For myself, Sir, I am most thankful, if it can be said that I have not by my own defects injured a good and an honest cause; my only title to reward lies in sincerity of purpose, and by such testimony as that of your Royal Highness I am already much more than duly rewarded....
I return the letter of Lord John Russell, and I pray your Royal Highness to believe me, Sir, your most dutiful and most obedient Servant,
W. E. Gladstone.
THE INDIA BILL
Osborne,27th May 1853.
The Queen has read Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday with great concern. She had been much surprised to hear from Lord John Russell on the 24th that "in concert with Sir Charles Wood and Sir James Graham, he had settled last night to propose to the Cabinet on Wednesday to delay the measure (on the Indian Government) till next Session, and that Sir James Graham had stated that Lord Aberdeen would be ready to assent to this course."16She did not answer Lord John until she should have heard from Lord Aberdeen himself. From the explanation he has now given to the Queen, she must say that it would have avery badeffect if the measure were withdrawn at the eleventh hour, and after all that has been publicly and privately stated.17Nothing damages a Government more than the appearance of vacillation and uncertainty of purpose, and no Government ought to shun this more than thepresent. The fact of a dissension in the Cabinet on a vital point, which it cannot be hoped will remain concealed, must besides much impair its vigour and power....
The Queen earnestly hopes that it will not become necessary to change the course announced by the Government.
Footnote 16: The India Bill, which passed during the Session, threw open the lucrative patronage of the Company (whose existence was continued but with less absolute control) to competition. The Mutiny, and the resulting legislation of 1858, tended subsequently to overshadow Sir Charles Wood's measure.
Footnote 17: The matter had been referred to a Cabinet Committee, reported upon, agreed to in full Cabinet, proposed to and sanctioned by the Queen and announced to Parliament.
THE EMPEROR FRANCIS JOSEPH
Laeken,3 June 1853.
My dearest, best Victoria,—... The young Emperor18I confess I like much, there is much sense and courage in hiswarm blue eye, and it is not without a very amiable merriment when there is occasion for it. He is slight and very graceful, but even in themêléeof dancers and Archdukes, and all in uniform, he may always be distinguished as theChef. This struck me more than anything, as now at Vienna the dancing is also that generalmêléewhich renders waltzing most difficult.... The manners are excellent and free from pompousness or awkwardness of any kind, simple, and when he is graciously disposed, as he was to me,sehr herzlich und natürlich. He keeps every one in great order without requiring for this anoutréappearance of authority, merely because he is the master, and there is that about him which gives authority, and which sometimes thosewho have the authority cannot succeed in getting accepted or in practising. I think he may be severesi l'occasion se présente; he has something verymuthig. We were several times surrounded by people of all classes, and he certainly quite at their mercy, but I never saw his littlemuthigexpression changed either by being pleased or alarmed. I trust that this family connection may mitigate the only impression which in Austria has created a hostile feeling, viz. the suspicions in Palmerston's time that it had become a plan of Englandto destroythe Austrian Empire. After theattentaton the Emperor the impression on those who are attached to their country was, and still is, that in England a sort of menagerie of Kossuths, Mazzinis, Lagranges, Ledru Rollins, etc., is kept to be let occasionally loose on the Continent to render its quiet and prosperity impossible. That impression, which Lord Aberdeen stated in the House of Lords at the end of April, is strong everywhere on the Continent, in Prussia as it is in Austria, and even here ourindustrielsare convinced of it. About what is to be done by way of graciousness on your part we will consider.... Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 18: Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria.
7th June 1853.
The Duke of Newcastle presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour of bringing under your Majesty's notice a desire for some time past felt by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and by others interested in the welfare of the Church of England in the Colonies, that the extensive See of Capetown should be divided, and that a new Bishopric of Grahamstown should be erected.
An endowment of £10,000 for the proposed See has latelybeen provided by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.
The Duke of Newcastle under these circumstances hopes that your Majesty will approve of the erection of this new See, and has the honour to recommend to your Majesty that, in that case the Rev. J. W. Colenso should be appointed to it.
Mr Colenso at present holds a living in the Diocese of Norwich, he was second wrangler at Cambridge, and was at one time tutor to two of the sons of the late Sir Robert Peel at Harrow.
The Duke of Newcastle has received a very high character of Mr Colenso from his Diocesan, and the Archbishop of Canterbury considers him a fit person to be recommended to your Majesty.
THE KING OF HANOVER
Buckingham Palace,22nd June 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your kind letter of the 17th, which I could not answer on my usual day (yesterday), as we were the whole day at the Camp, where there was a Review, at which I rode. It was a very fine sight, but my enjoyment was a good deal spoilt by the nervousness which I was in at having my poor blind cousin19onhorseback next to me—led. It is a sad sight, and one which keeps me in a constant state of anxiety, as one is afraid of saying or doing anything which may pain or distress him, or of his meeting with any accident; but he manages it wonderfully well, hardly ever makes a mistake, and manages so well at dinner. He is very cheerful, kind, and civil, and would be very good looking if it were not for his poor eyes. He likes to go everywhere and do everything like anybody else, and speaks of thingsas if he sawthem....
The Oriental Question is at a standstill. It is the Emperor of Russia who must enableusto help him out of the difficulty. I feel convinced thatWar willbeavoided, but I don't seehowexactly. Our Troops looked beautiful yesterday. I wish your young people could see our Camp.20
With Albert's love, believe me, ever, your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 19: King George V. of Hanover.
Footnote 20: Lord Stratford de Redcliffe had insisted that the disputed points as to the guardianship of the Holy Places, and the Russian demand for a Protectorate over the Christian subjects of the Sultan, should be kept distinct. After the former had been arranged and the latter had been rejected by the Porte acting under Lord Stratford's advice, Menschikoff abruptly quitted Constantinople, and the Russian troops, crossing the Pruth, invaded the Danubian principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia (now united as Roumania). In England, meanwhile, a military encampment had been established at Chobham.
DEATH OF LADY DALHOUSIE
12th July 1853.
Lord Dalhousie presents his humble duty to your Majesty, most gratefully acknowledging the gracious words which your Majesty has addressed to him in the time of his great affliction.21
Your Majesty has been pleased for many years to honour him with frequent marks of personal distinction. He is indeed most keenly sensible of the favour which bestowed them all. But his deep gratitude must ever be given to the goodness which dictated the touching assurance he has now received of your Majesty's interest in the piteous fate of one who for eighteen years has been all the world to him, whose patient, gentle spirit, and whose brave heart had turned aside so many perils, and who yet has sunk at last under the very means on which all had securely reckoned as her certain safety.
Lord Dalhousie ought not perhaps to have uttered even this much of his sorrow, but your Majesty's truly gracious words have melted it from his heart; and still encourage him to believe that your Majesty will not regard it as obtrusive.
Lord Dalhousie will not mingle the other topics, on which it is his duty to address your Majesty, with this respectful expression of the enduring gratitude, with which he has the honour to subscribe himself, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most faithful Subject and Servant,
Dalhousie.
Footnote 21: Lady Dalhousie died on the 6th of May, on her passage home from India.
PALMERSTON'S ATTITUDE
London,11th September 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty....
Lord Aberdeen has by no means forgotten the conversation to which your Majesty has referred; but after full consideration he believes that the safest and best course has been adopted.22Trusting to your Majesty's gracious condescension, and the confidence with which Lord Aberdeen has been honoured, he will humbly venture to lay before your Majesty, without any reserve, the motives which have induced him to offer this advice to your Majesty.
The situation of Lord Palmerston is peculiar.23Unless he should continue to be a cordial member of your Majesty's Government, he may very easily become the leader of Opposition. Lord Aberdeen is at this moment ignorant of his real views and intentions. He has been recently more than once thwarted in his endeavours to press a hostile policy upon the Cabinet; and it has been reported to Lord Aberdeen that he has expressed himself in terms of great hostility. This cannot perhaps be avoided, and is only the result of taking different views of the public interest; but it is very essential that Lord Palmerston should have no personal or private cause of complaint against Lord Aberdeen. From his office of Home Secretary he might naturally expect to have the honour of attending your Majesty; and should this not be the case he might probably resent it and attribute it to the jealousy and ill-will of Lord Aberdeen. But whether he did this, or not, himself, the Public and the Press would not fail to do so, and would convert this neglect into the ground of the most hostile and bitter attacks.
Your Majesty may perhaps be aware that there is no amount of flattery which is not offered to Lord Palmerston by the Tory party, with the hope of separating him altogether from the Government.
Lord Aberdeen fully admits that this step which he has humbly proposed to your Majesty may fail to produce any good effect, and that it may even be turned hereafter to the injury of the Government; but, at all events, Lord Aberdeen's conscience will be clear; and if Lord Palmerston has any generous feelings, it is not impossible that he may appreciate favourably a proceeding which cannot but afford him personal satisfaction.
Footnote 22: Lord Aberdeen had suggested that it would be advisable for several reasons that Lord Palmerston should be invited to Balmoral as Minister in attendance, and he accordingly went there on the 15th of September.
Balmoral,24th September 1853.
The Queen has this morning received Lord Clarendon's letter of the 22nd inst. She has not been surprised at the line taken by Austria, who, Lord Clarendon will remember, the Queen never thought could be depended upon, as she is not in that independent position which renders a National Policy possible. The accounts from Constantinople are very alarming, and make the Queen most anxious for the future. She quite approves of the steps taken by the Government. The presence of theFleets at Constantinople in case of general disturbance will take from the Emperor of Russia what Lord Cowley calls hiscoup de Théâtre à la Sadlers Wells, viz.: the part of the generous protector of the Sultan and restorer of Order.24
Footnote 23: Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell led the war party in the Cabinet; but the latter was pledged to the introduction of a Reform Bill, while the former was opposed to the scheme. Lord Aberdeen's pacific views were making him increasingly unpopular in the country.
Footnote 24: Even after the Russian occupation of the Principalities, which the Russian Minister, Count Nesselrode, had described as not an act of war, but a material guarantee for the concession by Turkey of the Russian demands, the resources of diplomacy were not exhausted. The Four Powers—England, France, Austria, and Prussia—agreed, in conference at Vienna, to present a note for acceptance by Russia and the Porte, to the effect (inter alia) that the Government of the Sultan would remain faithful "to the letter and to the spirit of the Treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople relative to the protection of the Christian religion." This was most unfortunately worded, but, however, the clause had obtained the sanction of the English Government, and the Czar expressed his willingness to accept it. Lord Stratford, however, saw the danger underlying the ambiguity of the language, and, under his advice, the Porte proposed as an amendment the substitution of the words "to the stipulations of the Treaty of Kainardji, confirmed by that of Adrianople, relative to the protection by the Sublime Porte of the Christian religion." The Russian Government refused to accept this amendment, and from that moment war was inevitable. The British Fleet under Admiral Dundas had been sent from Malta to the East at the beginning of June.
THE VIENNA NOTE
Balmoral,25th September 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 23rd, and is very thankful to him for this full and lucid statement of the present very critical situation.
She transmits to him a memorandum containing our views, drawn up by the Prince with the desire he might also communicate it to Lord Clarendon.25
The Queen must say she now rejoices the Fleets should be on their way to Constantinople.
God grant that any outbreak at Constantinople may yet be averted.
Footnote 25: The Memorandum stated that it would be fruitless further to attempt to settle the dispute by the "Rédaction" of Notes to be exchanged between Turkey and Russia, or the choice of particular words and expressions in public documents designed in order to avoid naming the real objects in dispute.
"It is evident" (it was added) "that Russia has hitherto attempted to deceive us in pretending that she did not aim at the acquisition of anynewRight, but required only a satisfaction of honour and a re-acknowledgment of the Rights she already possessed by Treaty; that shedoes intendand for the first time lays bare that intention, to acquirenewRights of interference which the Porte doesnotwish to concede and cannot concede, and which the European Powers have repeatedly declared sheought notto concede....
"If the views of Russia, for instance, with regard to 'Modification III. of the Note,' were to prevail, the extension of the advantages and privileges enjoyed by Christian communities, in their capacity asforeigners, to the Greeks generally, with the Right granted to Russia to intercede for them to this effect, would simply make foreigners of 10,000,000 of the subjects of the Porte, or depose the Sultan as their sovereign, putting the Emperor of Russia in his place."
London,6th October 1853.
... The Cabinet will meet to-morrow; and Lord Aberdeen will have the honour of humbly reporting to your Majesty theresult of their discussions. It will be Lord Aberdeen's endeavour to prevent any rash decision; and, above all, to keep open the possibility of peaceful communications. No doubt, it may be very agreeable to humiliate the Emperor of Russia; but Lord Aberdeen thinks that it is paying a little too dear for this pleasure, to check the progress and prosperity of this happy country, and to cover Europe with confusion, misery, and blood.
MOVEMENTS OF THE FLEET
London,7th October 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. As your Majesty will expect to hear from him to-day, he has the honour of addressing your Majesty, although he could wish that it had been in his power to give your Majesty a more full and satisfactory account of the decisions of the Cabinet. The meeting was very long, and considerable difference of opinion prevailed in the course of the discussion. At length, however, Lord Aberdeen is happy to say there was such an agreement as ensured a certain degree of unanimity. With this view, it was determined to adhere to a defensive principle of action in the East. The Fleets may perhaps be already at Constantinople; but, at all events, they are to be brought there forthwith, and to be stationed either there or in the Bosphorus, unless the Russians should cross the Danube, or make any attack upon the Turkish possessions on the coast of the Black Sea. In this case, the combined Fleets would enter the Black Sea, for the defence of the Turkish territory.
Considering the position we have already assumed in this unfortunate affair, perhaps it was impossible to do less than this; and as there is very little chance of Russia undertaking any active hostilities of the nature apprehended, it may reasonably be hoped that no actual collision will take place. At the same time it must be recollected that Russia will regard the entrance of line of battle-ships into the Black Sea as a virtual declaration of war against herself.
There is yet no confirmation of the actual declaration of war by the Porte, and although there is no reason to suspect any serious impediment to the decision of the Divan being fulfilled, it is rather strange that intelligence to this effect has not been received. If Lord Stratford should see great cause for apprehension at the prospect of the Turks in the prosecution of hostilities, it is just possible that by his influence he may have arrested the progress of their warlike measures; but probably this is too much to hope. At all events, Lord Aberdeen truststhat the path of negotiation is not finally closed, and that, notwithstanding the equivocal position of Great Britain in this contest, it may still be possible to employ words of conciliation and peace....
WAR IMMINENT
Balmoral,10th October 1853.
I had a long interview with Sir James Graham this morning, and told him that Lord Aberdeen's last letter to the Queen and him26made us very uneasy. It was evident that Lord Aberdeen was, against his better judgment, consenting to a course of policy which he inwardly condemned, that his desire to maintain unanimity at the Cabinet led to concessions which by degrees altered the whole character of the policy, while he held out no hope of being able permanently to secure agreement. I described the Queen's position as a very painful one. Here were decisions taken by the Cabinet, perhaps even acted upon, involving the most momentous consequences, without her previous concurrence or even the means for her to judge of the propriety or impropriety of course to be adopted, with evidencethat the Minister, in whose judgment the Queen placed her chief reliance, disapproved of it. The position was morally and constitutionally a wrong one. The Queen ought to have the whole policy in spirit and ultimate tendency developed before her to give her deliberate sanction to it, knowing what it involved her in abroad and at home. She might now be involved in war, of which the consequences could not be calculated, chiefly by the desire of Lord Aberdeen to keep his Cabinet together; this might then break down, and the Queen would be left without an efficient Government, and a war on her hands.LORD ABERDEEN OVERBORNELord Aberdeen renounced one of his chief sources of strength in the Cabinet, by not making it apparent that he requires the sanction of the Crown to the course proposed by the Cabinet, and has to justify his advice by argument before it can be adopted, and that it does not suffice to come to a decision at the table of the Cabinet. Sir James Graham perfectly coincided with this view and offered to go up to Town immediately. The Queen wrote the letter to Lord Aberdeen ... which Sir James takes up with him. He shall arrive at Windsor on Friday (14th), and Lord Aberdeen is to have an Audience on Saturday. Sir James will tell him that the Queen wants his deliberate opinion on what course is best to be followed, and that the course once adopted should be steadily and uninterruptedly pursued.
Albert.
Footnote 26:
Argyll House,8th October 1853.
My dear Graham,—... When we met, Clarendon made a sort ofrésuméof what had taken place before we all separated, but ended with no specific proposal. After a few interlocutory remarks from different quarters, Palmerston proposed his plan. Lord John faintly supported it in general terms, but did not seem much in earnest about it. I said that it appeared to involve the necessity of a declaration of war against Russia, and the calling together Parliament forthwith. Gladstone strongly argued against the proposal. Clarendon then read an outline of his proposed instructions, which were a great abatement from Palmerston's plan. We came at last to a sort of compromise; our great difficulty being now to deal with the question of entering the Black Sea. I consented to this being done, provided it was strictly in defence of some point of attack on Turkish territory. I have no fear that this will take place; and as long as we abstain from entering the Black Sea, Peace may be possible between us and Russia. We have thus assumed a strictly defensive position, which for the moment may be sufficient, and will enable us to carry on negotiations; but this cannot last long. Under the character of defensive war, we should inevitably become extensively engaged. Should the Turks be at all worsted, which is probable, of course we must increase our assistance. We should have a French army, and perhaps English money—all for defence.
The aspect of the Cabinet was, on the whole, very good. Gladstone, active and energetic for Peace; Argyll, Herbert, C. Wood, and Granville, all in the same sense. Newcastle, not quite so much so, but good; Lansdowne, not so warlike as formerly; Lord John warlike enough, but subdued in tone; Palmerston urged his views perseveringly, but not disagreeably. The Chancellor said little, but was cordially peaceful. Molesworth was not present, there having been some mistake in sending the notice.
On the whole, therefore, yesterday passed off well enough; but we shall see what to-day will bring us. Not a syllable was said in the Cabinet on any other subject. Lord John seemed in good humour; he came to see me a few minutes before the Cabinet. I told you that I had spoken to Gladstone very fully; but I did not press any decision respectingdomesticmatters, as it would at this moment be quite unseasonable. Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten altogether. Yours, etc., etc.,
Aberdeen.
LORD STRATFORD'S INSTRUCTIONS
Balmoral,11th October 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter. She had written to Lord Aberdeen that she felt it her duty to pause before giving her consent to the measures decided on in the Cabinet, until she should have received an explanation on the views which dictated that decision, and of the ulterior steps involved in it; and Sir James Graham is gone up to Town, verbally to explain more fully the Queen's feelings. She has now received and read the Despatches, which have in the meantime been sent off to their points of destination without having received her sanction!
The draft to Vienna the Queen thinks very ably argued, and justly to define the present position of the question at issue.27
The instructions to Lord Stratford,28on the other hand, appear to her very vague, and entrusting him with enormous powers and a latitude of discretion which is hardly to be called safe. As matters have now been arranged, it appears to the Queen, moreover, that we have taken on ourselves in conjunction with France all the risks of a European war, without having bound Turkey to any conditions with respect to provoking it. The hundred and twenty fanatical Turks constituting the Divan at Constantinople are left sole judges of the line of policy to be pursued, and made cognisant at the same time of the fact that England and France have bound themselves to defend the Turkish Territory! This is entrusting them with a power which Parliament has been jealous to confide even to the hands of the British Crown. It may be a question whether England ought to go to war for the defence of so-called Turkish Independence; but there can be none that if she does so, she ought to be the sole judge of what constitutes a breach of that independence, and have the fullest power to prevent by negotiation the breaking out of the war.
The Queen would wish copies of the enclosed papers to be sent for her use as soon as convenient.
Footnote 27: In this despatch Lord Clarendon, after referring to the interpretation which Count Nesselrode had put upon the Vienna Note, and the Russian rejection of it as amended by the Porte, told Lord Westmorland that it would be useless and dishonourable to recommend it in its unaltered form, that the Czar was contending for privileges for Christian subjects of the Porte not hitherto enjoyed by them, and that a war embarked upon in such a cause would be without parallel in history.
Footnote 28: Authority had been given to Lord Stratford to employ the British Fleet in the manner he might deem most fit for defending Turkish territory from aggression, and he was instructed that if the Russian Fleet left Sebastopol, the British Fleet was to pass through the Bosphorus.
RESENTMENT OF THE CZAR
Windsor Castle,16th October 1853.
We saw Lord Aberdeen yesterday. He went with us through the whole of the proceedings of the last six weeks with respect to the Eastern Question. Regretted Count Nesselrode's Note,29which Baron Brunnow owned nobody would regret more than the Count himself, acknowledged the weakness of Austria, felt sure of Lord Stratford's insincerity towards him and the Government,... as he had to Lord Aberdeen's certain knowledge called "the conduct of the Government infamous" and declared "he would let the world know that his name was Canning." He acknowledged the disadvantage of the course adopted by the Cabinet, which left the Turks at liberty to do as they pleased; he had to concede this to the Cabinet, which would otherwise have been broken up by Lord John and Lord Palmerston. Had he known what the Queen's opinion was, he might have been more firm, feeling himself supported by theCrown, but he had imagined from her letters that there was more animosity against Russia and leaning to war in her mind.
Footnote 29: In this despatch to Baron Meyendorff, the Austrian Foreign Minister, the Count had disclosed the fact that the Russian interpretation of the Vienna Note differed from that of the other Powers.
Yet, under all the adverse circumstances Lord Aberdeen saw still reason for hope that a peaceable settlement could be obtained. The French were ready to do anything we pleased, go to war, remain at peace, etc., etc.; in fact, Louis Napoleon had experienced the great advantage for his position of the Alliance with England.... Lord Stratford was thoroughly frightened, and had made a proposal himself, which accordingly he would supportcon amore. The Emperor of Russia had failed in his attempt to form a Northern League against the Western Powers.... The Emperor complained bitterly of the conduct of the Powers, who had disgraced him before the world by making him accept a Note, and sanctioning its alteration by Turkey; "now they should do what they pleased and settle matters with Turkey first, and bring him only what was settled and fixed, he was wearied of the whole business, and anxious to get rid of it for ever."
What Lord Aberdeen now proposed was to follow the Emperor's advice and agree with Turkey upon a Note, leaving out all that she had objected to in the Vienna Note as Lord Stratford recommended, and taking as much as possible Redschid Pasha's own words to found the proposal of it upon the declaration made by the Emperor at Olmütz to the Powers, that he sought forno newright, privilege, or advantage, but solely for the confirmation of the legalstatus quo, but accompanying this with a declaration, that if Turkey created needless difficulties and tried to evade a peaceful settlement the Powers would withdraw their support and leave her to fight her own battle. We went over the Documents which are not yet settled, even between Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon, and will require the greatest caution in their wording. It is evident that the Turks have every inducement not to let this opportunity slip in going to war with Russia, as they will probably never find so advantageous a one again, as the whole of Christendom has declared them in the right, and they would fight with England and France actively on their side!
LORD JOHN AND THE PREMIERSHIP
At home, Lord Aberdeen said matters do not stand much better. Lord John has convinced himself that, under present circumstances it would not do for him to ask Lord Aberdeen to retire from the Prime Ministership and let him step in in his place; perhaps he has found out also that the Peelites will not serve under him; his own Whig colleagues would very much regret if not object to such a change, and that Lord Palmerston could not well submit to the arrangement. So he told LordAberdeen that he had given up that idea; it was clear, however, that he was now looking for an opportunity to break up the Government on some popular ground, which it was impossible to hope that he should not find. He now had asked for the immediate summoning of Parliament, called for by the state of the OrientalQuestion. This would create the greatest alarm in the country, and embarrassment to the Government, and was therefore resisted. Lord Aberdeen told Lord John quite plainly he knew what the proposal meant—he meant to break up the Government. "I hope not," was Lord John's laughing reply.
The Queen taxed Lord Aberdeen with imprudence in talking to Lord John of his own readiness to leave office, which he acknowledged, but calledvery naturalin a man of seventy. Lord John was dissatisfied with his position;... upon Lord Aberdeen telling him that he had the most powerful and honourable position of any man in England as leader of the House of Commons, he answered, "Oh,thereI am quite happy!"
I asked how under such circumstances that all-important measure of Parliamentary Reform, upon which the future stability and well-being of the Country so much depended, was to be matured and brought forward? Lord Aberdeen replied that Lord John had it all ready and prepared in his pocket, and told Lord Aberdeen so, adding, however, that under present circumstances there was no use in bringing it forward, to which Lord Aberdeen added: "You mean unless you sit in the chair which I now occupy?" Lord John laughed.
We discussed the probable consequences of Lord John's retirement. Lord Aberdeen thought that Lord Palmerston, Lord Lansdowne, and even Lord Clarendon would secede with him, but this by no means implied that the whole party would; Lord Palmerston would not coalesce with Lord John, but try for the lead himself; Lord Clarendon quite agreed with Lord Aberdeen, and had been very angry with Lord John, but was personally under great obligations to him, and Sir James Graham had (as he said) been very much struck with the change of tone in Lord Clarendon at the last meeting of the Cabinet. Most of the Liberals seemed very much pleased with their situation. Sir James Graham had, of his own accord, told Lord Aberdeen that, in the event of Lord John's secession, he himself could not well sit in the House of Commons under so much younger a man as Mr Gladstone as Leader. He knew that there would be objections to his assuming the lead himself, but he would be quite ready to go to the House of Lords to support Lord Aberdeen.
Albert.
THE CZAR'S LETTER
Madame,—Votre Majesté connaît, je l'espère, les sentiments d'affection sincère qui m'attachent à Sa personne, depuis que j'ai eu l'honneur de L'approcher. Il m'a semblé qu'Elle daignait aussi m'accorder quelque bienveillance. A la veille d'événements, peut-être fort graves, qu'Elle daigne donc excuser si je m'adresse droit à Elle, pour essayer de prévenir des calamités, que nos deux pays ont un égal intérêt à éviter. J'ose le faire avec d'autant plus de confiance, que longtemps encore avant que les affaires d'Orient eussent pris la fâcheuse tournure qu'elles ont acquise depuis, je m'étais adressé directement à votre Majesté, par l'entremise de Sir Hamilton Seymour, pour appeler votre attention, Madame, sur des éventualités, alors encore incertaines, mais déjà fort probables à mes yeux, et que je désirais éclaircir,avant tout, avec le Cabinet Anglais, pour écarter autant qu'il m'était possible, toute divergence d'opinion entre nous. La correspondance d'alors, qu'Elle daigne de la faire relire atteignit son but, car elle mettait le Gouvernement Anglais au fait de mes plus intimes pensées sur ces graves éventualités, tandis que, je devais au moins le penser ainsi, j'obtiens en réponse un égal exposé des vues du Gouvernement de votre Majesté.
Sûrs ainsi de ce que nous désirions de part et d'autre, par quelle fatalité devons-nous donc, Madame, en venir à une mésintelligence aussi prononcée, sur des objets qui paraissaient convenus d'avance,où ma parole est engagée vis-à-vis de votre Majesté, comme je croiscelle du Gouvernement Anglais engagée de même vis-à-vis de moi.
C'est à la justice, au cœur de votre Majesté que j'en appelle, c'est à Sa bonne foi et à Sa sagesse que je m'en mets qu'Elle daigne de décider entre nous.
Devons nous rester, comme je le souhaite ardemment, dans une bonne intelligence également profitable à nos deux États, ou juge-t-Elle, que le pavillon Anglais doive flotter près du croissant, pour combattre la croix de Saint André!!!
Telle que soit la détermination de votre Majesté, qu'Elle veuille être persuadée de l'inaltérable et sincère attachementavec lesquels je ne cesserais d'être, de votre Majesté, le tout dévoué frère et ami,
Nicolas.
Je prie votre Majesté de vouloir bien faire mes amitiés à Monseigneur le Prince Albert.
Footnote 30: Greville calls the writing of this letter an unusual step; but in sending it to Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon, the Queen observed that its despatch was an important and advantageous fact, as it both committed the Czar personally, and enabled her to state certain truths to him, as well as to explain privately the views which guided her own and her Ministers' conduct.
LORD STRATFORD'S PROPOSAL
Windsor Castle,5th November 1853.
Although the Queen will have the pleasure of seeing Lord Aberdeen this evening, she wishes to make some observations on the subject of Lord Stratford's last private letters communicated to her yesterday by Lord Clarendon.31They exhibit clearly on his part adesirefor war, and to drag us into it. When he speaks of the sword which will not only have to be drawn, but the scabbard thrown away, and says, the war to be successful must be a "very comprehensive one" on the part of England and France, the intention is unmistakable, and it becomes a serious question whether we are justified in allowing Lord Stratford any longer to remain in a situation which gives him the means of frustrating all our efforts for peace. The question becomes still graver when it is considered that General Baraguay d'Hilliers seems from Lord Cowley's account of his conversation with him equally anxious for extreme measures.
The Queen must express her surprise that Lord Stratford should have coolly sent on so preposterous a proposal as Redschid Pasha's note asking for a Treaty of Alliance, the amalgamation of our Fleets with the Turkish one, and the sending of our surplus ships to the "White" Sea (!) without any hesitation or remark on his part. As the note ends, however, by saying that the Porte desiresque les points ci-dessus émenés (sic) soient appréciés par les Cours d'Angleterre et de France, et que ces Cours veuillent bien déclarer leur intention d'agir en conséquence, this appears to the Queen to afford an admirable opportunity for stating plainly and strongly to the Turkish Government that we haveno intentionof being used by them for their own purposes. This time such a declaration might behanded into the Turkish Government, so that there can be no mistake about the matter for the future.
The Queen encloses the letter and note, and wishes Lord Aberdeen to show her letter to Lord Clarendon.
Footnote 31: Lord Stratford had written that Redschid Pasha was unable to make head against his warlike colleagues, and that unless some proposal of a decidedly satisfactory kind should come from Vienna very soon, there would be no chance of avoiding hostilities. Lord Stratford added that he had obtained a promise that no act of hostility should take place on the Turkish side before the expiration of fifteen days, and concluded with the words: "I fear that war is the decree of Fate, and our wisest part will be to do what we can to bring it to a thoroughly good conclusion."
THE QUEEN TO THE CZAR
Windsor Castle,ce 14 Novembre 1853.
Sire et très cher Frère,—C'est avec une profonde et sincère satisfaction que je viens de recevoir la lettre que V.M.I. a bien voulu m'écrire le 18/30 Octobre. Je suis vivement touchée des sentiments affectueux que vous m'y témoignez. V.M. me connaît assez pour savoir combien ils sont réciproques.
Je vous remercierai également, Sire, de la franchise avec laquelle vous me parlez des complications actuelles; je ne saurais mieux répondre aux loyales intentions de V.M. qu'en lui exprimant à mon tour, et avec toute droiture, mes opinions à ce sujet, car c'est là, j'en suis sûre, le meilleur moyen de conserver utilement une amitié bien véritable.
J'ai, mon cher Frère, conformément à votre désir, relu les communications confidentielles que vous avez bien voulu me faire, ce printemps, par l'intermédiaire du bon Sir Hamilton Seymour, et les réponses que mon Gouvernement a reçu l'ordre d'adresser à V.M.
Bien qu'une différence d'opinion très notable devînt alors évidente entre V.M. et moi relativement à la manière d'envisager l'état de la Turquie et l'appréciation de sa vitalité, le Mémorandum de V.M. en date du 3/15 Avril vint néanmoins dissiper de la manière la plus heureuse ces fâcheuses appréhensions; car il m'annonçait que, si nous n'étions pas d'accord surl'état de santéde l'Empire Ottoman, nous l'étions cependant sur la nécessité, pour le laisser vivre, de ne point lui faire des demandes humiliantes, pourvu que tout le monde en agît de même, et que personne n'abusât de sa faiblesse pour obtenir des avantages exclusifs. V.M. dans ce but, daigna même se déclarer prête "à travailler de concert avec l'Angleterre à l'œuvre commune de prolonger l'existence de l'Empire Turque, en évitant toute cause d'alarme au sujet de sa dissolution."
J'avais de plus la conviction qu'il n'existait et ne pouvait exister au fond aucune divergence d'opinion entre nous au sujet des réclamations relatives aux Lieux-Saints, réclamations qui, j'avais droit de le croire, constituaient le seul grief de la Russie contre la Porte.
Je mets, Sire, la confiance la plus entière dans la parole que V.M. a bien voulu me donner alors, et, que les assurances subséquentes, dues à votre amitié, sont venues confirmer, en me donnant la connaissance de Vos intentions. Personne n'apprécie plus que moi la haute loyauté de V.M., et je voudrais que les convictions que j'ai à cet égard pussent seules résoudre toutes les difficultés. Mais quelle que soit la pureté des motifs qui dirigent les actions du Souverain même le plus élevé parle caractère, V.M. sait que ses qualités personnelles ne sont point suffisantes dans des transactions internationales par lesquelles un État se lie envers un autre en de solennels engagements; et les véritables intentions de V.M. ont été à coup sûr méconnues et mal interprétées, à cause de la forme donnée au réclamations adressées à la Porte.
Ayant à cœur, Sire, d'examiner ce qui avait pu produire ce fâcheux malentendu, mon attention a été naturellement attirée par l'article 7 du Traité de Kainardji; et je dois dire à V.M. qu'après avoir consulté, sur le sens qui pouvait avoir été attaché à cet article, les personnes les plus compétentes de ce pays-ci; après l'avoir relu ensuite moi-même, avec le plus sincère désir d'impartialité, je suis arrivée à la conviction que cet article n'était point susceptible de l'extension qu'on y a voulu donner. Tous les amis de V.M. ont, comme moi, la certitude que vous n'auriez point abusé du pouvoir, que vous eût ainsi été accordé; mais une demande de ce genre, pouvait à peine être acceptée par un Souverain qui tient à son indépendance.
Je ne cacherai pas davantage à V.M. l'impression douloureuse qu'a produit sur moi l'occupation des Principautés. Cette occupation a causé, depuis les quatres derniers mois, une perturbation générale en Europe, et pourrait amener des événements ultérieurs que je déplorerais d'un commun accord avec V.M. Mais, comme les intentions de V.M. envers la Porte sont, je le sais, amicales et désintéressées, j'ai toute confiance que vous trouverez le moyen de les exprimer et mettre à exécution de manière à détourner de plus graves dangers, que tous mes efforts, je vous assure, tendront sans cesse à empêcher. L'attention impartiale avec laquelle j'ai suivi les causes qui ont fait échouer jusqu'à présent toutes les tentatives de conciliation, me donne la ferme conviction qu'il n'existe pas d'obstacle réel qui ne puisse être écarté ou promptement surmonté avec l'assistance de V.M.
Je n'abandonne point l'espoir de cet heureux résultat, même après les tristes conflits qui ont fait couler le sang dans les Principautés; car j'ai la foi en Dieu que lorsque de toute part les intentions sont droites et lorsque les intérêts bien entendus sont communs, le Tout-Puissant ne permettra pas que l'Europe entière qui contient déjà tant d'éléments inflammables, soit exposée à une conflagration générale.
Que Dieu veille sur les jours de V.M.; et croyez, Sire, à l'attachement sincère avec lequel je suis, Sire et cher Frère, de votre Majesté Impériale, la bien bonne Sœur et Amie,
Victoria R.
Albert est très sensible au souvenir de V.M. et me prie de le mettre à vos pieds.