom theGomek-gomananceremony is celebrated each year, just prior to the planting time. Their forges are hidden away in the hemp fields, and I was repeatedly informed that no woman might see the smith at work. Whether or no such a rule is rigidly enforced at all times I cannot say, but at no time did I see a woman about the forge while the fire was burning, and although I was allowed to see and photograph the process, my wife was at all times prevented from doing so. The forge differs in no material respects from that used by the brass casters, except that hollowed out logs replace the bamboo tubes, and that a metal anvil and iron hammers are used. After an iron knife or spear head has been roughly shaped, the smith splits the edge to a slight depth and inserts a band of steel. The iron is pounded down on the harder metal and the whole is brought to a white heat in the charcoal fire. Removing it to the anvil the smith gives the blade one or two light blows and returns it to the fire. This is repeated many times before he begins to add the heavy strokes which finally weld the iron and steel together. The blade having been given its final shape is again heated and is held above a tube of water until the glowing metal begins to turn a yellowish green, when it is plunged into the cold water. This process, repeated many times, gives a fair temper to the whole weapon. Charcoal for the fire is secured by burning logs and chilling them suddenly with cold water.

Brass wire, secured in trade, is made into bracelets in the following manner. In order to soften it and make it more easily worked the roll of wire is heated until it begins to turn grey, when it is allowed to cool and is scraped, so as to restore the yellow color. One end is laid on an anvil made of an iron strip on a wooden block (Plate XXVII), and is cut into various designs by means of metal dies. A wooden cone is used as a form, about which the wire is placed in order to shape and measure it.

Hemp[20] grows wild in the Davao District and the Bagobo have, for generations, used it in the manufacture of their clothing. In recent years the demand for fiber has shown the people an easy way to secure the trade articles which they desire and, as a result, rather extensive plantings are found even in the more remote districts. The women strip a large part of the fiber in local use, but all that prepared for trade is produced by the men. When the ever-present cogon grass begins to invade a clearing, the young hemp is planted. In about eighteen months it has grown to a height of some sixteen feet and is ready to be cut. The man goes to the fields, cuts down some stalks and, having removed the leaves, splits off the outer fiber layers from the cellular matter of the interior, using a bone knife for this purpose. When he has accumulated a sufficient number of strips he carries them to the hemp machine (Fig. 27). This consists of a knife which rests on a wooden block. The handle turns on a pivot and the end is drawn upwards by means of a bent twig, or sapling, which acts as a spring. This spring is lowered and the knife blade raised by means of a foot treadle; a strip of hemp is laid on the block; the foot pressure is removed, and the knife descends. Taking a firm hold of one end of the strip, the operator draws it toward him under the blade, thus removing the pulp and leaving the free hemp threads. These are hung in the sun until dry, when they are tied in bundles ready to be carried to the coast. The work is hard and, unless necessity forces him to greater effort, a man seldom engages in it for more than three or four days in a month. He thinks his duty ceases with this expenditure of energy and, unless he is fortunate enough to possess animals or slaves, is quite content to allow his wife, or wives, to carry the product to the coast trader.

[20]Musa textilis.

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