FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[1]Páramo de Origine S. Officii S. Inquisitionis, pp. 197-99.—Ripoll Bullar. Ord. Fr. Prædic., III, 510.—La Mantia, L’Inquisizione in Sicilia, pp. 16-18 (Torino, 1886).[2]Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, p. 910 (Panormi, 1733).—Llorente, Hist. crít. de la Inquisicion de España, Append. No. III.[3]La Mantia,op. cit., pp. 20-1.—Franchina, Breve Rapporto del Tribunale della SS. Inquisizione in Sicilia, pp. 23, 108-16 (Palermo, 1744).If we may believe an inscription of 1631, Ranzano had been inquisitor in 1482.—Jo. Mariæ Bertini Sacratissima Inquisitionis Rosa Virginea, I, 385 (Panormi, 1662). He died in 1492.[4]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XIX, cap. xiv.—Giov. di Giovanni, L’Ebraismo della Sicilia, pp. 190-1 (Palermo, 1748).[5]Giovanni, pp. 21, 96.Isidor Loeb considers the ordinary computations to be grossly exaggerated and, from the statistics of several places, assumes the total to have been not more than from twenty to thirty thousand.—Revue des Etudes Juives, 1887, p. 172.[6]Giovanni, p. 210.—Thisceleste benefizio, as the pious author terms it, proved so destructive to the commercial prosperity of the island that, in 1695, the Jews were invited to return, under certain rigorous restrictions. As they manifested no readiness to avail themselves of the permission, the invitation was repeated in a more attractive form in 1727 and, this proving unavailing, still further inducements were offered in 1740. Even this, however, did not produce the desired effect and the edict was revoked in 1747.—Ibidem, pp. 239-42.[7]Giovanni, pp. 233-5.[8]The Sicilianonzawas nearly equivalent to 23/10ducats.[9]Archivo general de Simancas, Consejo de la Inquisicion, Libro 1.[10]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 2, fol. 23, 24.[11]Under the same date Obregon was ordered to pay salaries as follows:Doctor Johan Sgalambro, inquisitor6000sueldosjaquenses.Martin de Vallejo, alguazil6000““Johan Crespo, portero500““A notario del secretoTo be appointed by the inquisitors2500““A notario de los secuestrosTo be appointed by the inquisitors2500““A fiscalTo be appointed by the inquisitors2500““Diego de Obregon, receiver6000““—Archivo de Simancas,ubi sup.Although no salary is here provided for the Bishop of Cefalù, it does not follow that bishops were expected to serve gratuitously. When Pedro de Belorado was sent to Sicily as Archbishop of Messina and inquisitor, Obregon was ordered, Sept. 10, 1501, to pay him the same salary as that of Sgalambro whom he replaced.—Ibidem.Thesueldowas one-twentieth of thelibra, which was nearly equivalent to the Castilian ducat.[12]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.[13]La Mantia, pp. 23, 25, 26, 28.[14]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.[15]Ibidem. Sgalambro managed to regain the royal favor, for a letter of Ferdinand, April 23, 1506, gratifies him with the Cistercian abbey of S. Maria di Terrana, burdened, however, with a pension of eighty ducats to the official chronicler, Luca de Marinis, better known as L. Marinæus Siculus.—Pirri Sicilia Sacra, I, 670.[16]La Mantia, pp. 27, 28.[17]Parecer de Martin Real (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. Seld., 130).[18]La Mantia, p. 28.[19]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 51, 52, 77, 81, 82, 83.[20]Ibidem, fol. 127.[21]La Mantia, p. 29.[22]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 134, 148, 153.[23]Portocarrero, Sobre la Competencia en Mallorca, n. 38 (Madrid, 1624).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 30.[24]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 116. In December, however, Ferdinand increased the number of familiars to twenty in each large city.—Ibidem, fol. 135.[25]Ibidem, fol. 127.[26]Parecer de Martin Real,ubi sup.Possibly this is too absolute an attribution of the troubles of 1511 to the Inquisition, though Doctor Real, as an official of the tribunal, ought to be good authority, even though not a contemporary. Fazelli, who was a boy at the time, says (De Rebus Siculis, Decad.II, Lib. ix, cap. 11) that it was occasioned by the outrages committed by the unpaid and starving Spanish troops.[27]Llorente, Añales de la Inquisicion, II, 26.[28]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 202 (see Appendix).[29]La Mantia, pp. 30-32.[30]Amabile, Il Santo Officio in Napoli, I, 109 (Città di Castello, 1892).[31]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 239, 294, 296, 314.[32]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, fol. 331.[33]La Mantia, pp. 38, 39.[34]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 311.[35]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 918, fol. 379.—Martin Real,ubi sup.[36]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 314; Lib. 933.[37]Argensola, Añales de Aragon, Lib. I, cap. 5.—Caruso, Memorie istoriche di Sicilia, T. VI, p. 119.One of Moncada’s arbitrary acts concerned the Inquisition. In 1517, when the receiver Garcí Cid was settling his accounts, he claimed credit for 700 ounces which he had deposited with a banker in Messina, where Moncada seized it. Cardinal Adrian the inquisitor-general thereupon ordered Inquisitor Cervera to summon the banker to return the money, for the viceroy had express orders from Ferdinand not to meddle with the property of the tribunal. If, however, the banker could prove that Moncada had taken it by force, then Garcí Cid could proceed to collect it from the revenues of the Priorazgo of St. John at Messina, which belonged to Moncada. If the banker could not prove this, he must pay the money and have recourse against the property and revenues of Moncada. Hereafter, Adrian concludes, no one shall dare to take the property of the Inquisition, for the Catholic king ordered that it should be used to purchase rents for the perpetuation of the tribunal.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933.[38]Argensola,op. cit., Lib.I, cap. 5, 34.—Fazelli de Rebus Siculis, Decad., Lib. 10.—La Mantia, pp. 40-42.—Dormer, Añales de Aragon, cap. 2.—P. Mart. Angler. Epistt., 593, 594.—Carta de D. Hugo de Moncada, 22 de Marzo, 1516 (Coleccion de Documentos inéditos, XXIV, 136).[39]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 74, fol. 16; Lib. 921, fol. 38.[40]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 39.—Franchina,op. cit., pp. 122, 127.In 1630 Messina appealed to its fidelity on this occasion, when resisting a proposition to divide the island into two viceroyalties.—Razones apologéticas de la noble Ciudad de Mecina, fol. 48 (Madrid, 1630).[41]La Mantia, p. 42.[42]Ibidem, pp. 45-6. The autos were:1519,June11,4menburntand 1 woman.1520,July8,3““2“1521,June9,1““1524,Aug.6,4““1“1525,Sept.29,1““4“1526,Aug.1,3““1“Sept.16,1““A letter of August 19, 1519, from the Suprema to Calvete expresses the highest satisfaction with him and offers him, on his return to Spain, one of the principal tribunals of Castile. In 1529 we find him Inquisitor of Sarogossa.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 74, fol. 165; Lib. 76, fol. 183.Calvete’s earlier years of office were much harassed by a suit brought against him in Rome by Juan de Leon, a canon of Córdova. Prior to 1516, Calvete as provisor of Córdova had prosecuted Leon and some others for rescuing a culprit from an alguazil. Leon nursed his wrath and when in Rome, in 1519, commenced an action against Calvete in the papal courts which caused him so much vexation that he threatened to abandon his post in Sicily and return to Spain. Charles V intervened, writing repeatedly to his ambassadors, to cardinals and to Leon himself, threatening him with the seizure of his temporalities, but the vindictive canon held good and, in 1520, obtained a judgement of 1000 ducats and costs, as Calvete could not go to Rome to defend himself.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 6, fol. 74, 75, 78; Lib. 9, fol. 52-54.[43]La Mantia, p. 43.[44]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933. These instructions were probably the result of the report of avisitadoror inspector, Juan de Ariola, sent, towards the close of 1513, to investigate the tribunals of Majorca, Sardinia and Sicily.—Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 251-4.[45]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933 (see Appendix).[46]Salelles de Materiis Tribunalis S. Inquis., I, 30 (Romæ, 1651).—Franchina, pp. 131-7.[47]La Mantia, pp. 44-5.—Parecer de Martin Real,ubi sup.[48]La Mantia, pp. 47-8.[49]Páramo, p. 201.[50]Montoiche, Voyage de Charles-Quint au Pays de Tunis (Gachard, Voyages des Souverains des Pays-bas, III, 378).[51]Franchina, p. 169.—“Havemos proveydo y mandado que los inquisidores del dicho Reyno no hobiesen de conocer, dentro termino de cinco años, de ninguna cosa que hoviere pena de muerte contra ningun persona natural de dicho Reyno.”—A Latin version is printed by Páramo, p. 204.The phraseology of the decree would seem to suspend the spiritual as well as the temporal jurisdiction of the tribunal and historians have generally so regarded it. This however is impossible as the former was a delegation from the pope over which the emperor had no control and any attempt to do so would have been equivalent to abolishing the Inquisition, while the auto of 1541 shows that it continued to exercise its spiritual jurisdiction. It assumed however that its capacity to suppress heresy was fatally crippled by depriving its officials of the privilege of its exclusive forum, as expressed in a document quoted by Franchina (p. 69)—“Notandum est quod quando in anno 1535 fuit limitata seu suspensa jurisdictio temporalis hujus Sancti Officii in aliquibus casibus per invictissimum imperatorem Carolum V felicis memoriæ, jurisdictio spiritualis causarum fidei fuit in suspenso et quasi mortua.” So a consulta of the Suprema to Philip III, October 2, 1609, refers to Charles having deprived the Sicilian Inquisition of its temporal jurisdiction, resulting in such recrudescence of heresy that he was obliged to restore it.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 927, fol. 323.Inquisitor Páramo, in a letter of November 8, 1600, to Philip III, states the case to be that Charles was misled by false accounts of the misdeeds of the familiars and deprived them of their immunities but, on being better informed, he restored them.—Ibidem, Lib. 41, fol. 258.[52]Páramo, pp. 202-3.—Parecer de Martin Real, ubi sup.[53]Franchina, pp. 149, 159, 163.[54]Páramo, p. 43. I give the date of 1543 as stated by Páramo, but it is evidently an error for 1516, when the tumult occurred under Cervera.[55]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 136. The financial mismanagement of the Sicilian tribunal was notorious. In 1560, the Contador-general Zurita states that he had finished auditing its accounts with much labor, as they had not been examined for twenty years and were in much disorder.—Ibidem, fol. 239.[56]La Mantia, p. 50.[57]Franchina, pp. 167, 183.—Páramo, p. 204.[58]Llorente, Historia crítica, cap.XVI, art. ii, n. 5. The date of this affair is not unimportant and has curiously been involved in doubt. As printed by Llorente, the letter of December 16, 1543, is duly signed Prince Philip and is doubtless correctly dated, as Terranova was governor in 1544 (Gervasii Siculæ Sanctiones, I, 295). It is somewhat remarkable that in the Simancas archives (Legajo 1465, fol. 60) there are two letters of Philip II on this affair, one dated from the Escorial, April 24, 1568, to the Sicilian inquisitors and the other to Terranova, dated from Madrid, April 29, 1568. The dates are evidently erroneous for in that year the Marquis of Pescara was viceroy (Gervasii, III, 121). Portocarrero also blunders in the date (op. cit., n. 105), placing the affair in 1608. La Mantia moreover says (p. 52) that a MS. copy of a letter of the inquisitors, April 10th, bears a later date. A letter of the Suprema to the inquisitors, prescribing the punishment, is dated December 15th, without indication of the year (Simancas, Lib. 78, fol. 372). It speaks of two familiars tortured, orders Terranova to hear mass in a monastery as a penitent and to pay the sufferers 200 ducats, to which the officials concerned in the affair were to add 100 more.[59]Franchina, p. 174.[60]La Mantia, pp. 52-4.—Franchina, p. 188.—Portocarrero, n. 77.[61]Franchina, pp. 45-53.[62]La Mantia, pp. 55-6.[63]La Mantia, pp. 58-9.[64]Páramo, p. 210.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.[65]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 214 fol.—Páramo, p. 212.[66]Franchina, p. 78.[67]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.[68]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.[69]Ibidem,ubi sup.[70]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 41, fol. 258, 263. In his letter Páramo mentions that not long before two Calvinist missionaries had been sent from Geneva to Sicily; the Inquisition arrested them and their converts and one of the missionaries had been burnt alive, showing the steadfastness of his faith.[71]Gervasii Siculæ Sanctiones, II, 329 (Panormi, 1751).[72]La Mantia, pp. 69-70. There is a very vivid account of this affair in a letter to the Suprema from Páramo and his colleagues, written on the evening of August 9th, when they were expecting further ill treatment by the viceroy, whom they characterize in the most unflattering terms.—Bibl. Nacional de Madrid, MSS., Cc, 58, p. 35.Páramo, in a document of March 8, 1600, had already described him as a declared enemy of the Inquisition.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 41, fol. 249.[73]Portocarrero,op. cit., n. 1.—Solorzani de Indiarum Gubernatione, Lib. iii, cap. xxiv, n. 16.—A virtual duplicate of this letter was sent, September 10, 1670, by the Queen-regent Maria Anna of Austria, to the Prince de Ligne, then Viceroy of Sicily.—Mongitore, L’Atto pubblico di Fede de 1724, p. v. (Palermo, 1724).[74]Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, MSS., D, 118, fol. 134, n. 47.[75]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 35.[76]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 38, fol. 298.[77]Consulta Magna de 1696 (Bibl. nacional de Madrid, MSS., Q, 4).[78]Alberghini, Manuale Qualificatorum, p. 171 (Cæsaraugustæ, 1671).[79]La Mantia, pp. 79-86.[80]Franchina, pp. 100, 101.[81]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 252; Lib. 23, fol. 62, 119; Lib. 38, fol. 245, 298.[82]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 13, n. 2, fol. 157. Cozio’s salary in Valencia commenced with May 1st, as he had received in Palermo the advancedtercioof January 1st.[83]La Mantia, p. 92.—Franchina, p. 38.—Mongitore, L’Atto pubblico di Fede celebrato à 6 Aprile, 1724 (Palermo, 1724). This work of Mongitore was reprinted in 1868, when the editor F. Guidicini mentions in the Preface that on March 9th of that year a petition was presented to the Italian Chamber of Deputies, from a Palermitan family, begging the remission of a yearly payment to the royal domain, imposed on them by the Inquisition to defray the expenses of the trial of their kinswoman, the Sister Geltruda, burnt in 1724.It was probably the celebration of this auto that inspired an anonymous writer to denounce the inquisitorial procedure in a little work entitled “Le prove praticate nelli tempi presenti dagl’ Inquisitori di Fede sono manchevole.” This was answered by Doctor Don Miguel Monge, a professor in the University of Huesca in “La verdadera Practica Apostolica de el S. Tribunal de la Inquisicion” (Palermo, 1725). He seems in this to consider all criticism sufficiently answered by demonstrating that the practices complained of are in accordance with the papal instructions. The work illustrates the anomalous position of the Sicilian Inquisition at the period. It is written by a Spaniard, printed in both Spanish and Italian, dated in Vienna and dedicated to Don Ramon de Villana Perlas, a Catalan member of the Imperial Council of State.[84]Franchina, pp. 44, 55.[85]Gervasii Siculæ Sanctiones, II, 333-50.[86]Ibidem, I, 277-81.[87]La Mantia, p. 103.—Franchina, pp. 201, 206.[88]Gervasii,op. cit., I, 286; II, 352.[89]La Mantia, pp. 108 sqq.[90]Franchina, p. 43.[91]Acta Historico-Ecclesiastica nostri temporis, T. IX, p. 74 (Weimar, 1783).[92]Salelles de Materiis Tribunalium Inquisit., I, 43.[93]Llorente, Hist. crit., cap.XIII, art. ii, n. 9.[94]Salelles, I, 47-50.[95]Salelles, I, 53-62.[96]Parecer de Martin Real,ubi sup.[97]Llorente, Hist. crit., cap.XVII, art. ii, n. 10.[98]A Brief History of the Voyage of Katharine Evans and Sarah Cheevers to the Island of Malta and their Cruel Sufferings there for near Four Years. London, 1715.[99]History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, II, 268.[100]Itinerarium Beniamini Tudelens., pp. 21-5 (Antverpiæ, 1575).[101]Wadding, Annal. Minorum, T. III, Regesta, p. 392; ann. 1447, n. 10.[102]Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic., II, 689.[103]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. v, cap. lxx.[104]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I. An episode of this business concerned one Nofre Pelayo, a merchant of Valencia, who was arrested on the charge of concealing some of Pantolosa’s property. On January 15, 1498, Ferdinand warmly praised the inquisitor for this action but he speedily changed his mind and, on March 6th, scolded him for keeping Pelayo in prison and refusing to admit him to bail. It seems that he had in his hands two hundred and fifty ducats, supposed to belong to Pantolosa, but the sum was claimed by Miguel de Fluto, who luckily was a kinsman of the Neapolitan ambassador; the latter induced his master to write on the subject to Ferdinand who, on March 19, 1499, ordered the sum to be paid to the ambassador’s order.—Ibidem.These transactions are worth noting as an illustration of the destructive influence on commerce of the methods of confiscation.[105]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.[106]Amabile (Il Santo Officio in Napoli, I, 93) assures us that there is no trace of such a condition expressed in the documents, but undoubtedly some compact of the kind must have been made. This is evident from the fact that when, in 1504, Ferdinand and Isabella resolved to introduce the Inquisition they formally released Gonsalvo from the obligation, giving as a reason that no Catholic was required to observe obligations in derogation of the faith—“non obstantibus in præmissis aut aliquo præmissorum quibusvis pactis, conventionibus aut capitulationibus per vos præfatum illustrem ducem aut alium quemcunque, nomine nostro vel vestro in deditione civitatis Neapolis aut alias quandocunque factis, conventis aut juratis, cum ea quæ contra fidem faciunt nullo pacto a Catholicis observanda sunt, quinimmo easdem si tales sunt quæ prædictis aliquatenus obviare censeantur cum præsentibus quoad hæc revocamus, taxamus, annullamus et irritamus, pro cassisque, irritis ac nullis nulliusque roboris seu momenti haberi volumus et habemus, cæteris autem ad hæc non tangentibus in suo robore permanentibus.”—Páramo, De Origine Officii S. Inquisit., p. 192.This is repeated more concisely in another personal letter to Gonsalvo of the same date.—Ibidem, p. 193.[107]Amabile, I, 101. When Charles of Anjou introduced the Inquisition he took the confiscations, as was customary in France, and paid the expenses, but in 1290 his son, Charles the Lame, divided the proceeds into thirds, one for the fisc, one for the Inquisition and one for the propagation of the faith, a rule which probably became permanent.—Hist. of Inquisition of Middle Ages, I, 511-12.[108]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. This is a well-known collection of documents from the Neapolitan archives, made in the seventeenth century by Bartolommeo Chioccarello, which has never been printed. The eighth volume is devoted to the Inquisition.[109]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. v, cap. lxx. Benevento was a papal enclave in Neapolitan territory.[110]Páramo, pp. 191-4.[111]Páramo,loc. cit.[112]Ferrarelli, Tiberio Caraffa e la Congiura di Macchia, p. 8 (Napoli, 1884).—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Ye, T. XVII.[113]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.[114]Amabile, I, 97.[115]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. (see Appendix).[116]Zurita,op. cit., Lib. ix, cap. xxiv.[117]A royal cédula of September 3, 1509, to Matheo de Morrano, appointed as receiver, orders him to pay the following salaries, to commence from the date of leaving home for the journey. The sums are in gold ducats:Salary.Ayudade costa.The Bishop of Cefalù, inquisitor,300200Dr. Andrés de Palacios, inquisitor,300100Dr. Melchior, judge of confiscations,100Matheo de Morrano, receiver,300150Joan de Moros, alguazil,20060Dr. Diego de Bonilla, procurador fiscal,20050Miguel de Asiz, notary of secreto and court of confiscations,10050Joan de Villena, notary of secreto,10050abriel de Fet, notary of sequestrations,100A gaoler,5415Johan de Vergara, messenger,3010Juan Vazquez, messenger,30101814695Palacios was paid eight months’ salary in advance by the receiver of Barcelona.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 1, 52.

[1]Páramo de Origine S. Officii S. Inquisitionis, pp. 197-99.—Ripoll Bullar. Ord. Fr. Prædic., III, 510.—La Mantia, L’Inquisizione in Sicilia, pp. 16-18 (Torino, 1886).

[2]Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, p. 910 (Panormi, 1733).—Llorente, Hist. crít. de la Inquisicion de España, Append. No. III.

[3]La Mantia,op. cit., pp. 20-1.—Franchina, Breve Rapporto del Tribunale della SS. Inquisizione in Sicilia, pp. 23, 108-16 (Palermo, 1744).If we may believe an inscription of 1631, Ranzano had been inquisitor in 1482.—Jo. Mariæ Bertini Sacratissima Inquisitionis Rosa Virginea, I, 385 (Panormi, 1662). He died in 1492.

[3]La Mantia,op. cit., pp. 20-1.—Franchina, Breve Rapporto del Tribunale della SS. Inquisizione in Sicilia, pp. 23, 108-16 (Palermo, 1744).

If we may believe an inscription of 1631, Ranzano had been inquisitor in 1482.—Jo. Mariæ Bertini Sacratissima Inquisitionis Rosa Virginea, I, 385 (Panormi, 1662). He died in 1492.

[4]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XIX, cap. xiv.—Giov. di Giovanni, L’Ebraismo della Sicilia, pp. 190-1 (Palermo, 1748).

[5]Giovanni, pp. 21, 96.Isidor Loeb considers the ordinary computations to be grossly exaggerated and, from the statistics of several places, assumes the total to have been not more than from twenty to thirty thousand.—Revue des Etudes Juives, 1887, p. 172.

[5]Giovanni, pp. 21, 96.

Isidor Loeb considers the ordinary computations to be grossly exaggerated and, from the statistics of several places, assumes the total to have been not more than from twenty to thirty thousand.—Revue des Etudes Juives, 1887, p. 172.

[6]Giovanni, p. 210.—Thisceleste benefizio, as the pious author terms it, proved so destructive to the commercial prosperity of the island that, in 1695, the Jews were invited to return, under certain rigorous restrictions. As they manifested no readiness to avail themselves of the permission, the invitation was repeated in a more attractive form in 1727 and, this proving unavailing, still further inducements were offered in 1740. Even this, however, did not produce the desired effect and the edict was revoked in 1747.—Ibidem, pp. 239-42.

[7]Giovanni, pp. 233-5.

[8]The Sicilianonzawas nearly equivalent to 23/10ducats.

[9]Archivo general de Simancas, Consejo de la Inquisicion, Libro 1.

[10]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 2, fol. 23, 24.

[11]Under the same date Obregon was ordered to pay salaries as follows:Doctor Johan Sgalambro, inquisitor6000sueldosjaquenses.Martin de Vallejo, alguazil6000““Johan Crespo, portero500““A notario del secretoTo be appointed by the inquisitors2500““A notario de los secuestrosTo be appointed by the inquisitors2500““A fiscalTo be appointed by the inquisitors2500““Diego de Obregon, receiver6000““—Archivo de Simancas,ubi sup.Although no salary is here provided for the Bishop of Cefalù, it does not follow that bishops were expected to serve gratuitously. When Pedro de Belorado was sent to Sicily as Archbishop of Messina and inquisitor, Obregon was ordered, Sept. 10, 1501, to pay him the same salary as that of Sgalambro whom he replaced.—Ibidem.Thesueldowas one-twentieth of thelibra, which was nearly equivalent to the Castilian ducat.

[11]Under the same date Obregon was ordered to pay salaries as follows:

Although no salary is here provided for the Bishop of Cefalù, it does not follow that bishops were expected to serve gratuitously. When Pedro de Belorado was sent to Sicily as Archbishop of Messina and inquisitor, Obregon was ordered, Sept. 10, 1501, to pay him the same salary as that of Sgalambro whom he replaced.—Ibidem.

Thesueldowas one-twentieth of thelibra, which was nearly equivalent to the Castilian ducat.

[12]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[13]La Mantia, pp. 23, 25, 26, 28.

[14]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[15]Ibidem. Sgalambro managed to regain the royal favor, for a letter of Ferdinand, April 23, 1506, gratifies him with the Cistercian abbey of S. Maria di Terrana, burdened, however, with a pension of eighty ducats to the official chronicler, Luca de Marinis, better known as L. Marinæus Siculus.—Pirri Sicilia Sacra, I, 670.

[16]La Mantia, pp. 27, 28.

[17]Parecer de Martin Real (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. Seld., 130).

[18]La Mantia, p. 28.

[19]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 51, 52, 77, 81, 82, 83.

[20]Ibidem, fol. 127.

[21]La Mantia, p. 29.

[22]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 134, 148, 153.

[23]Portocarrero, Sobre la Competencia en Mallorca, n. 38 (Madrid, 1624).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 30.

[24]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 116. In December, however, Ferdinand increased the number of familiars to twenty in each large city.—Ibidem, fol. 135.

[25]Ibidem, fol. 127.

[26]Parecer de Martin Real,ubi sup.Possibly this is too absolute an attribution of the troubles of 1511 to the Inquisition, though Doctor Real, as an official of the tribunal, ought to be good authority, even though not a contemporary. Fazelli, who was a boy at the time, says (De Rebus Siculis, Decad.II, Lib. ix, cap. 11) that it was occasioned by the outrages committed by the unpaid and starving Spanish troops.

[27]Llorente, Añales de la Inquisicion, II, 26.

[28]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 202 (see Appendix).

[29]La Mantia, pp. 30-32.

[30]Amabile, Il Santo Officio in Napoli, I, 109 (Città di Castello, 1892).

[31]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 239, 294, 296, 314.

[32]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, fol. 331.

[33]La Mantia, pp. 38, 39.

[34]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 311.

[35]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 918, fol. 379.—Martin Real,ubi sup.

[36]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 314; Lib. 933.

[37]Argensola, Añales de Aragon, Lib. I, cap. 5.—Caruso, Memorie istoriche di Sicilia, T. VI, p. 119.One of Moncada’s arbitrary acts concerned the Inquisition. In 1517, when the receiver Garcí Cid was settling his accounts, he claimed credit for 700 ounces which he had deposited with a banker in Messina, where Moncada seized it. Cardinal Adrian the inquisitor-general thereupon ordered Inquisitor Cervera to summon the banker to return the money, for the viceroy had express orders from Ferdinand not to meddle with the property of the tribunal. If, however, the banker could prove that Moncada had taken it by force, then Garcí Cid could proceed to collect it from the revenues of the Priorazgo of St. John at Messina, which belonged to Moncada. If the banker could not prove this, he must pay the money and have recourse against the property and revenues of Moncada. Hereafter, Adrian concludes, no one shall dare to take the property of the Inquisition, for the Catholic king ordered that it should be used to purchase rents for the perpetuation of the tribunal.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933.

[37]Argensola, Añales de Aragon, Lib. I, cap. 5.—Caruso, Memorie istoriche di Sicilia, T. VI, p. 119.

One of Moncada’s arbitrary acts concerned the Inquisition. In 1517, when the receiver Garcí Cid was settling his accounts, he claimed credit for 700 ounces which he had deposited with a banker in Messina, where Moncada seized it. Cardinal Adrian the inquisitor-general thereupon ordered Inquisitor Cervera to summon the banker to return the money, for the viceroy had express orders from Ferdinand not to meddle with the property of the tribunal. If, however, the banker could prove that Moncada had taken it by force, then Garcí Cid could proceed to collect it from the revenues of the Priorazgo of St. John at Messina, which belonged to Moncada. If the banker could not prove this, he must pay the money and have recourse against the property and revenues of Moncada. Hereafter, Adrian concludes, no one shall dare to take the property of the Inquisition, for the Catholic king ordered that it should be used to purchase rents for the perpetuation of the tribunal.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933.

[38]Argensola,op. cit., Lib.I, cap. 5, 34.—Fazelli de Rebus Siculis, Decad., Lib. 10.—La Mantia, pp. 40-42.—Dormer, Añales de Aragon, cap. 2.—P. Mart. Angler. Epistt., 593, 594.—Carta de D. Hugo de Moncada, 22 de Marzo, 1516 (Coleccion de Documentos inéditos, XXIV, 136).

[39]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 74, fol. 16; Lib. 921, fol. 38.

[40]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 39.—Franchina,op. cit., pp. 122, 127.In 1630 Messina appealed to its fidelity on this occasion, when resisting a proposition to divide the island into two viceroyalties.—Razones apologéticas de la noble Ciudad de Mecina, fol. 48 (Madrid, 1630).

[40]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 39.—Franchina,op. cit., pp. 122, 127.

In 1630 Messina appealed to its fidelity on this occasion, when resisting a proposition to divide the island into two viceroyalties.—Razones apologéticas de la noble Ciudad de Mecina, fol. 48 (Madrid, 1630).

[41]La Mantia, p. 42.

[42]Ibidem, pp. 45-6. The autos were:1519,June11,4menburntand 1 woman.1520,July8,3““2“1521,June9,1““1524,Aug.6,4““1“1525,Sept.29,1““4“1526,Aug.1,3““1“Sept.16,1““A letter of August 19, 1519, from the Suprema to Calvete expresses the highest satisfaction with him and offers him, on his return to Spain, one of the principal tribunals of Castile. In 1529 we find him Inquisitor of Sarogossa.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 74, fol. 165; Lib. 76, fol. 183.Calvete’s earlier years of office were much harassed by a suit brought against him in Rome by Juan de Leon, a canon of Córdova. Prior to 1516, Calvete as provisor of Córdova had prosecuted Leon and some others for rescuing a culprit from an alguazil. Leon nursed his wrath and when in Rome, in 1519, commenced an action against Calvete in the papal courts which caused him so much vexation that he threatened to abandon his post in Sicily and return to Spain. Charles V intervened, writing repeatedly to his ambassadors, to cardinals and to Leon himself, threatening him with the seizure of his temporalities, but the vindictive canon held good and, in 1520, obtained a judgement of 1000 ducats and costs, as Calvete could not go to Rome to defend himself.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 6, fol. 74, 75, 78; Lib. 9, fol. 52-54.

[42]Ibidem, pp. 45-6. The autos were:

A letter of August 19, 1519, from the Suprema to Calvete expresses the highest satisfaction with him and offers him, on his return to Spain, one of the principal tribunals of Castile. In 1529 we find him Inquisitor of Sarogossa.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 74, fol. 165; Lib. 76, fol. 183.

Calvete’s earlier years of office were much harassed by a suit brought against him in Rome by Juan de Leon, a canon of Córdova. Prior to 1516, Calvete as provisor of Córdova had prosecuted Leon and some others for rescuing a culprit from an alguazil. Leon nursed his wrath and when in Rome, in 1519, commenced an action against Calvete in the papal courts which caused him so much vexation that he threatened to abandon his post in Sicily and return to Spain. Charles V intervened, writing repeatedly to his ambassadors, to cardinals and to Leon himself, threatening him with the seizure of his temporalities, but the vindictive canon held good and, in 1520, obtained a judgement of 1000 ducats and costs, as Calvete could not go to Rome to defend himself.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 6, fol. 74, 75, 78; Lib. 9, fol. 52-54.

[43]La Mantia, p. 43.

[44]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933. These instructions were probably the result of the report of avisitadoror inspector, Juan de Ariola, sent, towards the close of 1513, to investigate the tribunals of Majorca, Sardinia and Sicily.—Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 251-4.

[45]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933 (see Appendix).

[46]Salelles de Materiis Tribunalis S. Inquis., I, 30 (Romæ, 1651).—Franchina, pp. 131-7.

[47]La Mantia, pp. 44-5.—Parecer de Martin Real,ubi sup.

[48]La Mantia, pp. 47-8.

[49]Páramo, p. 201.

[50]Montoiche, Voyage de Charles-Quint au Pays de Tunis (Gachard, Voyages des Souverains des Pays-bas, III, 378).

[51]Franchina, p. 169.—“Havemos proveydo y mandado que los inquisidores del dicho Reyno no hobiesen de conocer, dentro termino de cinco años, de ninguna cosa que hoviere pena de muerte contra ningun persona natural de dicho Reyno.”—A Latin version is printed by Páramo, p. 204.The phraseology of the decree would seem to suspend the spiritual as well as the temporal jurisdiction of the tribunal and historians have generally so regarded it. This however is impossible as the former was a delegation from the pope over which the emperor had no control and any attempt to do so would have been equivalent to abolishing the Inquisition, while the auto of 1541 shows that it continued to exercise its spiritual jurisdiction. It assumed however that its capacity to suppress heresy was fatally crippled by depriving its officials of the privilege of its exclusive forum, as expressed in a document quoted by Franchina (p. 69)—“Notandum est quod quando in anno 1535 fuit limitata seu suspensa jurisdictio temporalis hujus Sancti Officii in aliquibus casibus per invictissimum imperatorem Carolum V felicis memoriæ, jurisdictio spiritualis causarum fidei fuit in suspenso et quasi mortua.” So a consulta of the Suprema to Philip III, October 2, 1609, refers to Charles having deprived the Sicilian Inquisition of its temporal jurisdiction, resulting in such recrudescence of heresy that he was obliged to restore it.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 927, fol. 323.Inquisitor Páramo, in a letter of November 8, 1600, to Philip III, states the case to be that Charles was misled by false accounts of the misdeeds of the familiars and deprived them of their immunities but, on being better informed, he restored them.—Ibidem, Lib. 41, fol. 258.

The phraseology of the decree would seem to suspend the spiritual as well as the temporal jurisdiction of the tribunal and historians have generally so regarded it. This however is impossible as the former was a delegation from the pope over which the emperor had no control and any attempt to do so would have been equivalent to abolishing the Inquisition, while the auto of 1541 shows that it continued to exercise its spiritual jurisdiction. It assumed however that its capacity to suppress heresy was fatally crippled by depriving its officials of the privilege of its exclusive forum, as expressed in a document quoted by Franchina (p. 69)—“Notandum est quod quando in anno 1535 fuit limitata seu suspensa jurisdictio temporalis hujus Sancti Officii in aliquibus casibus per invictissimum imperatorem Carolum V felicis memoriæ, jurisdictio spiritualis causarum fidei fuit in suspenso et quasi mortua.” So a consulta of the Suprema to Philip III, October 2, 1609, refers to Charles having deprived the Sicilian Inquisition of its temporal jurisdiction, resulting in such recrudescence of heresy that he was obliged to restore it.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 927, fol. 323.

Inquisitor Páramo, in a letter of November 8, 1600, to Philip III, states the case to be that Charles was misled by false accounts of the misdeeds of the familiars and deprived them of their immunities but, on being better informed, he restored them.—Ibidem, Lib. 41, fol. 258.

[52]Páramo, pp. 202-3.—Parecer de Martin Real, ubi sup.

[53]Franchina, pp. 149, 159, 163.

[54]Páramo, p. 43. I give the date of 1543 as stated by Páramo, but it is evidently an error for 1516, when the tumult occurred under Cervera.

[55]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 136. The financial mismanagement of the Sicilian tribunal was notorious. In 1560, the Contador-general Zurita states that he had finished auditing its accounts with much labor, as they had not been examined for twenty years and were in much disorder.—Ibidem, fol. 239.

[56]La Mantia, p. 50.

[57]Franchina, pp. 167, 183.—Páramo, p. 204.

[58]Llorente, Historia crítica, cap.XVI, art. ii, n. 5. The date of this affair is not unimportant and has curiously been involved in doubt. As printed by Llorente, the letter of December 16, 1543, is duly signed Prince Philip and is doubtless correctly dated, as Terranova was governor in 1544 (Gervasii Siculæ Sanctiones, I, 295). It is somewhat remarkable that in the Simancas archives (Legajo 1465, fol. 60) there are two letters of Philip II on this affair, one dated from the Escorial, April 24, 1568, to the Sicilian inquisitors and the other to Terranova, dated from Madrid, April 29, 1568. The dates are evidently erroneous for in that year the Marquis of Pescara was viceroy (Gervasii, III, 121). Portocarrero also blunders in the date (op. cit., n. 105), placing the affair in 1608. La Mantia moreover says (p. 52) that a MS. copy of a letter of the inquisitors, April 10th, bears a later date. A letter of the Suprema to the inquisitors, prescribing the punishment, is dated December 15th, without indication of the year (Simancas, Lib. 78, fol. 372). It speaks of two familiars tortured, orders Terranova to hear mass in a monastery as a penitent and to pay the sufferers 200 ducats, to which the officials concerned in the affair were to add 100 more.

[59]Franchina, p. 174.

[60]La Mantia, pp. 52-4.—Franchina, p. 188.—Portocarrero, n. 77.

[61]Franchina, pp. 45-53.

[62]La Mantia, pp. 55-6.

[63]La Mantia, pp. 58-9.

[64]Páramo, p. 210.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

[65]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 214 fol.—Páramo, p. 212.

[66]Franchina, p. 78.

[67]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

[68]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

[69]Ibidem,ubi sup.

[70]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 41, fol. 258, 263. In his letter Páramo mentions that not long before two Calvinist missionaries had been sent from Geneva to Sicily; the Inquisition arrested them and their converts and one of the missionaries had been burnt alive, showing the steadfastness of his faith.

[71]Gervasii Siculæ Sanctiones, II, 329 (Panormi, 1751).

[72]La Mantia, pp. 69-70. There is a very vivid account of this affair in a letter to the Suprema from Páramo and his colleagues, written on the evening of August 9th, when they were expecting further ill treatment by the viceroy, whom they characterize in the most unflattering terms.—Bibl. Nacional de Madrid, MSS., Cc, 58, p. 35.Páramo, in a document of March 8, 1600, had already described him as a declared enemy of the Inquisition.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 41, fol. 249.

Páramo, in a document of March 8, 1600, had already described him as a declared enemy of the Inquisition.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 41, fol. 249.

[73]Portocarrero,op. cit., n. 1.—Solorzani de Indiarum Gubernatione, Lib. iii, cap. xxiv, n. 16.—A virtual duplicate of this letter was sent, September 10, 1670, by the Queen-regent Maria Anna of Austria, to the Prince de Ligne, then Viceroy of Sicily.—Mongitore, L’Atto pubblico di Fede de 1724, p. v. (Palermo, 1724).

[74]Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, MSS., D, 118, fol. 134, n. 47.

[75]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 35.

[76]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 38, fol. 298.

[77]Consulta Magna de 1696 (Bibl. nacional de Madrid, MSS., Q, 4).

[78]Alberghini, Manuale Qualificatorum, p. 171 (Cæsaraugustæ, 1671).

[79]La Mantia, pp. 79-86.

[80]Franchina, pp. 100, 101.

[81]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 252; Lib. 23, fol. 62, 119; Lib. 38, fol. 245, 298.

[82]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 13, n. 2, fol. 157. Cozio’s salary in Valencia commenced with May 1st, as he had received in Palermo the advancedtercioof January 1st.

[83]La Mantia, p. 92.—Franchina, p. 38.—Mongitore, L’Atto pubblico di Fede celebrato à 6 Aprile, 1724 (Palermo, 1724). This work of Mongitore was reprinted in 1868, when the editor F. Guidicini mentions in the Preface that on March 9th of that year a petition was presented to the Italian Chamber of Deputies, from a Palermitan family, begging the remission of a yearly payment to the royal domain, imposed on them by the Inquisition to defray the expenses of the trial of their kinswoman, the Sister Geltruda, burnt in 1724.It was probably the celebration of this auto that inspired an anonymous writer to denounce the inquisitorial procedure in a little work entitled “Le prove praticate nelli tempi presenti dagl’ Inquisitori di Fede sono manchevole.” This was answered by Doctor Don Miguel Monge, a professor in the University of Huesca in “La verdadera Practica Apostolica de el S. Tribunal de la Inquisicion” (Palermo, 1725). He seems in this to consider all criticism sufficiently answered by demonstrating that the practices complained of are in accordance with the papal instructions. The work illustrates the anomalous position of the Sicilian Inquisition at the period. It is written by a Spaniard, printed in both Spanish and Italian, dated in Vienna and dedicated to Don Ramon de Villana Perlas, a Catalan member of the Imperial Council of State.

It was probably the celebration of this auto that inspired an anonymous writer to denounce the inquisitorial procedure in a little work entitled “Le prove praticate nelli tempi presenti dagl’ Inquisitori di Fede sono manchevole.” This was answered by Doctor Don Miguel Monge, a professor in the University of Huesca in “La verdadera Practica Apostolica de el S. Tribunal de la Inquisicion” (Palermo, 1725). He seems in this to consider all criticism sufficiently answered by demonstrating that the practices complained of are in accordance with the papal instructions. The work illustrates the anomalous position of the Sicilian Inquisition at the period. It is written by a Spaniard, printed in both Spanish and Italian, dated in Vienna and dedicated to Don Ramon de Villana Perlas, a Catalan member of the Imperial Council of State.

[84]Franchina, pp. 44, 55.

[85]Gervasii Siculæ Sanctiones, II, 333-50.

[86]Ibidem, I, 277-81.

[87]La Mantia, p. 103.—Franchina, pp. 201, 206.

[88]Gervasii,op. cit., I, 286; II, 352.

[89]La Mantia, pp. 108 sqq.

[90]Franchina, p. 43.

[91]Acta Historico-Ecclesiastica nostri temporis, T. IX, p. 74 (Weimar, 1783).

[92]Salelles de Materiis Tribunalium Inquisit., I, 43.

[93]Llorente, Hist. crit., cap.XIII, art. ii, n. 9.

[94]Salelles, I, 47-50.

[95]Salelles, I, 53-62.

[96]Parecer de Martin Real,ubi sup.

[97]Llorente, Hist. crit., cap.XVII, art. ii, n. 10.

[98]A Brief History of the Voyage of Katharine Evans and Sarah Cheevers to the Island of Malta and their Cruel Sufferings there for near Four Years. London, 1715.

[99]History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, II, 268.

[100]Itinerarium Beniamini Tudelens., pp. 21-5 (Antverpiæ, 1575).

[101]Wadding, Annal. Minorum, T. III, Regesta, p. 392; ann. 1447, n. 10.

[102]Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic., II, 689.

[103]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. v, cap. lxx.

[104]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I. An episode of this business concerned one Nofre Pelayo, a merchant of Valencia, who was arrested on the charge of concealing some of Pantolosa’s property. On January 15, 1498, Ferdinand warmly praised the inquisitor for this action but he speedily changed his mind and, on March 6th, scolded him for keeping Pelayo in prison and refusing to admit him to bail. It seems that he had in his hands two hundred and fifty ducats, supposed to belong to Pantolosa, but the sum was claimed by Miguel de Fluto, who luckily was a kinsman of the Neapolitan ambassador; the latter induced his master to write on the subject to Ferdinand who, on March 19, 1499, ordered the sum to be paid to the ambassador’s order.—Ibidem.These transactions are worth noting as an illustration of the destructive influence on commerce of the methods of confiscation.

These transactions are worth noting as an illustration of the destructive influence on commerce of the methods of confiscation.

[105]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.

[106]Amabile (Il Santo Officio in Napoli, I, 93) assures us that there is no trace of such a condition expressed in the documents, but undoubtedly some compact of the kind must have been made. This is evident from the fact that when, in 1504, Ferdinand and Isabella resolved to introduce the Inquisition they formally released Gonsalvo from the obligation, giving as a reason that no Catholic was required to observe obligations in derogation of the faith—“non obstantibus in præmissis aut aliquo præmissorum quibusvis pactis, conventionibus aut capitulationibus per vos præfatum illustrem ducem aut alium quemcunque, nomine nostro vel vestro in deditione civitatis Neapolis aut alias quandocunque factis, conventis aut juratis, cum ea quæ contra fidem faciunt nullo pacto a Catholicis observanda sunt, quinimmo easdem si tales sunt quæ prædictis aliquatenus obviare censeantur cum præsentibus quoad hæc revocamus, taxamus, annullamus et irritamus, pro cassisque, irritis ac nullis nulliusque roboris seu momenti haberi volumus et habemus, cæteris autem ad hæc non tangentibus in suo robore permanentibus.”—Páramo, De Origine Officii S. Inquisit., p. 192.This is repeated more concisely in another personal letter to Gonsalvo of the same date.—Ibidem, p. 193.

This is repeated more concisely in another personal letter to Gonsalvo of the same date.—Ibidem, p. 193.

[107]Amabile, I, 101. When Charles of Anjou introduced the Inquisition he took the confiscations, as was customary in France, and paid the expenses, but in 1290 his son, Charles the Lame, divided the proceeds into thirds, one for the fisc, one for the Inquisition and one for the propagation of the faith, a rule which probably became permanent.—Hist. of Inquisition of Middle Ages, I, 511-12.

[108]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. This is a well-known collection of documents from the Neapolitan archives, made in the seventeenth century by Bartolommeo Chioccarello, which has never been printed. The eighth volume is devoted to the Inquisition.

[109]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. v, cap. lxx. Benevento was a papal enclave in Neapolitan territory.

[110]Páramo, pp. 191-4.

[111]Páramo,loc. cit.

[112]Ferrarelli, Tiberio Caraffa e la Congiura di Macchia, p. 8 (Napoli, 1884).—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Ye, T. XVII.

[113]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII.

[114]Amabile, I, 97.

[115]Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. (see Appendix).

[116]Zurita,op. cit., Lib. ix, cap. xxiv.

[117]A royal cédula of September 3, 1509, to Matheo de Morrano, appointed as receiver, orders him to pay the following salaries, to commence from the date of leaving home for the journey. The sums are in gold ducats:Salary.Ayudade costa.The Bishop of Cefalù, inquisitor,300200Dr. Andrés de Palacios, inquisitor,300100Dr. Melchior, judge of confiscations,100Matheo de Morrano, receiver,300150Joan de Moros, alguazil,20060Dr. Diego de Bonilla, procurador fiscal,20050Miguel de Asiz, notary of secreto and court of confiscations,10050Joan de Villena, notary of secreto,10050abriel de Fet, notary of sequestrations,100A gaoler,5415Johan de Vergara, messenger,3010Juan Vazquez, messenger,30101814695Palacios was paid eight months’ salary in advance by the receiver of Barcelona.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 1, 52.

Palacios was paid eight months’ salary in advance by the receiver of Barcelona.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 1, 52.

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