IIIMONUMENTS OF THE HITTITES
With this outline of the chief historical phases of Asia Minor before us, we pass from the remains of mediæval and classical antiquity to a consideration of those more ancient monuments which bear witness to Hittite handiwork. Notwithstanding the progress of historical research, these remain the surest basis for the study of our subject, giving us an insight into the Hittite civilisation, which is rendered more valuable and more intelligible by the light thrown upon Hittite chronology by recent excavation. Their nature and intrinsic details are material evidence of Hittite arts, which, in the lack of internal literary documents, no other sources can satisfactorily supply; while their disposition defines for us the Hittite lands in a manner more reliable and more substantial than theories based on vague and difficult references in oriental history. A reasonable consideration of the environment of these monuments, also, may help us to appreciate something of that which is most difficult to realise but all-important, namely the circumstances of the life of those whose hands produced them.[126]
PLATE XXXEPHESUS: REMAINS OF THE ‘LIBRARY OF CELSUS,’ RECENTLY UNCOVERED (Seep. 71.)
PLATE XXX
EPHESUS: REMAINS OF THE ‘LIBRARY OF CELSUS,’ RECENTLY UNCOVERED (Seep. 71.)
Obedient to a now accepted principle of psychology, we follow in the development of our inquiry the sequence of evidences by which this subject has been established during the past generation. Postponing for the present any detailed account of the walled towns and groups of sculptures which have been the scene of recent investigation, we shall consider firstly those monuments which are found isolated and scattered throughout the regions indicated in the opening chapter. If, in so doing, we can yet be guided by the light of modern discoveries, we may hope to avoid some of the difficulties which beset the path of these pioneers whose work introduced to us this new material. Our method of study, like theirs, must be comparative; but we shall be content to confine ourselves almost entirely to the monuments identified as Hittite by the presence of the peculiar hieroglyphic signs or inscriptions carved upon them. It was indeed upon this line of evidence that Professor A. H. Sayce was enabled, thirty years ago, to establish the relationship of the unexplained inscriptions of Hamath with the sculptures of Kara-Bel in the far west of Asia Minor, and thence to make his brilliant inference of a forgotten empire.[127]
We use the test of Hittite hieroglyphs, not only because it has become in this way fundamental to our subject, but because it is no longer open to doubt whether these peculiar signs are of Hittite origin or not. Formerly there may have been room for reasonable criticism so long as this conclusion was based only on the fact that these symbols were found chiefly on unexplained monuments from Hamath and neighbouring places in Northern Syria associated inhistory with the Hittites. But now the increasing accumulation of this kind of circumstantial evidence has been crowned by the discovery that the chief site of such monuments in Asia Minor, namely Boghaz-Keui, was for two centuries the capital of the Hittites, whose name (Hatti) appears freely on the literary documents that have been unearthed[128]there in recent excavations. Being secured then against fundamental error, a comparison of the Hittite monuments identified on this basis readily reveals peculiarities of art which may be regarded as typical, so that we might reasonably include in our category other monuments of like kind which lack only the ultimate criterion which we have set before us. We do not wish, however, nor do we need, in the scope of this volume, to press the argument by analogy, being warned against the pitfalls of such a method by several general considerations, and especially by the noticeable survival of Hittite influence in the local sculptures, like those of Phrygia[129]and western Lycaonia.[130]
Though we continue to employ the old materials, however, we see them now in a clearer light. Just as the time has passed by when the word ‘Hittite’ must be written in inverted commas, or qualified with the adjective ‘so-called,’ so now we are not content any longer to regard the older monuments of the interior together in general as pre-Hellenic, much less pre-historic, without distinction as to period or locality. The referencesto the Hittites in Babylonian, Egyptian, and Assyrian history alone, it is true, would not be sufficient to establish an historical basis for this phase of our inquiry, though giving us a range of dates that covers broadly the whole of the second millennium down to the eighth centuryB.C.,[131]but these allusions are now supplemented, and in great measure made intelligible, by the evidence of the Hittite archives recently discovered at Boghaz-Keui, which establish chronological relationships of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuriesB.C.,[132]together with a series of contemporary Hittite works. This date now becomes the basis for all inquiry, bringing into line several points previously problematical and much disputed, just as the intrinsic evidence of these archives throws a new flood of light over the disposition and constitution of the Hittites at the very period when they figure most prominently in the pages of Egyptian history.
PLATE XXXIANGORA: REMAINS OF THE TEMPLE OF ROME AND AUGUSTUS
PLATE XXXI
ANGORA: REMAINS OF THE TEMPLE OF ROME AND AUGUSTUS
Other researches have contributed towards broadening this basis of investigation. At Sakje-Geuzi recentexcavations[133]have established the fact previously in doubt, that the settlements of Hittite peoples had begun there at any rate many centuries, possibly several thousand years, previous to the age marked by the oncoming and ultimately overwhelming tide of Assyrian influence early in the first millenniumB.C.The relation of the later phase of local arts to Assyrian chronology is given by the results of excavations made on the great mound at Sinjerli, distant about a day’s journey in the same valley towards the south.[134]Here certain palace buildings and sculptures, some of which betray Assyrian feeling, may be dated, by help of inscribed monuments that were unearthed, to the eighth centuryB.C., when this principality became tributary to Tiglath PileserIII.The reign of Esarhaddon, the conqueror of Egypt, brought even this nominal independence to an end about 680B.C.
PLATE XXXIINIGDEH: PORTAL OR THE ‘WHITE MIDRESSEH’Built by Ala-ed-din the Great,circa1223A.D.An early example of Seljûk art. (Seep. 73.)
PLATE XXXII
NIGDEH: PORTAL OR THE ‘WHITE MIDRESSEH’
Built by Ala-ed-din the Great,circa1223A.D.An early example of Seljûk art. (Seep. 73.)
To these revelations by the spade there should be added various contributions of the pen, which, together with the old materials, make possible the study of Hittite remains upon an historical rather than a purely archæological basis. We might indeed make some general inferences from the results of these researches, but it will be wise to keep ever in view the geographical conditions, and never to assume collateral development among the various branches of the Hittite peoples whose lands were physically so disunited. Evidence affecting one state in the north of Syria may be applied with some surety to its neighbours; but it may not be applicable beyond the Taurus. No published accounts enable us to test the antiquity of Hittitesettlements upon the tableland of Asia Minor, and it is doubtful if even the necessary soundings have been made. For the middle period, however, the difficulty is less, where history shows that the influence of the Hatti administered from Boghaz-Keui must have predominated in the north of Syria, and contemporaneity of development may therefore be inferred. But when we come to the inferior limit of date the same difficulty (the possibility of independent development) is reopened, for, in the absence of positive material evidence to the contrary, the Assyrian arms seem never to have passed the Halys even while Assyrian influences were dominant in Syria. On the other hand, as we have seen in the previous chapters, we have to take into account the possible influence of the new civilisations, like that of the Phrygians, which had meanwhile been developing upon the tableland. One thing at any rate seems clear, that no Hittite monuments of Asia Minor can well be later than the period of Phrygian domination in the eighth centuryB.C.,[135]so that in the end a general parallel is suggested with the closing dates afforded from Assyrian history.
Having now considered in general terms the method and the new chronological basis of our inquiry, we come first to an account of those isolated monuments which illustrate to us the diversity of Hittite art and the wide range of its influence. The most striking of these are perhaps those carved on the living rock, which may take the form of single figures, some gigantic, others less than life-size, or groups representing deities and their ministers, accompanied in each case by Hittite hieroglyphs, or long inscriptions without any sculpturesto give a suggestion of their meaning.[136]Of the moveable monuments only one is found clearlyin situ,[137]and this from its position and nature may be thought, like some of the rock-inscriptions, to have been a boundary stone. There are others, however, of such weight[138]or peculiar character[139]that they may be judged to have been set up not far from the sites where they have been found. Theprovenanceof monuments found on or in the vicinity of ancient sites is also reliable as evidence.[140]Sculptures are rarely executed in the round, except for architectural purposes,[141]though in one or two instances there have been found fragments of statues.[142]Reliefs however, are plentiful, mostly representing mythological creatures or persons; while a distinct class, which represents a ceremonial feast or communion, seems to include some specimens of funerary character.[143]Among inscribed monuments the most interesting are those stelæ which show a human figure, accompanied, it would seem, by a formal biography of good works.[144]
PLATE XXXIIINIGDEH: TOMB OF SELJÛK PERIODTraditionally the tomb of Havanda, wife of Ala-ed-din, but dated 1344A.D.Note the design, tracery, and stalactite ornamentation. (Seep. 73.)
PLATE XXXIII
NIGDEH: TOMB OF SELJÛK PERIOD
Traditionally the tomb of Havanda, wife of Ala-ed-din, but dated 1344A.D.Note the design, tracery, and stalactite ornamentation. (Seep. 73.)
Unfortunately a considerable proportion of theinscribed blocks of stone that have been found are imperfect, so that little can be hoped from the inscriptions themselves. There are also a few small objects so portable, and reported from regions so exceptional, that they cannot be used as topographical evidence. Lastly, there are naturally a number of monuments simulating Hittite work which we hesitate to include without further evidence. It will be useful at this stage to give a classified list of the places where the chief Hittite monuments have been found.[145]Towns and palaces are included though not discussed in this chapter; further, classifications which are based on inference, or doubtful in any way, are denoted by square brackets, while an asterisk signifies that the Hittite origin of the monument to which it refers is problematical and unconfirmed. Other special features are pointed out in the footnotes.
Walled Towns.—Boghaz-Keui, Eyuk, Sakje-Geuzi, Sinjerli. [Ilgîn (Kolitoghlu Yaila), Jerablus (Carchemish), Marash.]
Palaces.—Boghaz-Keui, Eyuk, Sakje-Geuzi, Sinjerli.[146][Malatia, Marash.[147]]
Fortresses.—Boghaz-Keui (Sary Kaleh, Yenije Kaleh), Giaour Kalesi, Karaburna, Kizil Dagh.
Rock Carvings.—Sculptures with Inscriptions—Boghaz-Keui (Iasily Kaya), Fraktin, Ivrîz, Kara-Bel (Mount Tmolus), Kizil Dagh, Mount Sipylus, Tashji.Sculpture only—Giaour-Kalesi.[148]Inscriptions only—Asarjik, Boghaz-Keui (Nishan Tash), Bulghar-Madên, Gurun, Kara Dagh (Mahalich).
Stones in situ.—Inscribed Sculpture—Kuru-Bel.Inscription only—Bogche.
Moveable Stones.—Sculptures in the round—Boghaz-Keui,[149]Derendeh[150](and at Arslan Tash),[150]Eyuk,[150]Eski-Yapân,[150]Kurts-oghlu,[151]Kuru-Bel,[152]Marash,[151]Yamoola.[149]Reliefs; mural—Aintab, Boghaz-Keui, Doghanlu, Malatia, Marash. [Angora (Kalaba, Yalanjak, Amaksiz Keui).]Reliefs representing a Ceremonial Feast—Kara-burshlu, Malatia, Marash, Sakje-Geuzi, Sinjerli,[153]Yarre.Inscriptions accompanying human figure—Andaval, Bor, Jerablus[154](Carchemish), Kellekli, Marash,[153]Samsat, Tell-Ahmar.Inscriptions only—Aleppo, Alexandretta,[155]Albistan (Kirchuk Yapalak), Bey-Keui, Ekrek,[154]Emir-Ghazi,[151]Hamath, Ilgîn (Kolitoghlu Yaila), Izgîn,[156]Jerablus, Karaburna, Nigdeh,[151]Restan, Suasa.
Exceptional Districts.—Babylon, Erzerum (Kaza Passinler),[157]Kedabeg,[154]Toprah Kaleh.
Problematical Monuments.—Eflatoun-Bunar, Fassiler, Gerger.
The first thing that strikes us in considering this list is that these monuments are all of stone. We might possibly be able to include, with suitable caution, some number of small objects of bronze or pottery, mostly in animal form, and also a number of peculiar ceramic types, including painted vases and neolithic pottery decorated in a primitive manner by incisions. But, except in the latter instances,[158]these do not advance the main subject of our inquiry; for while theiridentification with the Hittites is chiefly a matter of general inference, theirprovenanceis nearly always doubtful. The same thing might be said unhappily of the definitely Hittite seals and kindred objects, of which several excellent specimens are on record,[159]whether made of silver,[160]stone,[161]or ivory.[162]While all of these are worthy of closest study from the point of view of Hittite art andmotif, yet nearly all have been found in the hands of peasants who were loath to tell the exact site of their discovery, or of town-dealers who did not know.
PLATE XXXIVEPHESUS: MEDIEVAL FORTRESS WITH SELJÛK REMAINS AT AYASOLÛKKONIA: ZAZADÎN HAN, OF SELJÛK WORK AND STYLE (Seep. 73.)
PLATE XXXIV
EPHESUS: MEDIEVAL FORTRESS WITH SELJÛK REMAINS AT AYASOLÛK
KONIA: ZAZADÎN HAN, OF SELJÛK WORK AND STYLE (Seep. 73.)
Hence to define our Hittite land by the disposition of the monuments, we fall back largely on the works in stone, the original position of which is known or can be inferred. Doubtless at one time the surface of the ground was covered with other indications, with ruins of villages and houses where now the grass grows over indistinguishable mounds; and doubtless also many exposed monuments must hitherto have escaped scientific record. Hence our argument from the disposition of the monuments should be guarded; it is positive, indeed, so far as we have evidence, but the negative case should not be urged. The durability of stone has perpetuated these monuments to us, but it is not thereby demonstrated that the Hittites had any exclusive preference for this material. And being of stone, they are most plentiful in stony regions, and rarely found upon grassy plains. We cannot expect, for instance, upon the broad pastures of Iconium anything analogous to the sculptures which are found in rocky Taurus, where the opportunity was all-temptingwhich in the former case was lacking. It has been well said that ‘if the plateau presented throughout the same character, there would be no need to seek on its surface monuments of the past. Hunters and woodmen build no cities, and arts are unknown to them.’[163]Consequently, in finding a concentration of Hittite sites upon the hilly regions of the map, this fact should not be allowed to weigh disproportionately, although there is independent evidence tending to the conclusion that several branches of the Hittite peoples, particularly those of Asia Minor, were of mountain origin.[164]
With these considerations in mind, a study of the disposition of these Hittite sites upon the map[165]can teach us much, notwithstanding our self-imposed restrictions. Our southerly frontier reaches to Hamath on the Orontes. Eastward our boundary is the Euphrates, flowing past Malatia, Samsat, and Jerablus. Westward the monuments follow the inner edge of Taurus as far as the Kara Dagh, with not a single site under the southern slope of these mountains. In the north we have no clear boundary. Eyuk and Boghaz-Keui are found in the middle of the circuit of the Halys, with no places nearer than those which lie in the valley of that river. Across the river a single line of monuments, including Giaour-Kalesi, Yarre, Doghanlu, and Bey-Keui, seems to lead on towards the Lydian coast, to where Sipylus and Kara-Bel are found between Sardis and Smyrna.
PLATE XXXVROWANDUZ KALEH: MEDIEVAL FORTRESS ON A STEEP CONICAL HILL OVERLOOKING THE AFRÎNSupposed to have been built under Genoese architects during the 14th centuryA.D.(Seep. 9.)
PLATE XXXV
ROWANDUZ KALEH: MEDIEVAL FORTRESS ON A STEEP CONICAL HILL OVERLOOKING THE AFRÎN
Supposed to have been built under Genoese architects during the 14th centuryA.D.(Seep. 9.)
A brief consideration of the classified list of monuments above will reveal the fact that for description no grouping of these places is so convenient as that formed naturally by geographical divisions. The firstmain group (A) will include all the monuments of the north of Syria, in which we may recognise three separate districts. The most southerly is the Orontes valley, with which we can include Aleppo, though the latter historically would seem to have been the centre of an independent state.[166]The monuments from Hamath consist of a series of stones inscribed in relief, partly belonging to the same inscription; while at Aleppo there is one small stone of similar character. The places Restan and Homs indicated upon the map are positions of importance further up the Orontes, though unidentified by local remains.[167]The site of Kadesh, the historical frontier fortress of the Hittites in their warfare with Egypt, is similarly now unrecognisable, but a consensus of opinion among students of the Egyptian records places it not far southward of the present lake of Homs.[168]
Eastward we have the monuments on the Euphrates, including numerous inscriptions, a stela, and fragments of sculpture, from the irregular mounds which mark the site of ancient Carchemish at Jerablus. Several carved and inscribed monuments are recently reported from Kellekli and Tell-Ahmar,[169]which are in the same vicinity, while further up the river there are found an inscribed and sculptured block from Samsat, and a doubtful carving on the rocks near Gerger Kalesi. The remaining monuments of the north of Syria lie towards the west, mostly in the valley of the Kara Su.The mounds of Sinjerli and Sakje-Geuzi are included, wherein excavations have disclosed the ruins of sculptured palaces and other monuments that will be described with more detail in a later chapter. A relief with inscription comes from Kara-burshlu in the same vicinity; while a sculptured and inscribed corner-stone of peculiar character has been found at Aintab, a little to the east. To the south of this town is Killiz, a place not marked by any peculiar remains, but the centre where numbers of bronze figures,[170]seals, and other small objects of Hittite character, are commonly found in the bazaars. Lower down on the Afrîn, and hence geographically contiguous, is Kurts-oghlu, whence comes a portion of a small statue carved in the round, upon which still remain two lines of incised inscription. We include Marash also in this group, though it is on higher ground at the ascent of the Taurus mountains. Here there must have been a city of importance, suggested alike in the strategic position and in the number and character of the monuments found upon the site. Among these are two sculptured lions (one inscribed with hieroglyphs in relief), slabs carved with reliefs depicting interesting scenes, and the lower part of an inscribed statue, as well as several blocks and fragments also inscribed.
Passing northwards the monuments found in the mountain regions of Taurus and Anti-Taurus constitute our second main group (B). This embraces the district marked by the four sites in the valley of the Tochma Su, with which there may be included two others in the head-waters of the Pyramus. At Malatia there have been found several architectural blocks sculptured in relief with religious representations and huntingscenes, most of them bearing also groups of Hittite hieroglyphs upon them. There can be no doubt that, situated like Marash in a position of great strategic importance,[171]at one time on the Mitannian and later on the Assyrian frontier, this place is equally one of the more noteworthy Hittite sites. From Derendeh come an inscribed fragment of a statue and a small basaltic lion; and from a spot called appropriately Arslan Tash, one hour distant to the south, two other lions, which are presumably architectural. At Palanga an inscribed cylindrical columnar figure has been found; while Gurun, further up the valley, is the site of two inscriptions, one on the living rock and the other on an isolated block. On the southern side of the watershed an inscribed stone has been found in a cemetery at Kirchuk Yapalak, two hours distant from Albistan; while the column or obelisk from Izgîn, inscribed on four sides with hieroglyphs in relief, is an object almost as remarkable as the round column from Palanga.
This group includes, as a second district, five sites in the Anti-Taurus. The most easterly is Kuru-Bel, a pass near old-time Comana: here is one of the most striking Hittite works, resembling a great altar with lions crouching upon the top on either hand. Three places are on the main stream of the Zamanti Su: from an Armenian cemetery at Ekrek there has come a stone inscribed in incised hieroglyphs, which has been re-dressed with Christian emblems; at Tashji are two figures and an inscription incised upon the rock; while Fraktin is famous as the site of rock-sculptures thatmake important additions to Hittite religious symbolism. Lastly, at Asarjik, on the northern slope of Mount Argæus, overlooking Cæsarea, an inscription is incised upon a broken rock, accompanied by interesting markings like graffiti.
In our third main group (C) we include those few monuments found in or near the valley of the Halys, north-westward of Cæsarea. These are a great sculptured eagle on a lion-base, an object not demonstrably of Hittite workmanship, on the river-bank near Yamoola; a perfect inscription covering four sides of a round-topped stone, standing on a pedestal, overlooking the river valley on the south bank near Bogche; thirdly, an inscription in three lines on a stone found at Karaburna, which is on the opposite bank considerably lower down; and lastly, two incised inscriptions found recently at Suasa, which lies back considerably from the river, almost opposite the place last named.
With the same group we class the district inside the circuit of the Halys, the monuments of which are almost confined to the famous ruins of Boghaz-Keui, with the neighbouring sculptured sanctuary of Iasily Kaya, and the walled mound and palace of Eyuk, both of which are described in later chapters. There are, however, one or two features which may be appropriately singled out for comparison in this chapter, notably the inscription in relief on the rock called Nishan Tash, on the high ground of the citadel at Boghaz-Keui, and a couple of building blocks sculptured like those of Sinjerli, Malatia, and Eyuk, recently found at the foot of the acropolis. If we may mention also two objects of doubtfulprovenance, these introduce a place called Eski-Yapân, on the road from Sungurlu to Chorum, where an architectural lion is built into amodern wall,[172]and Denek-Madên, near to Cheshme-Keupru, where an interesting round ivory object engraved with Hittite characters and signs has been rescued.[173]
PLATE XXXVICÆSAREA: TURKISH CEMETERY, NOW DISUSED (Seep. 23.)
PLATE XXXVI
CÆSAREA: TURKISH CEMETERY, NOW DISUSED (Seep. 23.)
We are inclined to group together all the monuments westward of the Halys (D), including with them the two famous sculptures near the Lydian coast. We thus bring together for comparison the rock carvings of Giaour-Kalesi and of Kara-Bel, which are analogous, and the dethroned Niobe seated on Mount Sipylus. In the Phrygian country there are on record an inscribed stone at Bey-Keui, and a sculpture with uncertain hieroglyphs at Doghanlu Daresi. A relief found at Yarre, representing a ceremonial feast, conforms with a definite class of Hittite sculptures found elsewhere on the several sites mentioned in the list above. The same may be said, though with less confidence, of carved slabs found in the vicinity of Angora, representing lions, but we exclude the sculptured lion to be seen near the bridge at Cheshme Keupru. The remarkable thing about the disposition of these monuments, excluding the reliefs at Angora, is that they seem to mark out the line of a single road, namely the Royal Road from Boghaz-Keui to Sardis and the west.[174]The only reasonable doubt seems to be as to the route from Giaour-Kalesi to Boghaz-Keui, about which there is no evidence. Some students of the local topography think it must have gone by way of Angora, in spite of the tradition (which in the absence of evidence becomes of interest) that Angora was a comparatively late Phrygian foundation.[175]Others urge[176]that it was improbable that the road ‘swerved southwards to Giaour-Kalesi,’ an opinion seemingly forgetful of the road’s objective.[177]
The district westward of Iconium, in which are found the Lycaonian-Hittite monuments of Eflatoun-Bunar and Fassiler, stands by itself. But as there is only one clearly Hittite object from this region, namely a stone inscribed with hieroglyphs in relief, from near Kolitoghlu Yaila, near Ilgîn, we include this with the main western group.
We now come to the fifth and last group (E) of these arbitrary divisions, which includes nine sites and several of the most important monuments.[178]It embraces the whole of the south-western range of Taurus from the Kara Dagh to Bulghar Dagh, as well as the districts at its foot, of which in classical times Eregli (Cybistra) Arissama (Ardistama) and Kilisse Hissar (Tyana) were the more important centres. The monuments recently discovered on the Kara Dagh might indeed have been regarded as a group apart; but as this district shares in the geographical economy of the others, and is a spur of the main Taurus range, we prefer to class them with the rest. They are found in two places, firstly, near Mahalich, on the summit of the Kara Dagh, where there are two inscriptions in relief and a passage in the rock; and secondly, on the outlying knoll called Kizil Dagh, on which are the remains of a ‘high place,’ including a rock-throne and an incised seated figure with three inscriptions; while on the very summit there are the ruins of a fortress, and an inscription in relief upon the rock. The monument of Ivrîz,above Eregli, is well known; it is a gigantic and imposing sculpture of the god of fertility (by whatever name he may be known) with the local priest-king in adoration; three short inscriptions accompany the scene. The traces of a second sculpture of similar character are to be found not far above.[179]At Bulghar-Madên, on the other side of a lofty ridge, an incised inscription of five lines is graved upon the living rock. These two monuments seem to have been connected in some way with Tyana, in the vicinity of which several inscribed stelæ and sculptures have been found. That from Bor, discovered in two portions which were rescued at different times, is the best of these; and an interesting fragment remains at Eski Andaval, where jealousies and suspicions prevent it from being seen. Nigdeh contributes an incised altar of round shape. From Tyana itself nothing is reported, but the antiquity of the site is unquestioned, and its known monuments reach back to the time of a Phrygian Midas.[180]In this district, particularly at Bor, numerous small objects of great interest have been secured, and there is little reason to doubt but that they were found originally not far away.[181]Further west, in the desert tract of the eastern extremity of the great salt plains, there are the ruins of Ardistama; and in the vicinity, near Emir Ghazi, there have been found in late years an inscription in relief, and three others on round altars. These are included in the same group on account of their geographical proximity.
Now that we have completed this preliminary surveyof the disposition of such Hittite monuments as by their character or the circumstances of their discovery may be accepted by us as evidence in our inquiry, we realise more clearly the reason for the distinction we made in an earlier chapter between the eastern and western portions of Asia Minor. In the West we can speak of only nine monuments, of which four are not of Hittite origin. Six of these seem to lie along the line of a single road; and of the others, only one is inscribed with Hittite characters, and even that is moveable and not found in its original position. If only by contrast with this paucity, the comparative frequency of monuments towards the East, and their definite character, naturally inclines us to assign some tentative boundaries to the Hittite country. In the North this is not difficult; the Halys River remained in the time of Crœsus a division between peoples of different race,[182]and Sir William Ramsay has pointed out[183]differences in important racial customs between the peoples of the two banks in ancient times.
But to the south there is no such boundary; even the great plains, which form so prominent a landmark in the map, seem to be more barren now than in the days when Ardistama flourished.[184]This change is illustrated by the western extension of the monuments along the foot of the Taurus and in the desert. We must not forget, also, that whole tracts are eliminated from our purview from absence of stone; nor should we allow ourselves to be prepossessed with the idea of divisions on the tableland, which is, after all, continuous and coterminous. If it is true that nearlyall the evidences of Hittite occupation in the west resolve themselves into monuments erected along a single road, it is also true that if we exclude from our view the group of remarkable monuments at Boghaz-Keui and Eyuk, there remains little sign that the country within the circuit of the Halys was indeed at any time Hittite territory, much less that it enclosed their northern capital. In face of such considerations the great sculptures and fortress of Giaour-Kalesi, the carvings of Doghanlu, the inscription and tumulus of Bey-Keui, and most striking of all, the sculptures of the west on Mount Sipylus and in the pass of Kara-Bel, as well as those monuments in Phrygia and Western Lycaonia which at least reflect the influence of Hittite art, become imbued with a relative importance not to be overlooked in our inquiry. The land of the Hittites is for us as broad as the extent of their works: it is for another phase of our subject to inquire whether there is evidence to tell us how and when their territory was acquired, and for how long it remained in their power.
HAMATH, RESTAN, ALEPPO; KURTS-OGHLU (ALEXANDRETTA), SINJERLI, KARA-BURSHLU, SAKJE-GEUZI; AINTAB (KILLIZ), MARASH; JERABLUS, KELLEKLI, TELL-AHMAR, SAMSAT, RUM KALI (GERGER).
HAMATH, RESTAN, ALEPPO; KURTS-OGHLU (ALEXANDRETTA), SINJERLI, KARA-BURSHLU, SAKJE-GEUZI; AINTAB (KILLIZ), MARASH; JERABLUS, KELLEKLI, TELL-AHMAR, SAMSAT, RUM KALI (GERGER).
The town of Hamath has grown up where the main road from the north enters the Orontes valley. This river, in characteristic fashion, flows for the most part deep below the level of the surrounding plains; andHamath is found at a spot where the banks widen out, so that the town is in a hollow, almost surrounded by escarpments formed of the steep banks and the broken edges of the plain. Though picturesque, the position in general can have had little strategic importance, even in antiquity, being overlooked and exposed. Hence it probably came into being in Hittite times as an important halting-place upon the main road through Syria, and as a natural centre for the surrounding agricultural districts. The original Hittite stronghold would seem to have been more strongly placed; this probably covered the broad-topped mound[185]which marks, in the manner so familiar in old Syrian towns, the beginnings of the site. Doubtless this would be surrounded at a certain stage with a wall, as was the fashion of those days; and later, on the analogy of Sinjerli, the population overspread the limits of the enclosure, and so settled in times of quiet on the tempting ground at the foot of the acropolis. In this development, and in the nature of its situation, Hamath shares largely the general features of many Syrian sites. Being (even now) somewhat out of the way of European travellers, it is curious that numerous inscriptions should have been noticed here, while a famous historical site like Kadesh remains unidentified, and a strong natural position like Restan was until recently without record of Hittite occupation.[186]
PLATE XXXVIIHAMATH: INSCRIPTION IN THREE LINES OF HITTITE HIEROGLYPHS CARVED IN RELIEF, ONE OF THE SO-CALLED ‘HAMATHIC’ INSCRIPTIONS (Seep. 95.)The photograph is taken from a paper impression.
PLATE XXXVII
HAMATH: INSCRIPTION IN THREE LINES OF HITTITE HIEROGLYPHS CARVED IN RELIEF, ONE OF THE SO-CALLED ‘HAMATHIC’ INSCRIPTIONS (Seep. 95.)
The photograph is taken from a paper impression.
Whatever may be the explanation, as early as 1812 a black basaltic block built into the corner of one of the houses in a bazaar attracted the eye of a famoustraveller[187]by reason of the strange-looking hieroglyphic signs upon it. Sixty years later other stones came to light;[188]some were built into the modern walls, others lay loose. All were regarded with veneration by the inhabitants,[189]and it was with great difficulty that they were removed, in 1872, to a place of safety by the Turkish Governor through the energetic initiation of Dr. Wright, supported by the British Consul.
The inscriptions are five in number,[190]whereof two are on adjacent sides of the same block of stone. The first was found in the wall of a house; it measures nearly 15 inches in height and 13 inches in length.[191]The inscription is in three lines; and it begins at the top right-hand side, with the symbol of the human arm and head, with finger touching the lips, a sign which indicates the beginning of a first personal declaration. Other hieroglyphics may be readily recognised in the photograph. The yoke which has the phonetic value of our letter S is thrice repeated in the lower part of the line; while towards the end there is seen the hand and forearm, marked off by the smallerword-dividing signs above and below, which in this grouping seems to express some attribute of lordship,[192]as ‘mighty’ or ‘powerful.’ On the analogy of other hieroglyphic systems, the signs face always towards the commencement of the inscription. In this way the character of Hittite inscriptions may be recognised asboustrophedon, turning alternately in direction with the successive rows, like oxen ploughing in a field. The second row in this case must be read then towards the right. The most noticeable sign is the royal head-dress, which is conical and drawn always with a midrib.[193]This symbol is an ideograph meaning king. Below the first example of this sign there occurs the freely used determinative of a locality; it is oval in shape, and is to be distinguished by details from a similar symbol indicating sanctity or divinity, which is seen commonly at the top of the groups of signs which seem to name individuals in the sculptures.[194]
There seems to be little variation between the texts of this inscription and two others from the same place.[195]Of these, No. 2 is an inscription likewise in three lines, lacking only a few signs at the end. The stone measures nearly 20 inches in length by 15 inches in height; it was found built into the wall of a garden. The inscribed end of the third stone (that which was looked on as possessed with virtue for the rheumatic), is only just 11 inches in height, with a width the same as in the former instance. There are two lines of inscriptionpreserved. The largest stone of all was found built into the corner of a small shop; its height is just over 2 feet, and its length 3 feet in front. It is cubical, with a thickness or depth of at least 15 inches. It was probably a corner-stone in antiquity also, for it is inscribed on the front and on the left-hand side.[196]The signs, as in the other cases, are in relief. The inscription is not continuous around the corner, for in front are five rows, which begin to read from the right, while by the side are four rows only, beginning from the left. The depth of the rows is the same in each case. The face inscription is considerably rubbed and damaged, and a portion of the last line missing; while the edges of the side-inscription are also rubbed away.[197]
The one monument of Aleppo[198]is a single panel of inscription carved in relief upon a block of basalt, nearly 2 feet 6 inches long, and 1 foot 6 inches high. When seen originally it was built into the south wall of an old mosque, and was regarded with special superstition by the native people, who ascribed to it powers of curing ophthalmia. The smooth-rubbed nature of the surface of the stone may be partly ascribed to the devotions of the afflicted, who were wont to rub their affected eyes upon it. When attention was drawn to the character and archæological importance of this monument, it was hastily removed, and reported as broken. Rather more than twenty years later, however, it was refound,[199]built again into the wall of a mosque, and a new photograph was obtained. The signs are too worn to transcribe with certainty, and the inscription is too incomplete to be of much present use for comparative study. It is remarkable that no other Hittite monuments from Aleppo have been recorded. Possibly the reason is that the fine mediæval Turkish castle now completely covers the bold acropolis which was probably the position of the stronghold in Hittite times.[200]There is rumour of other inscriptions in the masonry of the keep, and in the town, but nothing has yet come to light.
We pass now westward towards the ancient lands of Wan. From here only one monument is recorded,[201]but that is of peculiar interest, being part of a sculpture in the round. This was found in a large rubbish-mound at Amk near Kurts-oghlu, a village not far from the Gindarus of Roman times upon the Afrîn. It is now in the Berlin Museum.[202]It consists of the lower part of a statue, which must have represented a somewhat stolid person standing, clad in long skirt, below which the toes protrude. The inscription is incised in two rows around the front and sides of the skirt at the bottom, beginning from behind the right-hand side. The space not inscribed behind is filled with four vertical folds, descending from the waist, which seems to be encircled with a belt. The upper part of the body is broken away, but it seems to have been clad in a garment which reached down, in front and behind, to the waist and descended lower over the thighs; but the upper part is all broken away, leaving only the position of one elbow, which was bent. The height of the preserved portion of the statue is 16 inches, and widthat the bottom 10½ inches. Dr. Messerschmidt notes with regard to the inscription that an attempt seems to have been made to add a third line, which was abandoned possibly owing to lack of room, and the signs added were then effaced with cross-lines. It remains probable, none the less, that these extra words were essential to complete the sense of the inscription.[203]