Chapter 27

[118]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 2-11.[119]Tristani Caraccioli, Epist. de Inquisitione (Muratori, S. R. I., T. XXII, p. 97).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 68, 74.—Amabile, I, 101-18.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. ix, cap. xxvi.—Spondani Annal. Eccles., ann. 1510, n. 13.The formula withdrawing the Inquisition was “Havendo el Rey nostro Signore cogniosciuto la antiqua observancia e religione de la fidelissima Cita di napoli et de tucto questo regno verso la santa fe catholica sua Altezza ha mandato et ordinato levarese la inquisicione da dicta Cita et de tucto il regno predicto per lo bene vivere universale de tucti; et ultra questo su Altezza ha mandato publicare le infrascripte pragmatiche, dato in castello nova, napoli 22 novembre, 1510.”—Amabile, p. 118.In Ferdinand’s letter books there is nothing further respecting the Neapolitan troubles until May 27, 1511, he writes to Diego de Obregon, the receiver of Sicily, that the Bishop of Cefalù returns there by his orders and, in view of his sufferings for the Inquisition his salary must be paid. Yet he died without receiving it and, on February 16, 1514, Ferdinand ordered Obregon to pay the arrears to Mariano de Acardo, in reward for certain services rendered, but this was still unpaid in January of the following year. As for Andrés Palacios, a cédula of June 6, 1511, recognized him as inquisitor of Valencia, with salary dating back to January 1st and an ayuda de costa of a hundred ducats.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 145, 146, 280, 313.[120]Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 238, 239.[121]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 238, 239, 260, 261, 292, 295, 316, 317, 350.[122]Amabile, I, 119-20.[123]Giacinto de’ Mari, Riflessioni ... in difesa della Cittá e Regno di Napoli (MS.penes me).[124]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 78, fol. 39.[125]Chronicle of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir (Bialloblotsky’s Translation, II, 318-19).—Parrino, Teatro de’ Vicere, I, 175 (Napoli, 1730).[126]Caballero, Alonso y Juan de Valdés, pp. 182 sqq. (Madrid, 1875).[127]See Karl Benrath inHistorisches Taschenbuch, 1885, p. 172; also hisBernardino Ochino von Siena, Leipzig, 1875.—Manzoni, Estratto del Processo di Pietro Carnesecchi, Torino, 1870.[128]Le Cento e dieci divine Considerationi del S. Giovãni Valdesso: nelle quali si ragiona delle cose piu utili, piu necessarie e piu perfette, della Christiana professione. In Basilea, M.D.L.“Ingannati principalmente della superstitione e falsa religione ci fanno relatione che Dio è tanto delicato e sensitivo che per qualunque cosa si offende: che è tanto vendicativo che tutte le offese castiga: che è tanto crudele che le castiga con pena eterna: che è tanto inhumano che si gode che trattiamo male nostre persone, in fino allo sparger il nostro propio sangre, il quale egli ci ha dato: e che ci priviamo delle nostre facoltà, le quale egli ci ha dato, accio che con esse si manteniamo nella presente vita: che si gode che andiamo nudi e scalzi, continuamente patendo; che è vano e li piacciono li presenti e che gode di haver oro e belli parimenti, ed in somma che si diletta di tutte le cose delle quali un Tiranno si diletta; e si gode di haver da coloro che li sono soggetti.”—Consid.XXXVII.This edition of Basle, 1550, is the original from which the numerous translations have been made. For the bibliography, see Böhmer,Bibliotheca Wiffeniana, I, 124-29 (Strassburg, 1874). Also, Wiffen and Betts, “Life and Writings of Juan de Valdés,” London, 1865.Antonio Caracciolo styles Valdés “capo e maestro” of the Neapolitan heretics, who gave the Roman Inquisition early occasion to demonstrate its usefulness.[129]Manuel Serrano y Sanz (Revista de Archivos etc., Febrero, 1903, p. 129).[130]“Con questa risolutione condanna l’uomo il giudicio della prudentia e della ragione humana e renuncia il suo lume naturale ed entra nel regno di Dio, remettendosi al reggimento ed al governo di Dio.”—Ibidem, Consid.XXV.[131]Lac Spirituale Johannis de Valdés. Ed. Koldewey, Heilbronn, 1863.[132]Trataditos de Juan de Valdés, p. 179 (Bonn, 1880).The germ of much of this tract may be found in theMilitiæ Christianæ Enchiridion, Canon 5, in which Erasmus dwells on the worthlessness of external observances and stigmatizes the importance attached to them as a kind of new Judaism. Yet theEnchiridionwas repeatedly reprinted after its first appearance, in 1502, and was approved by Adrian of Utrecht, subsequently Adrian VI.[133]Giannone, Istoria civile del Regno di Napoli, Lib.XXII, cap. v, § 1 (Haya, 1753).[134]Chioccarelli Antistitum Neapol. Eccles. Catalogus, p. 321 (Neapoli, 1642).On the death of Carafa in 1544, Paul III gave the see to his own nephew, Rainuccio Farnese, a boy of fifteen. It was then administered through vicars, the one at the time of the troubles of 1547 being Fabio Mirto, Bishop of Cajazzo.—Ibidem, p. 326.[135]Bullar Roman. I, 762.[136]Amabile, I, 193-6. It would seem that, at this time, the Holy See claimed inquisitorial jurisdiction over Naples, for a papal brief of June 2, 1544 orders the viceroy to arrest and send under sure guard to Rome, Vespasiano di Agnone, a wandering Franciscan friar, guilty of sacrilege and other enormous crimes.—Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, p. 131 (Roma, 1892).[137]Antonio Caracciolo, in his MS. life of Paul IV, of which an extract is printed by Bernino (Historia di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 496) informs us that Cardinal Giovanni Piero Carafa, the head of the Roman Inquisition and afterwards Paul IV, did not want the Spanish Inquisition introduced in Naples because it was more subject to the crown than to the Holy See and the king took the confiscations.[138]For most of these details I am indebted to a MS. account by Antonio Castaldo, a notary who was intimate with all the leaders in these events. He was a devoted subject of Charles V and considered himself most fortunate in having been born in his time. He warmly praises the emperor’s clemency towards the city. Amabile’s elaborate narrative (I, 196-211) furnishes additional facts and Döllinger (Beiträge zur Polit.-, Kirch.-u. Cultur-Geschichte, I, 78-124) gives Mendoza’s correspondence. See also Giannone, Ist. Civile, Lib.XXXII, cap. v, § 1.—Páramo, pp. 194-5.—Natalis Comitis Historiar., Lib.II, pp. 35, 52 (Argentorati, 1612).—Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib.X, cap. i, n. 4.—Collenucio da Pesaro, Compendio dell’ Historia del Regno di Napoli, II, 184 (Napoli, 1563).—Campana, La Vita di Don Filippo Secondo, P.I, fol. 7 sqq. (Vicenza, 1608).The narrative of Uberto Foglietta (Tumultus Neapolitani sub Petro Toleto Prorege), though he was a contemporary who tells us that he visited Naples for the purpose of ascertaining the facts, is a confused and turgid piece of rhetoric, of no historical value.[139]Julii PP. III, BullLicet a diversis, 18 Mart., 1551 (Bullar. Roman. I, 799).[140]Chioccarello, Antistitum Eccles. Neap. Catalogus, pp. 331-2. Carafa was hostile to Spain and, on his elevation to the papacy as Paul IV, in 1555, he declared the throne of Naples vacant and fallen to the Holy See. He made an alliance with France but, in the ensuing war, he was speedily brought to terms by Alba. He retained the Neapolitan archiepiscopate for some time, doubtless in the hope of causing trouble there.[141]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.[142]Amabile, I, 214. Rebiba was promoted to the cardinalate shortly after the accession of Paul IV.[143]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.[144]Amabile, I, 218.—Fontana, Documenti Vaticani contro l’Eresia luterana in Italia, p. 178 (Roma, 1892).[145]Perrin, Histoire des Vaudois, chap.VII(Genève, 1618).—Amabile, I, 236-9.—Lombard, Jean-Louis Paschale et les Martyrs de Calabre (Paris, 1881).—Filippo de’ Boni, L’Inquisizone e i Calabro-Valdese (Milano, 1864).[146]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 79, fol. 135.[147]Scipione Lentolo, Historia delle grandi e crudeli Persecutioni fatte ai tempi nostri. Edita da Teofilo Gay, pp. 227, 314 (Torre Pellice, 1906).[148]Ibidem, pp. 251, 260[149]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.[150]Lentolo, pp. 228-41.—Gerdes, Specimen Italiæ Reformatæ, p. 134 (Lugd. Bat., 1765).—Amabile, I, pp. 248-9.[151]Amabile, I, 250, 253.—Lentolo, p. 245.[152]Lentolo, p. 244. This rests wholly on the authority of Lentolo and probably applied only to orphans. It was a practice derived from Spain.[153]Amabile, I, 256.[154]Lombard,op. cit., p. 105.[155]Amabile, I, 257.[156]Chioccarello MSS., Tom. VIII.—Amabile, I, 256.[157]Collenuccio, Historia del Regno de Napoli, II, 329b(Napoli, 1563).The process of confiscation seems to have been protracted. A vice-regal letter of January 29, 1569, states that all the proceeds had not yet been sold and orders that the matter be closed and the money be paid into the treasury.—Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.From a transaction in 1572 it appears that when Neapolitans were burnt in Rome, notice was sent to the viceroy in order that he might seize their confiscated estates. At the same time a statement was presented of their prison expenses, which were reimbursed to the Congregation of the Inquisition out of the proceeds.—Ibidem.[158]Lombard,op. cit., p. 107.[159]Decret. Sac. Congr. S. Officii, p. 221 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).[160]Amabile I, 259.[161]Ibidem, p. 258.[162]Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib.XXII, cap. viii, § 2.—Al nostro Santissimo Padre Innocenzio XII intorno al Procedimento nelle cause che si trattano nel Tribunale del S. Officio (MS.penes me).—Discorso del Dottore Angelo Gioccatano (Gaetano Agela), MS.penes me.—MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital., 209, fol. 117-18.—Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII (see Appendix).[163]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.[164]“Delle sante dimostrazioni contro gli eretici ed Ebrei, e supplicando che voglia esser servito di far intendere à sua Beatitudine la commune sodisfazione che tiene tutta la città che questa sorte di persone siano del tutto castigate ed estirpate per mano del nostro ordinario come si conviene como sempre averno supplicato, giusta la forma delli canoni e senza interposizione di corte secolare, ma santamente procedano nelle cose della religione tantum.”—Giacinto de’ Mori, Scritture e Motivi dati a’ Signori Deputati di Napoli (MS.penes me).[165]Relazioni Venete, Serie II, T. II, p. 273.[166]Amabile, I, 312-16.[167]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.[168]In 1597 the Venetian envoy Girolamo Ramusio alludes to the case of the Baron of Castellanetta, excommunicated by his bishop and summoned to Rome; also to that of Mastrillo, fiscal of the Vicaria, who sold a quantity of grain belonging to the Abbey of S. Leonardo which was held by Cardinal Gaetano, in consequence of which he was cited to Rome. In both cases the court intervened and prevented obedience for the reason that, if a precedent was established of allowing those cited by Rome to go, the principal royal ministers could be summoned and forced to go.—Relazioni Venete, Appendice, p. 310.[169]Relazioni Venete, Appendice, p. 312.[170]Pii Quinti Epistt., Lib.I, Ep. vi (Antverpiæ, 1640).[171]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.Failing in this Cardinal Ghislieri, then at the head of the Roman Inquisition, wrote in November to Viceroy Alcalá asking that Vico be sent or be placed under bonds to present himself. To this, in April, 1565, the viceroy assented, requiring Vico to give security in 10,000 ducats to that effect; he was already in prison and condemned to banishment on complaint of his vassals; he duly went to Rome and was sentenced to compurgation and penance.—Amabile, I, 286.[172]Chioccarello,ubi sup.[173]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII (see Appendix).[174]Ibidem.[175]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.[176]Escritos de Santa Teresa, T. II, pp. 457, 463 (Madrid, 1869). Cf. Amabile, I, 229-30.In 1588 we find the Congregation of the Inquisition scolding the nuncio at Naples for refusing to pay the expenses of this transportation, as his predecessors had always done.—Decret. Sac. Congr. S. Officii, p. 192 (Bibl. del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol 3).[177]Amabile, I, 332.—Relazioni Venete, Serie II, T. V, p. 471.[178]Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fonds latin, 8994, fol. 252.Possibly this may be partially explained by the fact that heresy was a case reserved to the Holy See, the absolution for which in theforum internumrequired a special licence (cap. 3, Extrav. Commun., Lib.V, Tit. ix). But in theforum externumthe episcopal jurisdiction over heresy was in no way curtailed by the existence of the Inquisition (Benedicti PP. XIV de Synodo diœcesana, Lib.IX, cap. iv, n. 3). This was fully admitted by the Roman Inquisition (Decret. S. Congr. S. Officii, pp. 174-5, 177, 266-8, 272-3 ap. R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).[179]Amabile, Fra Tommaso Campanella, II, 120-1 (Napoli, 1882).[180]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.[181]Ibidem.[182]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.—Amabile, Inquisizione in Napoli, II, 35.[183]Amabile, II, 35-6.[184]Ibidem, II, 37-9.[185]These feelings are warmly but respectfully expressed in a memorial addressed to Innocent XII (1691-1700), by Giuseppe Valletta, an advocate of Naples, in support of envoys sent to negotiate with him (MS.penes me).It is difficult for us to estimate the horror which, as the inquisitors boasted, the Holy Office cast over the population. They relate with pride that in Spain men cited to appear, even on matters not pertaining to the faith, but ignorant of the cause, were known to take to their beds and die of sheer terror. How much greater, then, they ask, must be the horror of those accused, suddenly arrested and cast into the strictest and most secret prison, not to mention what followed?—“Sola simplici vocatione alicujus inquisitoris in Hispania, ait Morillus citatus, per aliquem ejus ministrum, ad negotium forte particulare non pertinens ad Inquisitionem Fidei, absque eo quod vocati sciant ad quid vocentur, adeo perterrefieri homines soleant, ut aliquibus statim necessario decumbere et præ nimio dolore febri superveniente emori contigerit. At quid in casibus ubi datur præventio per accusationem aut denuntiationem et agitur de repentina captura et de carceratione rigidissima ac secretissima, ut taceam de aliis quæ hanc consequuntur, quanto magis perterrefiant capti et carcerati? quanto maiori horrore afficientur?”—Salelles, De Materiis Tribunalium S. Inquisitionis, Proleg.IV, n. 8 (Romæ, 1651).[186]Capasso, Ragionamenti ad istanza degl’ EccmiSigridella Città di Napoli (MS.penes me).[187]Pietro de Fusco, Per la fidelissima Città di Napoli, negli affari della Santa Inquisizione (MS.penes me).—Amabile, II, 41-52.—Giannone, Lib.XXXII, cap. 5.Pietro de Fusco tells us that confiscations were not infrequently released, as they were in 1587 to the children of Francesco di Aloes di Caserta and to the heirs of Bernardino Gargano d’Aversa, although they died as impenitent heretics.[188]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. XVII.—Amabile, II, 54-58.—MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital., 189, fol. 327; 209, fol. 111-138.[189]Amabile, II, 59-72; Append., 68, 71.[190]Acampora, Ragioni a pro della Fidelissima Città di Napoli (Napoli, 1709).[191]Amabile, II, 74-80.—Acampora,op. cit.[192]Ragionamenti del Sig. D. Niccolò Capasso colli quali ad istanza degl’ EccmiSigridella Città di Napoli prova non doversi ricevere in questo Religiosissimo Regno l’odioso Tribunale dell’ Inquisizione.I am not aware that this work has ever been printed, but it must have had a considerable circulation in MS. I have three copies, of which one is a Latin version. In one of them the prefatory address to the Deputati is dated December 3, 1711, which fixes the time of its composition. The other copies were made respectively in 1715 and 1717, indicating that it continued to be referred to.[193]Amabile, II, 81-3.[194]Amabile, II, 84-5.—Consulta dalla Real Camera de S. Chiara alla Maestà del Re per il Santo Uffizio, Dec. 19, 1746 (MS.penes me).[195]Consulta dalla Real Camera de S. Chiara alla Maestà del Re per il Santo Uffizio (MS.penes me).That the Neapolitan Government was not actuated by any tenderness towards heresy is manifested in a singular transaction of the period detailed in a letter of which I have copy, of July 11, 1746, from Edward Allen, the British Consul, to the Marchese Fogliani—apparently the foreign secretary. An English girl of 13, named Ellen Bowes, was forcibly abducted from her father’s house, after surrounding it with about a hundred armed men. Against this outrage the consul protested as a violation of the privileges of the English nation, to which Fogliani replied, explaining the reasons which had led the king to do this and what was proposed to do with the child. Apparently she had expressed an intention to join the Catholic Church and had been taken so as to secure her conversion. Allen rejoined in a long argumentative letter and, although he pointed out that a child of such tender age could have no conception of the different religions, he felt himself obliged to disavow asking her return to her parents and limited his request to having her delivered to some one of the English nation, where she could be examined as to her motives. What was the issue of the affair does not appear from the paper in my possession, but evidently the king, after taking such a step and justifying it, could not well retreat.[196]Lettera circolare del Marchese Fraggiani, Napoli, 1761.—Beccatini, Istoria della Inquisizione, pp. 372-77, 382 (Milano, 1797).—Amabile,op. cit., II, 104-5; Appendice, 80.[197]Supplica al Re nostro Signore de’ Deputati por opporsi ai pregindizj del S. Officio.Sine notased Napoli, 1764.—Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, III, 160 (Frankfurt, 1773).[198]Páramo, p. 219.[199]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1. The salaries are as follows:Gabriel de Cardona, inquisitor, from the date of his embarcation150ducats.Bartolomé de Castro, assessor50“An alguazil, with charge of prison, to be selected by Carmona20“Bernat Ros, notario del secreto y de los secuestros—the salaries heretofore paid.Yourself—the salaries heretofore paid.[200]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.[201]Páramo, pp. 220-222. For the Valencia experience of Domingo de Santa Cruz, see History of the Inquisition of Spain, Vol. I, p. 242.[202]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.[203]Ibidem. Páramo (p. 223) calls the appointee Magister Farris, subsequently created Bishop of Bonebolla—a see subsequently merged into that of Cagliari. There is no reference in Gams’sSeries Episcoporumto such a bishopric in Sardinia. Páramo interposes a Nicolas Vaguer as inquisitor, from 1498 to 1500, which is evidently a mistake.[204]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.[205]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 2, fol. 1.[206]Ibidem. Lib. 1.[207]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 184, 185.[208]Ibidem, fol. 306, 307, 308. The salaries ordered were:The Bishop of Alghero, inquisitor100libras.Micer Pedro de Contreras, advocate30“Luis de Torres, alguazil30“An escribano for both secreto and secuestros30“A portero and nuncio10“Bernat Ros, receiver100“Mossen Alonso de Ximeno, fiscal30“It is observable that no salary is provided for Canon Aragall, the other inquisitor (see Appendix).[209]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 321, 348, 349, 351.[210]Ibidem, fol. 366; Lib. 75, fol. 40.[211]Ibidem, Lib. 940; fol. 36.[212]Ibidem, Lib. 78, fol. 304.[213]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 136.[214]Ibidem, Lib. 940, fol. 44.[215]Ibidem, fol. 44, 45.[216]Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, MSS., D, 118, fol. 179, n. 55.[217]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 19, fol. 100.[218]Biblioteca nacional,loc. cit., fol. 124, n. 44.[219]Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, pp. 100, 110, 169.[220]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 208.[221]Manno, Storia di Sardegna, II, 189-90 (Milano, 1835).[222]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 594 (Archivo hist. nacional).[223]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 13, fol. 28; Lib. 20, fol. 208; Lib. 21, fol. 240; Libros 56, 57, 918.[224]La Martinière, Le Grand Dictionnaire Geographique et Critique, IX, 237 (Venise, 1737).[225]Sclopis, Antica Legislazione del Piemonte, p. 484 (Torino, 1833).[226]Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, 5 Theil, p. 547 (Frankfurt, 1776).[227]Fontana, Documenti Vaticani contro l’Eresia Luterana, p. 87.—Raynald. Annal., ann. 1536, n. 45.The greed of the curia in grasping at all attainable rich preferment was a fruitful source of neglect and gave opportunity for heresy to flourish. Cardinal Ippolito d’Este, who was archbishop of Milan from 1520 to 1550, during the whole of that time never entered the city.—Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 797.[228]Catena, Vita del Papa Pio Quinto, pp. 6-8, 17 (Roma, 1587).Two somewhat similar cases show that the Venetian territory was equally infected and equally indifferent (Ibidem, pp. 9, 10). One of these likewise exhibits Ghislieri’s implacable persistence. Vittore Soranzo, Bishop of Brescia, was overcurious in reading heretic books. Ghislieri was sent to make a secret investigation and, on his report, Soranzo was summoned to Rome and confined in the castle of Sant’ Angelo for two years. Nothing was proved against him; he was released and returned to his see, where he continued to perform his functions until 1558. In 1557 Ghislieri was promoted to the cardinalate and, in 1558, Paul IV created for him the office of supreme inquisitor—an office which he was careful not to perpetuate after he became Pius V. He had not forgotten his failure to convict Soranzo. In April, 1558, Paul IV, in public consistory, deprived of his office the unfortunate bishop, who retired to Venice and speedily died of grief.—Catena, pp. 13, 15.—Ughelli, Italia Sacra, T. IV, pp. 695-701.[229]Cesare Cantù, Eretici d’Italia, III, 34-7.

[118]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 2-11.

[119]Tristani Caraccioli, Epist. de Inquisitione (Muratori, S. R. I., T. XXII, p. 97).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 68, 74.—Amabile, I, 101-18.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. ix, cap. xxvi.—Spondani Annal. Eccles., ann. 1510, n. 13.The formula withdrawing the Inquisition was “Havendo el Rey nostro Signore cogniosciuto la antiqua observancia e religione de la fidelissima Cita di napoli et de tucto questo regno verso la santa fe catholica sua Altezza ha mandato et ordinato levarese la inquisicione da dicta Cita et de tucto il regno predicto per lo bene vivere universale de tucti; et ultra questo su Altezza ha mandato publicare le infrascripte pragmatiche, dato in castello nova, napoli 22 novembre, 1510.”—Amabile, p. 118.In Ferdinand’s letter books there is nothing further respecting the Neapolitan troubles until May 27, 1511, he writes to Diego de Obregon, the receiver of Sicily, that the Bishop of Cefalù returns there by his orders and, in view of his sufferings for the Inquisition his salary must be paid. Yet he died without receiving it and, on February 16, 1514, Ferdinand ordered Obregon to pay the arrears to Mariano de Acardo, in reward for certain services rendered, but this was still unpaid in January of the following year. As for Andrés Palacios, a cédula of June 6, 1511, recognized him as inquisitor of Valencia, with salary dating back to January 1st and an ayuda de costa of a hundred ducats.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 145, 146, 280, 313.

The formula withdrawing the Inquisition was “Havendo el Rey nostro Signore cogniosciuto la antiqua observancia e religione de la fidelissima Cita di napoli et de tucto questo regno verso la santa fe catholica sua Altezza ha mandato et ordinato levarese la inquisicione da dicta Cita et de tucto il regno predicto per lo bene vivere universale de tucti; et ultra questo su Altezza ha mandato publicare le infrascripte pragmatiche, dato in castello nova, napoli 22 novembre, 1510.”—Amabile, p. 118.

In Ferdinand’s letter books there is nothing further respecting the Neapolitan troubles until May 27, 1511, he writes to Diego de Obregon, the receiver of Sicily, that the Bishop of Cefalù returns there by his orders and, in view of his sufferings for the Inquisition his salary must be paid. Yet he died without receiving it and, on February 16, 1514, Ferdinand ordered Obregon to pay the arrears to Mariano de Acardo, in reward for certain services rendered, but this was still unpaid in January of the following year. As for Andrés Palacios, a cédula of June 6, 1511, recognized him as inquisitor of Valencia, with salary dating back to January 1st and an ayuda de costa of a hundred ducats.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 145, 146, 280, 313.

[120]Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 238, 239.

[121]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 238, 239, 260, 261, 292, 295, 316, 317, 350.

[122]Amabile, I, 119-20.

[123]Giacinto de’ Mari, Riflessioni ... in difesa della Cittá e Regno di Napoli (MS.penes me).

[124]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 78, fol. 39.

[125]Chronicle of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir (Bialloblotsky’s Translation, II, 318-19).—Parrino, Teatro de’ Vicere, I, 175 (Napoli, 1730).

[126]Caballero, Alonso y Juan de Valdés, pp. 182 sqq. (Madrid, 1875).

[127]See Karl Benrath inHistorisches Taschenbuch, 1885, p. 172; also hisBernardino Ochino von Siena, Leipzig, 1875.—Manzoni, Estratto del Processo di Pietro Carnesecchi, Torino, 1870.

[128]Le Cento e dieci divine Considerationi del S. Giovãni Valdesso: nelle quali si ragiona delle cose piu utili, piu necessarie e piu perfette, della Christiana professione. In Basilea, M.D.L.“Ingannati principalmente della superstitione e falsa religione ci fanno relatione che Dio è tanto delicato e sensitivo che per qualunque cosa si offende: che è tanto vendicativo che tutte le offese castiga: che è tanto crudele che le castiga con pena eterna: che è tanto inhumano che si gode che trattiamo male nostre persone, in fino allo sparger il nostro propio sangre, il quale egli ci ha dato: e che ci priviamo delle nostre facoltà, le quale egli ci ha dato, accio che con esse si manteniamo nella presente vita: che si gode che andiamo nudi e scalzi, continuamente patendo; che è vano e li piacciono li presenti e che gode di haver oro e belli parimenti, ed in somma che si diletta di tutte le cose delle quali un Tiranno si diletta; e si gode di haver da coloro che li sono soggetti.”—Consid.XXXVII.This edition of Basle, 1550, is the original from which the numerous translations have been made. For the bibliography, see Böhmer,Bibliotheca Wiffeniana, I, 124-29 (Strassburg, 1874). Also, Wiffen and Betts, “Life and Writings of Juan de Valdés,” London, 1865.Antonio Caracciolo styles Valdés “capo e maestro” of the Neapolitan heretics, who gave the Roman Inquisition early occasion to demonstrate its usefulness.

[128]Le Cento e dieci divine Considerationi del S. Giovãni Valdesso: nelle quali si ragiona delle cose piu utili, piu necessarie e piu perfette, della Christiana professione. In Basilea, M.D.L.

“Ingannati principalmente della superstitione e falsa religione ci fanno relatione che Dio è tanto delicato e sensitivo che per qualunque cosa si offende: che è tanto vendicativo che tutte le offese castiga: che è tanto crudele che le castiga con pena eterna: che è tanto inhumano che si gode che trattiamo male nostre persone, in fino allo sparger il nostro propio sangre, il quale egli ci ha dato: e che ci priviamo delle nostre facoltà, le quale egli ci ha dato, accio che con esse si manteniamo nella presente vita: che si gode che andiamo nudi e scalzi, continuamente patendo; che è vano e li piacciono li presenti e che gode di haver oro e belli parimenti, ed in somma che si diletta di tutte le cose delle quali un Tiranno si diletta; e si gode di haver da coloro che li sono soggetti.”—Consid.XXXVII.

This edition of Basle, 1550, is the original from which the numerous translations have been made. For the bibliography, see Böhmer,Bibliotheca Wiffeniana, I, 124-29 (Strassburg, 1874). Also, Wiffen and Betts, “Life and Writings of Juan de Valdés,” London, 1865.

Antonio Caracciolo styles Valdés “capo e maestro” of the Neapolitan heretics, who gave the Roman Inquisition early occasion to demonstrate its usefulness.

[129]Manuel Serrano y Sanz (Revista de Archivos etc., Febrero, 1903, p. 129).

[130]“Con questa risolutione condanna l’uomo il giudicio della prudentia e della ragione humana e renuncia il suo lume naturale ed entra nel regno di Dio, remettendosi al reggimento ed al governo di Dio.”—Ibidem, Consid.XXV.

[131]Lac Spirituale Johannis de Valdés. Ed. Koldewey, Heilbronn, 1863.

[132]Trataditos de Juan de Valdés, p. 179 (Bonn, 1880).The germ of much of this tract may be found in theMilitiæ Christianæ Enchiridion, Canon 5, in which Erasmus dwells on the worthlessness of external observances and stigmatizes the importance attached to them as a kind of new Judaism. Yet theEnchiridionwas repeatedly reprinted after its first appearance, in 1502, and was approved by Adrian of Utrecht, subsequently Adrian VI.

[132]Trataditos de Juan de Valdés, p. 179 (Bonn, 1880).

The germ of much of this tract may be found in theMilitiæ Christianæ Enchiridion, Canon 5, in which Erasmus dwells on the worthlessness of external observances and stigmatizes the importance attached to them as a kind of new Judaism. Yet theEnchiridionwas repeatedly reprinted after its first appearance, in 1502, and was approved by Adrian of Utrecht, subsequently Adrian VI.

[133]Giannone, Istoria civile del Regno di Napoli, Lib.XXII, cap. v, § 1 (Haya, 1753).

[134]Chioccarelli Antistitum Neapol. Eccles. Catalogus, p. 321 (Neapoli, 1642).On the death of Carafa in 1544, Paul III gave the see to his own nephew, Rainuccio Farnese, a boy of fifteen. It was then administered through vicars, the one at the time of the troubles of 1547 being Fabio Mirto, Bishop of Cajazzo.—Ibidem, p. 326.

[134]Chioccarelli Antistitum Neapol. Eccles. Catalogus, p. 321 (Neapoli, 1642).

On the death of Carafa in 1544, Paul III gave the see to his own nephew, Rainuccio Farnese, a boy of fifteen. It was then administered through vicars, the one at the time of the troubles of 1547 being Fabio Mirto, Bishop of Cajazzo.—Ibidem, p. 326.

[135]Bullar Roman. I, 762.

[136]Amabile, I, 193-6. It would seem that, at this time, the Holy See claimed inquisitorial jurisdiction over Naples, for a papal brief of June 2, 1544 orders the viceroy to arrest and send under sure guard to Rome, Vespasiano di Agnone, a wandering Franciscan friar, guilty of sacrilege and other enormous crimes.—Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, p. 131 (Roma, 1892).

[137]Antonio Caracciolo, in his MS. life of Paul IV, of which an extract is printed by Bernino (Historia di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 496) informs us that Cardinal Giovanni Piero Carafa, the head of the Roman Inquisition and afterwards Paul IV, did not want the Spanish Inquisition introduced in Naples because it was more subject to the crown than to the Holy See and the king took the confiscations.

[138]For most of these details I am indebted to a MS. account by Antonio Castaldo, a notary who was intimate with all the leaders in these events. He was a devoted subject of Charles V and considered himself most fortunate in having been born in his time. He warmly praises the emperor’s clemency towards the city. Amabile’s elaborate narrative (I, 196-211) furnishes additional facts and Döllinger (Beiträge zur Polit.-, Kirch.-u. Cultur-Geschichte, I, 78-124) gives Mendoza’s correspondence. See also Giannone, Ist. Civile, Lib.XXXII, cap. v, § 1.—Páramo, pp. 194-5.—Natalis Comitis Historiar., Lib.II, pp. 35, 52 (Argentorati, 1612).—Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib.X, cap. i, n. 4.—Collenucio da Pesaro, Compendio dell’ Historia del Regno di Napoli, II, 184 (Napoli, 1563).—Campana, La Vita di Don Filippo Secondo, P.I, fol. 7 sqq. (Vicenza, 1608).The narrative of Uberto Foglietta (Tumultus Neapolitani sub Petro Toleto Prorege), though he was a contemporary who tells us that he visited Naples for the purpose of ascertaining the facts, is a confused and turgid piece of rhetoric, of no historical value.

The narrative of Uberto Foglietta (Tumultus Neapolitani sub Petro Toleto Prorege), though he was a contemporary who tells us that he visited Naples for the purpose of ascertaining the facts, is a confused and turgid piece of rhetoric, of no historical value.

[139]Julii PP. III, BullLicet a diversis, 18 Mart., 1551 (Bullar. Roman. I, 799).

[140]Chioccarello, Antistitum Eccles. Neap. Catalogus, pp. 331-2. Carafa was hostile to Spain and, on his elevation to the papacy as Paul IV, in 1555, he declared the throne of Naples vacant and fallen to the Holy See. He made an alliance with France but, in the ensuing war, he was speedily brought to terms by Alba. He retained the Neapolitan archiepiscopate for some time, doubtless in the hope of causing trouble there.

[141]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[142]Amabile, I, 214. Rebiba was promoted to the cardinalate shortly after the accession of Paul IV.

[143]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[144]Amabile, I, 218.—Fontana, Documenti Vaticani contro l’Eresia luterana in Italia, p. 178 (Roma, 1892).

[145]Perrin, Histoire des Vaudois, chap.VII(Genève, 1618).—Amabile, I, 236-9.—Lombard, Jean-Louis Paschale et les Martyrs de Calabre (Paris, 1881).—Filippo de’ Boni, L’Inquisizone e i Calabro-Valdese (Milano, 1864).

[146]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 79, fol. 135.

[147]Scipione Lentolo, Historia delle grandi e crudeli Persecutioni fatte ai tempi nostri. Edita da Teofilo Gay, pp. 227, 314 (Torre Pellice, 1906).

[148]Ibidem, pp. 251, 260

[149]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[150]Lentolo, pp. 228-41.—Gerdes, Specimen Italiæ Reformatæ, p. 134 (Lugd. Bat., 1765).—Amabile, I, pp. 248-9.

[151]Amabile, I, 250, 253.—Lentolo, p. 245.

[152]Lentolo, p. 244. This rests wholly on the authority of Lentolo and probably applied only to orphans. It was a practice derived from Spain.

[153]Amabile, I, 256.

[154]Lombard,op. cit., p. 105.

[155]Amabile, I, 257.

[156]Chioccarello MSS., Tom. VIII.—Amabile, I, 256.

[157]Collenuccio, Historia del Regno de Napoli, II, 329b(Napoli, 1563).The process of confiscation seems to have been protracted. A vice-regal letter of January 29, 1569, states that all the proceeds had not yet been sold and orders that the matter be closed and the money be paid into the treasury.—Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.From a transaction in 1572 it appears that when Neapolitans were burnt in Rome, notice was sent to the viceroy in order that he might seize their confiscated estates. At the same time a statement was presented of their prison expenses, which were reimbursed to the Congregation of the Inquisition out of the proceeds.—Ibidem.

[157]Collenuccio, Historia del Regno de Napoli, II, 329b(Napoli, 1563).

The process of confiscation seems to have been protracted. A vice-regal letter of January 29, 1569, states that all the proceeds had not yet been sold and orders that the matter be closed and the money be paid into the treasury.—Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

From a transaction in 1572 it appears that when Neapolitans were burnt in Rome, notice was sent to the viceroy in order that he might seize their confiscated estates. At the same time a statement was presented of their prison expenses, which were reimbursed to the Congregation of the Inquisition out of the proceeds.—Ibidem.

[158]Lombard,op. cit., p. 107.

[159]Decret. Sac. Congr. S. Officii, p. 221 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).

[160]Amabile I, 259.

[161]Ibidem, p. 258.

[162]Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib.XXII, cap. viii, § 2.—Al nostro Santissimo Padre Innocenzio XII intorno al Procedimento nelle cause che si trattano nel Tribunale del S. Officio (MS.penes me).—Discorso del Dottore Angelo Gioccatano (Gaetano Agela), MS.penes me.—MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital., 209, fol. 117-18.—Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII (see Appendix).

[163]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[164]“Delle sante dimostrazioni contro gli eretici ed Ebrei, e supplicando che voglia esser servito di far intendere à sua Beatitudine la commune sodisfazione che tiene tutta la città che questa sorte di persone siano del tutto castigate ed estirpate per mano del nostro ordinario come si conviene como sempre averno supplicato, giusta la forma delli canoni e senza interposizione di corte secolare, ma santamente procedano nelle cose della religione tantum.”—Giacinto de’ Mori, Scritture e Motivi dati a’ Signori Deputati di Napoli (MS.penes me).

[165]Relazioni Venete, Serie II, T. II, p. 273.

[166]Amabile, I, 312-16.

[167]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[168]In 1597 the Venetian envoy Girolamo Ramusio alludes to the case of the Baron of Castellanetta, excommunicated by his bishop and summoned to Rome; also to that of Mastrillo, fiscal of the Vicaria, who sold a quantity of grain belonging to the Abbey of S. Leonardo which was held by Cardinal Gaetano, in consequence of which he was cited to Rome. In both cases the court intervened and prevented obedience for the reason that, if a precedent was established of allowing those cited by Rome to go, the principal royal ministers could be summoned and forced to go.—Relazioni Venete, Appendice, p. 310.

[169]Relazioni Venete, Appendice, p. 312.

[170]Pii Quinti Epistt., Lib.I, Ep. vi (Antverpiæ, 1640).

[171]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.Failing in this Cardinal Ghislieri, then at the head of the Roman Inquisition, wrote in November to Viceroy Alcalá asking that Vico be sent or be placed under bonds to present himself. To this, in April, 1565, the viceroy assented, requiring Vico to give security in 10,000 ducats to that effect; he was already in prison and condemned to banishment on complaint of his vassals; he duly went to Rome and was sentenced to compurgation and penance.—Amabile, I, 286.

[171]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

Failing in this Cardinal Ghislieri, then at the head of the Roman Inquisition, wrote in November to Viceroy Alcalá asking that Vico be sent or be placed under bonds to present himself. To this, in April, 1565, the viceroy assented, requiring Vico to give security in 10,000 ducats to that effect; he was already in prison and condemned to banishment on complaint of his vassals; he duly went to Rome and was sentenced to compurgation and penance.—Amabile, I, 286.

[172]Chioccarello,ubi sup.

[173]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII (see Appendix).

[174]Ibidem.

[175]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[176]Escritos de Santa Teresa, T. II, pp. 457, 463 (Madrid, 1869). Cf. Amabile, I, 229-30.In 1588 we find the Congregation of the Inquisition scolding the nuncio at Naples for refusing to pay the expenses of this transportation, as his predecessors had always done.—Decret. Sac. Congr. S. Officii, p. 192 (Bibl. del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol 3).

[176]Escritos de Santa Teresa, T. II, pp. 457, 463 (Madrid, 1869). Cf. Amabile, I, 229-30.

In 1588 we find the Congregation of the Inquisition scolding the nuncio at Naples for refusing to pay the expenses of this transportation, as his predecessors had always done.—Decret. Sac. Congr. S. Officii, p. 192 (Bibl. del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol 3).

[177]Amabile, I, 332.—Relazioni Venete, Serie II, T. V, p. 471.

[178]Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fonds latin, 8994, fol. 252.Possibly this may be partially explained by the fact that heresy was a case reserved to the Holy See, the absolution for which in theforum internumrequired a special licence (cap. 3, Extrav. Commun., Lib.V, Tit. ix). But in theforum externumthe episcopal jurisdiction over heresy was in no way curtailed by the existence of the Inquisition (Benedicti PP. XIV de Synodo diœcesana, Lib.IX, cap. iv, n. 3). This was fully admitted by the Roman Inquisition (Decret. S. Congr. S. Officii, pp. 174-5, 177, 266-8, 272-3 ap. R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).

[178]Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fonds latin, 8994, fol. 252.

Possibly this may be partially explained by the fact that heresy was a case reserved to the Holy See, the absolution for which in theforum internumrequired a special licence (cap. 3, Extrav. Commun., Lib.V, Tit. ix). But in theforum externumthe episcopal jurisdiction over heresy was in no way curtailed by the existence of the Inquisition (Benedicti PP. XIV de Synodo diœcesana, Lib.IX, cap. iv, n. 3). This was fully admitted by the Roman Inquisition (Decret. S. Congr. S. Officii, pp. 174-5, 177, 266-8, 272-3 ap. R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).

[179]Amabile, Fra Tommaso Campanella, II, 120-1 (Napoli, 1882).

[180]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[181]Ibidem.

[182]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.—Amabile, Inquisizione in Napoli, II, 35.

[183]Amabile, II, 35-6.

[184]Ibidem, II, 37-9.

[185]These feelings are warmly but respectfully expressed in a memorial addressed to Innocent XII (1691-1700), by Giuseppe Valletta, an advocate of Naples, in support of envoys sent to negotiate with him (MS.penes me).It is difficult for us to estimate the horror which, as the inquisitors boasted, the Holy Office cast over the population. They relate with pride that in Spain men cited to appear, even on matters not pertaining to the faith, but ignorant of the cause, were known to take to their beds and die of sheer terror. How much greater, then, they ask, must be the horror of those accused, suddenly arrested and cast into the strictest and most secret prison, not to mention what followed?—“Sola simplici vocatione alicujus inquisitoris in Hispania, ait Morillus citatus, per aliquem ejus ministrum, ad negotium forte particulare non pertinens ad Inquisitionem Fidei, absque eo quod vocati sciant ad quid vocentur, adeo perterrefieri homines soleant, ut aliquibus statim necessario decumbere et præ nimio dolore febri superveniente emori contigerit. At quid in casibus ubi datur præventio per accusationem aut denuntiationem et agitur de repentina captura et de carceratione rigidissima ac secretissima, ut taceam de aliis quæ hanc consequuntur, quanto magis perterrefiant capti et carcerati? quanto maiori horrore afficientur?”—Salelles, De Materiis Tribunalium S. Inquisitionis, Proleg.IV, n. 8 (Romæ, 1651).

It is difficult for us to estimate the horror which, as the inquisitors boasted, the Holy Office cast over the population. They relate with pride that in Spain men cited to appear, even on matters not pertaining to the faith, but ignorant of the cause, were known to take to their beds and die of sheer terror. How much greater, then, they ask, must be the horror of those accused, suddenly arrested and cast into the strictest and most secret prison, not to mention what followed?—“Sola simplici vocatione alicujus inquisitoris in Hispania, ait Morillus citatus, per aliquem ejus ministrum, ad negotium forte particulare non pertinens ad Inquisitionem Fidei, absque eo quod vocati sciant ad quid vocentur, adeo perterrefieri homines soleant, ut aliquibus statim necessario decumbere et præ nimio dolore febri superveniente emori contigerit. At quid in casibus ubi datur præventio per accusationem aut denuntiationem et agitur de repentina captura et de carceratione rigidissima ac secretissima, ut taceam de aliis quæ hanc consequuntur, quanto magis perterrefiant capti et carcerati? quanto maiori horrore afficientur?”—Salelles, De Materiis Tribunalium S. Inquisitionis, Proleg.IV, n. 8 (Romæ, 1651).

[186]Capasso, Ragionamenti ad istanza degl’ EccmiSigridella Città di Napoli (MS.penes me).

[187]Pietro de Fusco, Per la fidelissima Città di Napoli, negli affari della Santa Inquisizione (MS.penes me).—Amabile, II, 41-52.—Giannone, Lib.XXXII, cap. 5.Pietro de Fusco tells us that confiscations were not infrequently released, as they were in 1587 to the children of Francesco di Aloes di Caserta and to the heirs of Bernardino Gargano d’Aversa, although they died as impenitent heretics.

[187]Pietro de Fusco, Per la fidelissima Città di Napoli, negli affari della Santa Inquisizione (MS.penes me).—Amabile, II, 41-52.—Giannone, Lib.XXXII, cap. 5.

Pietro de Fusco tells us that confiscations were not infrequently released, as they were in 1587 to the children of Francesco di Aloes di Caserta and to the heirs of Bernardino Gargano d’Aversa, although they died as impenitent heretics.

[188]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. XVII.—Amabile, II, 54-58.—MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital., 189, fol. 327; 209, fol. 111-138.

[189]Amabile, II, 59-72; Append., 68, 71.

[190]Acampora, Ragioni a pro della Fidelissima Città di Napoli (Napoli, 1709).

[191]Amabile, II, 74-80.—Acampora,op. cit.

[192]Ragionamenti del Sig. D. Niccolò Capasso colli quali ad istanza degl’ EccmiSigridella Città di Napoli prova non doversi ricevere in questo Religiosissimo Regno l’odioso Tribunale dell’ Inquisizione.I am not aware that this work has ever been printed, but it must have had a considerable circulation in MS. I have three copies, of which one is a Latin version. In one of them the prefatory address to the Deputati is dated December 3, 1711, which fixes the time of its composition. The other copies were made respectively in 1715 and 1717, indicating that it continued to be referred to.

I am not aware that this work has ever been printed, but it must have had a considerable circulation in MS. I have three copies, of which one is a Latin version. In one of them the prefatory address to the Deputati is dated December 3, 1711, which fixes the time of its composition. The other copies were made respectively in 1715 and 1717, indicating that it continued to be referred to.

[193]Amabile, II, 81-3.

[194]Amabile, II, 84-5.—Consulta dalla Real Camera de S. Chiara alla Maestà del Re per il Santo Uffizio, Dec. 19, 1746 (MS.penes me).

[195]Consulta dalla Real Camera de S. Chiara alla Maestà del Re per il Santo Uffizio (MS.penes me).That the Neapolitan Government was not actuated by any tenderness towards heresy is manifested in a singular transaction of the period detailed in a letter of which I have copy, of July 11, 1746, from Edward Allen, the British Consul, to the Marchese Fogliani—apparently the foreign secretary. An English girl of 13, named Ellen Bowes, was forcibly abducted from her father’s house, after surrounding it with about a hundred armed men. Against this outrage the consul protested as a violation of the privileges of the English nation, to which Fogliani replied, explaining the reasons which had led the king to do this and what was proposed to do with the child. Apparently she had expressed an intention to join the Catholic Church and had been taken so as to secure her conversion. Allen rejoined in a long argumentative letter and, although he pointed out that a child of such tender age could have no conception of the different religions, he felt himself obliged to disavow asking her return to her parents and limited his request to having her delivered to some one of the English nation, where she could be examined as to her motives. What was the issue of the affair does not appear from the paper in my possession, but evidently the king, after taking such a step and justifying it, could not well retreat.

[195]Consulta dalla Real Camera de S. Chiara alla Maestà del Re per il Santo Uffizio (MS.penes me).

That the Neapolitan Government was not actuated by any tenderness towards heresy is manifested in a singular transaction of the period detailed in a letter of which I have copy, of July 11, 1746, from Edward Allen, the British Consul, to the Marchese Fogliani—apparently the foreign secretary. An English girl of 13, named Ellen Bowes, was forcibly abducted from her father’s house, after surrounding it with about a hundred armed men. Against this outrage the consul protested as a violation of the privileges of the English nation, to which Fogliani replied, explaining the reasons which had led the king to do this and what was proposed to do with the child. Apparently she had expressed an intention to join the Catholic Church and had been taken so as to secure her conversion. Allen rejoined in a long argumentative letter and, although he pointed out that a child of such tender age could have no conception of the different religions, he felt himself obliged to disavow asking her return to her parents and limited his request to having her delivered to some one of the English nation, where she could be examined as to her motives. What was the issue of the affair does not appear from the paper in my possession, but evidently the king, after taking such a step and justifying it, could not well retreat.

[196]Lettera circolare del Marchese Fraggiani, Napoli, 1761.—Beccatini, Istoria della Inquisizione, pp. 372-77, 382 (Milano, 1797).—Amabile,op. cit., II, 104-5; Appendice, 80.

[197]Supplica al Re nostro Signore de’ Deputati por opporsi ai pregindizj del S. Officio.Sine notased Napoli, 1764.—Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, III, 160 (Frankfurt, 1773).

[198]Páramo, p. 219.

[199]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1. The salaries are as follows:Gabriel de Cardona, inquisitor, from the date of his embarcation150ducats.Bartolomé de Castro, assessor50“An alguazil, with charge of prison, to be selected by Carmona20“Bernat Ros, notario del secreto y de los secuestros—the salaries heretofore paid.Yourself—the salaries heretofore paid.

[199]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1. The salaries are as follows:

[200]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[201]Páramo, pp. 220-222. For the Valencia experience of Domingo de Santa Cruz, see History of the Inquisition of Spain, Vol. I, p. 242.

[202]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.

[203]Ibidem. Páramo (p. 223) calls the appointee Magister Farris, subsequently created Bishop of Bonebolla—a see subsequently merged into that of Cagliari. There is no reference in Gams’sSeries Episcoporumto such a bishopric in Sardinia. Páramo interposes a Nicolas Vaguer as inquisitor, from 1498 to 1500, which is evidently a mistake.

[204]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[205]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 2, fol. 1.

[206]Ibidem. Lib. 1.

[207]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 184, 185.

[208]Ibidem, fol. 306, 307, 308. The salaries ordered were:The Bishop of Alghero, inquisitor100libras.Micer Pedro de Contreras, advocate30“Luis de Torres, alguazil30“An escribano for both secreto and secuestros30“A portero and nuncio10“Bernat Ros, receiver100“Mossen Alonso de Ximeno, fiscal30“It is observable that no salary is provided for Canon Aragall, the other inquisitor (see Appendix).

[208]Ibidem, fol. 306, 307, 308. The salaries ordered were:

It is observable that no salary is provided for Canon Aragall, the other inquisitor (see Appendix).

[209]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 321, 348, 349, 351.

[210]Ibidem, fol. 366; Lib. 75, fol. 40.

[211]Ibidem, Lib. 940; fol. 36.

[212]Ibidem, Lib. 78, fol. 304.

[213]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 136.

[214]Ibidem, Lib. 940, fol. 44.

[215]Ibidem, fol. 44, 45.

[216]Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, MSS., D, 118, fol. 179, n. 55.

[217]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 19, fol. 100.

[218]Biblioteca nacional,loc. cit., fol. 124, n. 44.

[219]Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, pp. 100, 110, 169.

[220]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 208.

[221]Manno, Storia di Sardegna, II, 189-90 (Milano, 1835).

[222]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 594 (Archivo hist. nacional).

[223]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 13, fol. 28; Lib. 20, fol. 208; Lib. 21, fol. 240; Libros 56, 57, 918.

[224]La Martinière, Le Grand Dictionnaire Geographique et Critique, IX, 237 (Venise, 1737).

[225]Sclopis, Antica Legislazione del Piemonte, p. 484 (Torino, 1833).

[226]Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und Kirchengeschichte, 5 Theil, p. 547 (Frankfurt, 1776).

[227]Fontana, Documenti Vaticani contro l’Eresia Luterana, p. 87.—Raynald. Annal., ann. 1536, n. 45.The greed of the curia in grasping at all attainable rich preferment was a fruitful source of neglect and gave opportunity for heresy to flourish. Cardinal Ippolito d’Este, who was archbishop of Milan from 1520 to 1550, during the whole of that time never entered the city.—Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 797.

[227]Fontana, Documenti Vaticani contro l’Eresia Luterana, p. 87.—Raynald. Annal., ann. 1536, n. 45.

The greed of the curia in grasping at all attainable rich preferment was a fruitful source of neglect and gave opportunity for heresy to flourish. Cardinal Ippolito d’Este, who was archbishop of Milan from 1520 to 1550, during the whole of that time never entered the city.—Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 797.

[228]Catena, Vita del Papa Pio Quinto, pp. 6-8, 17 (Roma, 1587).Two somewhat similar cases show that the Venetian territory was equally infected and equally indifferent (Ibidem, pp. 9, 10). One of these likewise exhibits Ghislieri’s implacable persistence. Vittore Soranzo, Bishop of Brescia, was overcurious in reading heretic books. Ghislieri was sent to make a secret investigation and, on his report, Soranzo was summoned to Rome and confined in the castle of Sant’ Angelo for two years. Nothing was proved against him; he was released and returned to his see, where he continued to perform his functions until 1558. In 1557 Ghislieri was promoted to the cardinalate and, in 1558, Paul IV created for him the office of supreme inquisitor—an office which he was careful not to perpetuate after he became Pius V. He had not forgotten his failure to convict Soranzo. In April, 1558, Paul IV, in public consistory, deprived of his office the unfortunate bishop, who retired to Venice and speedily died of grief.—Catena, pp. 13, 15.—Ughelli, Italia Sacra, T. IV, pp. 695-701.

[228]Catena, Vita del Papa Pio Quinto, pp. 6-8, 17 (Roma, 1587).

Two somewhat similar cases show that the Venetian territory was equally infected and equally indifferent (Ibidem, pp. 9, 10). One of these likewise exhibits Ghislieri’s implacable persistence. Vittore Soranzo, Bishop of Brescia, was overcurious in reading heretic books. Ghislieri was sent to make a secret investigation and, on his report, Soranzo was summoned to Rome and confined in the castle of Sant’ Angelo for two years. Nothing was proved against him; he was released and returned to his see, where he continued to perform his functions until 1558. In 1557 Ghislieri was promoted to the cardinalate and, in 1558, Paul IV created for him the office of supreme inquisitor—an office which he was careful not to perpetuate after he became Pius V. He had not forgotten his failure to convict Soranzo. In April, 1558, Paul IV, in public consistory, deprived of his office the unfortunate bishop, who retired to Venice and speedily died of grief.—Catena, pp. 13, 15.—Ughelli, Italia Sacra, T. IV, pp. 695-701.

[229]Cesare Cantù, Eretici d’Italia, III, 34-7.

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