SIR JAMES GRAHAM
Buckingham Palace.17th February 1851.
Lord John Russell came at half-past three. He had had a long conversation with Sir James Graham, had stated to him that from the tone of his speech (which Lord John explained to us yesterday was of so very friendly a character and pointed directly to supporting the Government)—its friendliness, and the manner in which he advocated the union of those who opposed a return to Protection, that he proposed to him to join the Government; that Sir G. Grey had offered to resignhis office in order that Sir J. Graham might have it. Before I go farther I ought to say that Lord John yesterday explained the importance of obtaining support like Sir J. Graham's in the Cabinet, and that he thought of proposing the Board of Control to him, which Sir J. Hobhouse was ready to give up—receiving a Peerage, and retaining a seat in the Cabinet or the Admiralty, which Sir F. Baring was equally ready to give up.
Well, Sir J. Graham said that before he answered he wished to show Lord John a correspondence which had passed between him and Lord Londonderry. In the course of conversation in the country, Sir James had said to Lord Londonderry that parties never could go on as they were, and that they must ultimately lapse intotwo; this, Lord Londonderry reported to Mr Disraeli, who told it to Lord Stanley; and Mr Disraeli wrote to Lord Londonderry, stating that if certain advantages and reliefs were given to the landed interests, he should not cling to Protection; in short, much what he said in his speech—and that he was quite prepared to give up the lead in the House of Commons to Sir J. Graham. Sir James answered that he never meant anything by what he had said, and that he had no wish whatever to join Lord Stanley; that if he had, he was so intimate with Lord Stanley that he would have communicated direct with him.
Sir James said that as soon as he heard from Lord John, he thoughtwhathe wished to see him for, and that he had been thinking over it, and had been talking to Lord Hardinge and Mr Cardwell. That he did wish to support the Government, but that he thought he could be of more use if he did not join the Government, and was able to give them an independent support; that he had not attempted to lead Sir Robert Peel's followers; that many who had followed Sir Robert wouldnotfollowhim; that he thought the Government in great danger; that the Protectionists, Radicals, and Irish Members would try to take an opportunity to overset them (the Government); that should the Government be turned out, he would find no difficulty in joining them; or should they go on, that by-and-by it might be easier to do so; but that at this moment he should be injuring himself without doing the Government any real service; besides which, there were so many measures decided on which he was ignorant of, and should have to support. Lord John told him that were he in the Cabinet, he would have the means of stating and enforcing his opinions, and that at whatever time he joined them, there would always be the same difficulty about measures which had already been decided on. He (Sir James) is not quite satisfied with the Papal Aggression Bill, which he thinks will exasperate the Irish;he also adverted to the report of our having protested against Austria bringing her Italian Provinces, etc., into the German Confederation. Lord John told him that this had not been done, but that we meant to ask for explanations.
In short, Lord John said it was evident that Sir James thought the Government in great danger, and "did not wish to embark in a boat which was going to sink." Still, he was friendly, and repeated that it would be very easy when in opposition to unite, and then to come in together.
Victoria R.
DEFEAT OF THE GOVERNMENT
Chesham Place,21st February 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that on a motion of Mr Locke King's5yesterday the Government was defeated by a hundred to fifty-two.
This is another circumstance which makes it probable the Ministry cannot endure long. The Tories purposely stayed away.
Footnote 5: For equalising the County and the Borough franchise.
Buckingham Palace,21st February 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—I have only time just to write a few hasty lines to you from Stockmar's room, where I came up to speak to Albert and him, to tell you that we have got a Ministerial crisis; the Ministers were in a great minority last night, and though it was not a questionvitalto the Government, Lord John feels the support he has received so meagre, and the opposition of so many parties so great, that he mustresign!This is very bad, because there is no chance of any other good Government, poor Peel being no longer alive, and not one man of talent except Lord Stanley in the Party;... but Lord John isrightnot to go on when he is so ill supported, and it will raise him as a political man, and will strengthen his position for the future.
Whether Lord Stanley (to whom I must send to-morrowafterthe Government have resigned) will be able to form a Government or not, I cannot tell. Altogether, it is very vexatious, and will give us trouble. It is the more provoking, as this country is so very prosperous.
On Tuesday I hope to be able to say more....
With Albert's love, ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
MINISTERIAL CRISIS
Buckingham Palace,22nd February 1851.
Lord John Russell having been for a few minutes with the Queen, in order to prepare her for the possibility of the Government's resignation (yesterday, at two o'clock), went to Downing Street to meet the Cabinet, and promised to return at four in order to communicate the decision the Cabinet might have arrived at. On his return he explained that after the vote at the beginning of the Session on the Orders of the Day, which went directly against the Government, after the small majority (only fourteen) which they had on the motion of Mr Disraeli on the landed interest, and now the defeat on the Franchise, it was clear that the Government did not possess the confidence of the House of Commons. He complained of the Protectionists staying away in a body on Mr King's motion, and he (Lord John) himself being left without a supporter even amongst his colleagues in the debate, but most of all of the conduct of the Radicals; for when Mr King, hearing Lord John's promise to bring in a measure next Session, wanted to withdraw his Motion, as he ought to have done on such a declaration by the head of the Government, Mr Hume insisted upon his going on, "else Lord John would withdraw his promise again in a fortnight"; and when the result of the vote was made known the shouting and triumph of the hundred was immense.
LORD LANSDOWNE CONSULTED
Lord John had declared to the Cabinet that he could not go on, that the Income Tax would have to be voted the next day, and a defeat was probable; it were much better therefore not to hesitate, and to resign at once. The Cabinet agreed, although some Members thought with Lord Palmerston that the occasion was hardly sufficient. Lord John begged to be allowed till to-day, in order to see Lord Lansdowne, whom he had sent for from the country, and to be able to tender then his resignation; he would go down to the House to adjourn it, promising explanations on Monday.
We agreed with Lord John that he owed to his station personally, and as the Queen's Minister, not to put up with ignominious treatment, praised his speech on the Suffrage, which is admirable, and regretted that his colleagues had prevented him from bringing in a measure this year. We talked of the difficulty of forming any Government, but agreed that Lord Stanley and the Protection Party ought to be appealed to; they longed for office, and would not rest quiet till they had had it if for ever so short a time only.
We further went over the ground of a possible demand for aDissolution, which might bring on a general commotion in the country. Lord John agreed in this, but thought the responsibility to be very great for the Crown to refuse an appeal to the country to the new Government; he thought a decision on that point ought to depend on the peculiar circumstances of the case.
Lord Lansdowne, who had come from Bowood by the express train, arrived at twelve o'clock, and came at once to meet Lord John Russell here at the Palace.
In the audience which the Queen gave him he expressed his entire concurrence with the decision the Cabinet had come to, as the resignation could at any rate only have been delayed. It was clear that the Cabinet had lost the confidence of the House of Commons; what had happened the other night was only the last drop which made the cup flow over, and that it was much more dignified not to let the Government die a lingering and ignominious death; he [thought] that Lord Stanley would have great difficulties, but would be able to form a Government; at least the Protectionist Party gave out that they had a Cabinet prepared.
We then saw Lord John Russell, who formally tendered his resignation, and was very much moved on taking leave; he said that, considering Lord Stanley's principles, it would not be possible for him to hold out any hope of support to that Government, except on the estimates for which he felt responsible, but he would at all times be ready vigorously to defend the Crown, which was in need of every support in these days.
LORD STANLEY SUMMONED
At three o'clock came Lord Stanley, whom the Queen had summoned.
The Queen informed him of the resignation of the Government, in consequence of the late vote, which had been the result of the Protectionists staying away, of the small majority which the Government had had upon Mr Disraeli's Motion, and of the many symptoms of want of confidence exhibited towards the Government in the House of Commons. The Queen had accepted their resignation, and had sent for him as the head of that Party, which was now the most numerous in Opposition, in order to ask him whether he could undertake to form a Government.
Lord Stanley expressed great surprise. The impression had been that the Government had not been in earnest in their opposition to Mr L. King's Motion; in the minority had voted only twenty-seven members of the Government side, the rest had been of his Party. He asked if the whole Cabinet had resigned, or whether there had been dissension in the Cabinet upon it? The Queen replied that the resignation had been unanimously agreed upon in the Cabinet, and that Lord Lansdowne,who had only come up from Bowood this morning, had given his entire approval to it. Lord Stanley then asked whether anybody else had been consulted or applied to, to which the Queen replied that she had written to him a few minutes after Lord John's resignation, and had communicated with no one else. Lord Stanley then said that he hoped the Queen's acceptance had only been a conditional one; that he felt very much honoured by the Queen's confidence; that he hoped he might be able to tender advice which might contribute to the Queen's comfort, and might relieve the present embarrassment.
FISCAL POLICY OUTLINED
In order to be able to do so he must enter most freely and openly into his own position and that of his Party. It was quite true that they formed the most numerous in Parliament after the supporters of what he hoped he might still call thepresentGovernment, but that there were no men contained in it who combined great ability with experience in public business. There was one certainly of great ability and talent—Mr Disraeli—but who had never held office before, and perhaps Mr Herries, who possessed great experience, but who did not command great authority in the House of Commons; that he should have great difficulties in presenting to the Queen a Government fit to be accepted, unless he could join with some of the late Sir R. Peel's followers; that he considered, for instance, the appointment of a good person for Foreign Affairs indispensable, and there was scarcely any one fit for it except Lord Palmerston and Lord Aberdeen. Lord Aberdeen had told him that he had no peculiar views upon Free Trade, and that he did not pretend to understand the question, but that he had felt it his duty to stand by Sir R. Peel; this might now be different, but it ought first to be ascertained whether a combination of those who agreed in principle, and had only been kept asunder hitherto bypersonalconsiderations, could not be formed; that Sir James Graham had in his last speech declared it as his opinion that the ranks of those who agreed ought to be closed; when such a combination had taken place, those of Sir R. Peel's followers who could not agree to it might not be unwilling to join him (Lord Stanley). As to his principles, he would frankly state that he thought that the landed interest was much depressed by the low state of prices; that an import duty on corn would be absolutely necessary, which, however, would be low, and only a revenue duty; such a duty, he thought, the country would be prepared for; and if they were allowed to state their honest opinion, he felt sure the greatest part of the present Government would be heartily glad of. He would require Duties upon sugar for revenue,but he could not conceal that if the revenue after a diminution in the direct taxation, which he would propose, should considerably fall off, he might be driven to raise the Import duties on other articles. He thought the present House of Commons could hardly be expected to reverse its decision upon the financial and commercial policy of the country, and that accordingly a Dissolution of Parliament would become necessary. Such a Dissolution, however, could not be undertaken at this moment for the sake of public business. The Mutiny Bill had not been voted nor the Supplies, and it would require more than eight weeks before the new Parliament could be assembled, and consequently the Crown would be left without Army or money. A Dissolution could accordingly not take place before Easter. He felt, however, that if he were to take office now, he would between this and Easter be exposed to such harassing attacks that he should not be able to withstand them; moreover, it would subject the members of his Government to two elections in two months. He hoped therefore that the Queen would try to obtain a Government by a coalition of the Whigs and Peelites, but that this failing, if the Queen should send again for him, and it was clear no other Government could be formed, he would feel it his duty as a loyal subject to risk everything, except his principles and his honour, to carry on the Government; and he hoped that in such a case the Queen would look leniently on the composition of the Cabinet which he could offer, and that the country would, from the consideration of the circumstances, give it a fair trial. He begged, however, that he might not be called upon to take office except as adernier ressort, anecessity.
I interrupted him when he spoke of his financial measures, and begged him further to explain, when it appeared that a duty of about six shillings on corn was the least he could impose to bring up the price to forty-five shillings, which Sir R. Peel had stated to the House of Commons was in his opinion the lowest price wheat would fall to after the abolition of the Corn Laws.
We expressed our doubts as to the country agreeing to such a measure, and our apprehension of the violent spirit which would be roused in the working classes by a Dissolution for that purpose, which Lord Stanley, however, did not seem to apprehend; on the contrary, he thought the distress of the farmers would lead to the destruction of the landed interest, which was the only support to the Throne.
PROTECTION
I told him that the Queen and certainly myself had been under a delusion, and that I was sure the country was equally so, as to his intention to return to Protection. Sometimes itwas stated that Protection would be adhered to, sometimes that it was given up, and that it wascompensationto the landed interest which the Protectionists looked to. His last speeches and the Motion of Mr Disraeli led to that belief, but that it was of the highest importance that the country should know exactly what was intended; the Queen would then have an opportunity of judging how the nation looked upon the proposal. I hoped therefore that the declaration of his opinions which Lord Stanley had now laid before the Queen would be clearly enunciated by him in Parliament when the Ministerial explanations should take place, which would naturally follow this crisis.
Lord Stanley merely answered that he hoped that no explanations would take place before a Government was formed. He said he should wish the word "Protection" to be merged, to which I rejoined that though he might wish this, I doubted whether the country would let him.
Before taking leave, he repeated over and over again his advice that the Coalition Ministry should be tried.
Albert.
22nd February 1851.
In order to be able to be perfectly accurate in stating Lord Stanley's opinions, which the Queen feels some delicacy in doing, she would be very thankful if he would write down for her what he just stated to her—as his advice in the present difficulty. Of course she would not let such a paper go out of her hands.
SIR JAMES GRAHAM
Buckingham Palace,23rd February 1851.
Sir James Graham, who had been out of Town, came at six o'clock, having received my letter on his return. Lord John Russell had been here before that time.
After having stated to him (Lord John) what had passed with Lord Stanley, we told him that Sir James Graham was here; Lord John seemed much surprised at Lord Stanley's refusal to form an Administration, declared himself ready to do what he could towards the formation of a new Government on an extended basis, but thought that Sir James Graham and Lord Aberdeen should have the first offer.
I went accordingly over to my room, where Sir James was waiting. He was entirely taken by surprise by the announcement of the resignation of the Government, and begged to be able to state to me how he was situated before he saw the Queen and Lord John.
I then communicated to him what had passed with Lord Stanley, upon which we had a conversation of more than an hour, of which the chief features were:
1. Apprehension on the part of Sir James Graham lest the attempt on the part of Lord Stanley to re-impose Protective duties should produce universal commotion in the country, which would be increased by the Dissolution, without which Lord Stanley would not be able to proceed.
2. His disbelief that Lord Aberdeen would be able to join in any Government abandoning Sir R. Peel's principles, as he had been consulted before and after Sir James's late speech in which he expressed his entire concurrence.
3. His own utter weakness, calling himself the weakest man in England, who had lost his only friend in Sir R. Peel, and had for the last fifteen years not exercised an independent judgment, but rested entirely on his friend.
4. His disagreement with some of his late colleagues—the Duke of Newcastle, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Sidney Herbert—in religious opinions.
5. His disagreement with Lord John's Government upon some most important points.
FOREIGN POLICY
He could not take office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secretary, whose policy and mode of conducting business he disapproved, who was now protesting against the admission of Austria into the German Confederation; he disapproved the Papal Aggression Bill, finding it militating against the line which he had taken as Secretary of State with regard to the Roman Catholic Bishops in Ireland, and particularly the Bequest Act, and considering that after Lord John's letter the Bill would fall short of the high expectations formed in the minds of the English public.
He disapproved of the abolition of the Irish Lord-Lieutenancy, and the making a fourth Secretary of State had been considered by Sir Robert Peel and himself as introducing into England all the Irish malpractices, while Ireland was still kept wholly separate from England.
Lord John had raised a new difficulty by his declaration upon Reform. He had been thunderstruck when he read the announcement on the part of the chief author of the Reform Bill, who had stood with him (Sir J. Graham) hitherto uponfinality, condemning his own work, and promising at a year's distance important alterations, in which interval great agitation would be got up, great expectations raised, and the measure when brought forward would cause disappointment. Sir Robert Peel had always been of opinion that it was most dangerous to touch these questions, but if opened with theconsent of the Crown, a measure should at once be brought forward and passed.
After my having replied to these different objections, that the Queen felt herself the importance of Lord Palmerston's removal, and would make it herself a condition with Lord John that he should not be again Foreign Secretary; that the protest to Austria had not gone, and that upon studying the question Sir James would find that the entrance of the whole Austrian Monarchy, while giving France a pretext for war and infringing the Treaties of 1815, would not tend to the strength and unity of Germany, which held to be the true English interest, but quite the reverse; that I did not think the Papal Aggression Bill touched the Bequest Act or militated against toleration; that the Lieutenancy would perhaps be given up, and a measure on the Franchise be considered by thenewGovernment and brought forward at once. I thought it would be better to discuss the matters with Lord John Russell in the Queen's presence, who accordingly joined us.
The discussion which now arose went pretty much over the same ground, Lord John agreeing that Lord Palmerston ought to form no difficulty, that the Papal Aggression Bill would be further modified, that the Lieutenancy Bill might be given up, that he agreed to Sir James's objection to the declaration about reform, but that he had intended to bring forward a measure, if he had been able to get his colleagues to agree to it, that he would be ready to propose a measure at once. This Sir J. Graham thought important as a means of gaining at a General Election, which he foresaw could not be long delayed, whoever formed a Government.
In order to obtain some result from this long debate I summed up what might be considered as agreed upon, viz. That there wastabula rasa, and for the new Coalition a free choice of men and measures, to which they assented, Lord John merely stating that he could not take office without part of his friends, and could not sacrifice hispersonaldeclarations. Dinnertime having approached, and Lord Aberdeen having written that he would be with us after nine o'clock, we adjourned the further discussion till then, when they would return.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON
Whilst the Queen dressed I had an interview with the Duke of Wellington, who had come to dine here, in which I informed him of the nature of our crisis. He expressed his regret and his dread of a Protectionist Government with a Dissolution, which might lead to civil commotion. He could not forgive, he said, the high Tory Party for their having stayed away the other night on Mr Locke King's Motion, and thusabandoned their own principles; he had no feeling for Lord John Russell's Cabinet, measures, or principles, but he felt that the Crown and the country were only safe in these days by having the Liberals in office, else they would be driven to join the Radical agitation against the institutions of the country.
After dinner we resumed our adjourned debate in my room, at a quarter to ten, with Lord Aberdeen, and were soon joined by Lord John and Sir James Graham. We went over the same ground with him. Lord Stanley's letter was read and discussed. Lord Aberdeen declared his inability to join in a Protectionist Ministry; he did not pretend to understand the question of Free Trade, but it was a point of honour with him not to abandon it, and now, since Sir R. Peel's death, a matter of piety. He thought the danger of a Dissolution on a question of food by the Crown, for the purpose of imposing a tax upon bread, of the utmost danger for the safety of the country. He disapproved the Papal Bill, the abolition of the Lieutenancy, he had no difficulty upon the Franchise, for though he was called adespot, he felt a good deal of the Radical in him sometimes.
Lord John put it to Lord Aberdeen, whetherhewould not undertake to form a Government, to which Lord Aberdeen gave no distinct reply.
As Sir James Graham raised nothing but difficulties, though professing the greatest readiness to be of use, and as it was getting on towards midnight, we broke up, with the Queen's injunction thatoneof the three gentlemenmustform a Government, to which Lord Aberdeen laughingly replied: "I see your Majesty has come into6the Président de la République." Lord John was to see Lord Lansdowneto-dayat three o'clock, and would report progress to the Queen at five o'clock. On one point we were agreed, viz. that the Government to be formed must not be for the moment, but with a view to strength and stability.
Albert.
Footnote 6:Sic.
COMPLICATIONS
23d February 1851.
The Queen has seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham, but is sorry to say that her doing so was premature, as they had no opportunity of seeing each other after they left Lord John Russell, and therefore had not considered the Memorandum7which Lord John had handed to them. Lord Aberdeenhas in the interval seen Lord Stanley, and declared to him that he must undeceive him as to the possibility of his ever joining a Protection Government. What further resulted from the conversation the Queen would prefer to state to Lord John verbally to-morrow. Perhaps Lord John would come in the forenoon to-morrow, or before he goes to the House; he will be so good as to let her know.
Footnote 7: With a view of uniting with the Peelites, Lord John drew up a Memorandum, printed in Walpole'sLord John Russell, vol. ii. chap, xxii., with the following points:
A Cabinet of not more than eleven Members.
The present commercial policy to be maintained.
The financial measures of the year to be open to revision.
The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill to be persevered in so far as the Preamble and the first clause, but the remaining clauses to be abandoned.
A Reform Bill for the extension of the Franchise.
A Commission of Enquiry into corrupt practices at elections in cities and boroughs.
Buckingham Palace,23rd February 1851.
(Sunday.)
Lord John Russell came at half-past five, much fatigued and depressed. On the Queen's asking whether he could report any progress, he said he thought he could; he had met Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, together with Sir George Grey (Lord Lansdowne being ill). That he had informed them that he had received the Queen's commands to form a Government (?) and handed to them a Memorandum which follows here and which they had promised to take into consideration.
We asked him whether he had chalked out a Government. He said he had not thought of it yet; he added, however, thathecould not undertake the Foreign Affairs with the lead in the House of Commons and Government (which the Queen had pressed upon him); Lord Palmerston might be leader in the House of Lords; he would not like Lord Aberdeen at the Foreign Office; Lord Clarendon and Lord Granville were equally acceptable to him.
I suggested that it might be well if the Queen were to see Sir James and Lord Aberdeen again, which he approved, but thought it better he should not be present himself, and that the Queen might tell Sir James that he might have any Office he liked; perhapshewould take the Foreign Affairs.
Lord John's relations and private friends evidently are distressed at his resuming office; the Radicals were very much pleased with the idea of Sir James Graham being in office.
Albert.
LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED
24th February 1851.(Monday evening.)
Lord John came at three o'clock before making his statement to the House of Commons. We communicated to him whathad passed with Sir James Graham and Lord Aberdeen yesterday evening. He thought his Memorandum had been misunderstood: the nature of the Reform Bill was left open to discussion, and what he had said about filling the Offices only meant that the Offices should not be divided according to number, and each party left to fill up its share, as had been done in former Coalition Ministries. He had seen Lord Palmerston, who was not willing to give up the Foreign Office—spoke of retiring from business at his age, of his success in conducting Foreign Affairs, and of its being a self-condemnation if he accepted another Office. Lord John told him that he did not agree in this view, that the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland was to be maintained, and thought it best to leave it there. He thought Lord Palmerston had given up the idea of leading the House of Commons. We ascertained from him in conversation that he could not agree to Lord Aberdeen taking the Foreign Office nor that he could serve under Lord Aberdeen or Sir James Graham in case any one of these were to form a Government.
At half-past six Lord John returned from the House of Commons, and reported that two very important events had taken place: the one that upon his making his statement to the House that the Government had resigned, that Lord Stanley had been sent for, had declaredhis inability then to form a Government(words agreed upon between Lord Lansdowne, Lord John, and Sir George Grey), and that he was now charged with the formation of a Government, Mr. Disraeli got up, and denied that Lord Stanley had declined forming a Government, which was received with cheers from the Protectionists. Lord John had merely answered that when Lord Stanley would make his explanations, what he had stated would be found to be correct, relying entirely, not upon what the Queen had communicated, but on Lord Stanley's own letter. The second event was a letter from Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham,8which putan endto allthoughtsof a Coalition. It stated that they could agree to no legislation whatever on the Papal Aggressions, and ended with a hint that Sir James Graham was prepared to go farther in reductions than Lord John was likely to consent to.
Lord John had at once answered that although he did not understand the latter objection, the difference on the Papal Bill must put an end to their negotiation. We much lamented the result, and after some discussion agreed that the only thing to be done now was to send for LordAberdeen. Lord Stanley could not pretend to be consulted before every other means of forming a Government had been exhausted.
Footnote 8: Published in Walpole'sLord John Russell, vol. ii. chap. xxii.
LORD ABERDEEN DECLINES
Buckingham Palace,24th February 1851.
(Half-past tenp.m.)
The Queen returns these papers, as Lord John Russell wished. She has just seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham, who, though ready to do anything which could be of any use to the Queen and the country, have stated it as their decided opinion that Lord Stanley should be asked to form a Government. Under these circumstances the Queen intends to send to Lord Stanley to-morrow. The Queen did ask Lord Aberdeen if he could undertake to form a Government, but he said that he thought it would not be successful, and that the Papal Aggression would be an insurmountable difficulty for him and Sir James Graham.
The Queen rejoices to hear from them, and from Lord John and Lord Lansdowne, the expression of cordiality of feeling, which it is so essential for the Crown and the country that there should be.
ABERDEEN AND GRAHAM
Buckingham Palace,25 February 1851.
My dearest Uncle,—Through Van der Weyer, you will have heard what was the state of thelongand anxious crisis yesterday evening.
Alas! the hope of forming a strong Coalition Government has failed—for the present. I say for the present, as they are all so entirely agreed on the Commercial Policy that another time they hope there will be no difficulty, when they havefought together. ThePapal Aggressionhas in fact been the only insurmountable difficulty. We sent to Lord Aberdeen last night (both he and Sir James Graham have been most kind to us), and asked ifhecould not try to form a Government; but with the greatest readiness to serve me, he said he could not, on account of this self-same Papal Aggression. He equally declares that he cannot join Lord Stanley. Accordingly this morning I have seen Lord Stanley, and he means to try if he can form any fit sort of Government, but he hasnomen of talent, and his difficulties are gigantic. I shall only know to-morrowdefinitelyif hecanform an Administration. I am calm and courageous, having such support and advice as my dearestAlbert's; but it is an anxious time, and the uncertainty and suspense very trying. More details you will have later on. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
LORD STANLEY TO BE SUMMONED
Buckingham Palace,26th February 1851.
Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham came yesterday evening at nine o'clock; the Queen put it to them whethertheycould form a Government, to which they replied that they had turned it in their heads a hundred times, that there was nothing they would not do to show their readiness to serve the Queen, but that they did not see a possibility of forming an Administration which could stand a day. They were most likely at that moment the two most unpopular men in England, having declared that nothing should be done in Parliament against the Papal Aggression, which the whole country clamoured for; the Whigs would be very angry with them for their having broken up the new combination; they might find favour with the Radicals, but that was a support upon which no reliance could be placed. There was a growing opinion that Lord Stanley ought to have a chance of bringing forward his measures; that it was perilous, but that it was an evil which must be gone through; that this opinion had been strongly expressed by Lord Lansdowne, whose moderation nobody could doubt; that it was shared by the Duke of Newcastle, Mr Sidney Herbert, and others of Sir James's friends whom he had had time to consult.
Upon the Queen's expression of her great apprehension as to the consequence of such a step on the country, they said there would no doubt spring up a most violent opposition, that there would be attempts to stop the supplies and dissolve the Army, but that Lord John Russell and Sir James Graham together would do their utmost to preach moderation, and would refer the House of Commons to the Queen's example, who had taken strictly the Constitutional course throughout the crisis, whose opinions on Free Trade were well known (as far as subjects could allow themselves to pretend to know their Sovereign'sprivateopinions) from the hearty support she had given to Sir Robert Peel's and Lord John's Governments. That upon the first proposition of a Stanley Government the junction of Parties would be completed, and there would be onlyonestrong opposition. After having fought together, there would be no longer any difficulty about forming a strong Government out of their joint ranks, whilst now it was impossible not to see that every Minister displaced would feel personally aggrieved, thatthen they stood on a footing of perfect equality. Sir James had seen Lord John since he had tendered his second resignation, and found him quite altered; whilst he was embarrassed andboutonnébefore, he was open and unreserved now, and they could speak on terms of private friendship. Lord Aberdeen would save his influence in the House of Lords, which he would probably have lost if he had joined the Whigs in office; in future all this would be different.
Lord John Russell's letter with the Memoranda came and interrupted us. From these papers, and what Sir James and Lord Aberdeen said, it is clear that all parties are relieved by the failure of their attempt to form a Coalition Government, but determined to form a positive junction, which will be most salutary to the country. The Queen will therefore send for Lord Stanley.
We discussed further the means Lord Stanley would have to form an Administration, for which the material was certainly sad. Disraeli's last scene in the House of Commons would render the publication of Lord Stanley's letter necessary. Mr Gladstone might possibly join him; at least no pains would be spared to bring him in. Lord Palmerston had often so much secret understanding with Disraeli that he might be tempted with the bait of keeping the Foreign Office, particularly if personally offended.
Whether the Queen should allow or refuse a Dissolution was debated; the latter declared a most heavy responsibility for the Sovereign to undertake, but a subject upon which the decision should only be taken at the time, and on a due consideration of the circumstances.
Albert.
Chesham Place,25th February 1851.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that having seen the letter which Lord Stanley addressed to your Majesty, and feeling himself precluded from entering into any details, he announced to the House of Commons that Lord Stanley had in reply to your Majesty's offer declared "he was notthenprepared to form a Government."
Mr Disraeli disputed the accuracy of this statement.
Your Majesty's word cannot be called in question, but Lord John Russell now feels it due to his own honour humbly to ask your Majesty for a copy of Lord Stanley's letter. He does not propose to read the letter to the House of Commons, but to refer to it in the statement he is compelled to make.
Lord John Russell humbly requests that this representation may be shown to Lord Stanley. He will feel what is due to the honour of a public man.
LORD STANLEY ARRIVES
25th February 1851.(Tuesday.)
Lord Stanley obeyed the Queen's summons at eleven o'clock, and seemed very much concerned when she informed him that Lord John Russell had given up his task, as differences of opinion, particularly on the Papal Bill, had prevented a junction between him, Lord Aberdeen, and Sir James Graham; that an appeal to Lord Aberdeen had been equally unsuccessful from the same cause, viz. their difficulty in dealing with the Papal Question; that consequently the contingency had arisen under which Lord Stanley had promised to undertake the formation of a Government.
Lord Stanley said his difficulties were immense, and he could not venture to approach them unless he was sure of every support on the part of the Crown; that he would have arrayed against him a formidable opposition of all the talent in the country.
The Queen assured him that he should have every Constitutional support on her part, of which Lord Stanley repeated he had felt sure, although the total change must be very trying to the Queen.
On his question, whether there was any hope of Lord Aberdeen joining him and taking the Foreign Office, we had to tell him that he must quite discard that idea. He replied, with a sigh, that he would still try and see him; he had thought of the Duke of Wellington taking the Foreign Officead interim, but felt that he could hardly propose that, considering the Duke's age and infirmity; he would make an attempt to see Lord Canning with the Queen's permission, and that failing, could only think of Sir Stratford Canning, now at Constantinople, which the Queen approved.
He still hoped he might get Mr Gladstone to take the lead in the House of Commons, without which assistance he must not conceal that it was almost impossible for him to go on. Mr Gladstone was on his way home from Paris, and he had written to him to see him as soon as he arrived; till then he could not promise that he would succeed to form an Administration, and he only undertook it for the good of his country, but was afraid of ruining his reputation.
To this I rejoined that who tried to do the best by his country need never be afraid for his reputation.