PROPOSED VISIT TO IRELAND
23rd June 1849.
I have the satisfaction to inform your Excellency that I have received the Queen's commands to acquaint you that Her Majesty hopes to be able in the course of the present summer to fulfil the intention, which you are aware she has long entertained, of a visit to Ireland. The general distress unfortunately still prevalent in Ireland precludes the Queen from visiting Dublin in state, and thereby causing ill-timed expenditure and inconvenience to her subjects; yet Her Majesty does not wish to let another year pass without visiting a part of her dominions which she has for so long a time been anxious personallyto become acquainted with. She accordingly will, at some sacrifice of personal convenience, take a longer sea voyage, for the purpose of visiting in the first instance the Cove of Cork, and from thence proceed along the Irish coast to Dublin. After remaining there a few days, during which time Her Majesty will be the guest of your Excellency, she would continue her cruise along the Irish coast northward and visit Belfast, and from thence cross to Scotland. Although the precise time of Her Majesty's visit cannot yet be fixed, it will probably take place as early in August as the termination of the session of Parliament will permit, and I feel assured that this early announcement of her intentions will be received with great satisfaction by Her Majesty's loyal and faithful subjects in Ireland.
Osborne,19th July 1849.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letters. She returns Lord Clarendon's, and the very kind one of the Primate.16
With respect to Lord Clarendon's suggestion that the Prince of Wales should be created Duke, or rather, as Lord Johnsays,Earlof Dublin—the Queen thinks it is a matter for consideration whether such an act shouldfollowthe Queen's visit as a compliment to Ireland, but she is decidedly of opinion that it shouldnot precedeit.
We are sorry that Lord John does not intend going to Ireland, but fully comprehend his wishes to remain quiet for three weeks. We shall be very glad to see him at Balmoral on the 20th or 22nd of August.
We hope Lady John and the baby continue to go on well.
Footnote 16: Lord John George de la Poer Beresford (1773-1862) was Archbishop of Armagh from 1822 until his death.
ARRIVAL IN DUBLIN
Lodge, Phœnix Park,6th August 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—Though this letter will only go to-morrow, I will begin it to-day and tell you that everything has gone off beautifully since we arrived in Ireland, and that our entrance into Dublin was really a magnificent thing. By my letter to Louise you will have heard of our arrival in the Cove of Cork. Our visit to Cork was very successful; the Mayorwas knightedon deck(on board theFairy), like in times of old. Cork is about seventeen miles up the River Lee, which is beautifully wooded and reminds us of Devonshire scenery. We had previously stepped on shore atCove, a small place, to enable them to call itQueen's Town; the enthusiasm is immense, and at Cork there was more firing than I remember since the Rhine.
THE IRISH VISIT
We left Cork with fair weather, but a head sea and contrary wind which made it rough and me very sick.
7th.—I was unable to continue till now, and have since received your kind letter, for which I return my warmest thanks. We went into Waterford Harbour on Saturday afternoon, which is likewise a fine, large, safe harbour. Albert went up to Waterford in theFairy, but I did not. The next morning we received much the same report of the weather which we had done at Cork, viz. that the weather was fair but the wind contrary. However we went out, as it could not be helped, and we might have remained there some days for no use. The first three hours were very nasty, but afterwards it cleared and the evening was beautiful. The entrance at seven o'clock into Kingston Harbour was splendid; we came in with ten steamers, and the whole harbour, wharf, and every surrounding place wascoveredwiththousandsand thousands of people, who received us with the greatest enthusiasm. We disembarked yesterday morning at ten o'clock, and took two hours to come here. The most perfect order was maintained in spite of the immense mass of people assembled, and a more good-humoured crowd I never saw, but noisy and excitable beyond belief, talking, jumping, and shrieking instead of cheering. There were numbers of troops out, and it really was a wonderful scene. This is a very pretty place, and the house reminds me of dear Claremont. The view of the Wicklow Mountains from the windows is very beautiful, and the whole park is very extensive and full of very fine trees.
We drove out yesterday afternoon and were followed by jaunting-cars and riders and people running and screaming, which would have amused you. In the evening we had a dinner party, and so we have to-night. This morning we visited the Bank, the Model School (where the Protestant and Catholic Archbishops received us), and the College, and this afternoon we went to the Military Hospital. To-morrow we have a Levée, where 1,700 are to be presented, and the next day a Review, and in the evening the Drawing-Room, when 900 ladies are to be presented.
George17is here, and has a command here. He rode on oneside of our carriage yesterday. You see more ragged and wretched people here than I ever saw anywhere else.En revanche, the women are really very handsome—quite in the lowest class—as well at Cork as here; such beautiful black eyes and hair and such fine colours and teeth.
I must now take my leave. Ever your most affectionate Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 17: The late Duke of Cambridge.
Vice-Regal Lodge,14th August 1849.
My dear Grey,—If I had known where to direct I should have thanked you sooner for your two welcome letters from Belfast, where everything seems to have gone off to our hearts' desire, and the Queen's presence, as the Stipendiary Magistrate writes word, has united all classes and parties in a manner incredible to those who know the distance at which they have hitherto been kept asunder.
The enthusiasm here has not abated, and there is not an individual in Dublin that does not take as a personal compliment to himself the Queen's having gone upon the paddle-box and having ordered the Royal Standard to be lowered three times.
Even the ex-Clubbists,18who threatened broken heads and windows before the Queen came, are now among the most loyal of her subjects, and are ready, according to the police reports, to fight any one who dare say a disrespectful word of Her Majesty.
In short, the people are not only enchanted with the Queen and the gracious kindness of her manner and the confidence she has shown in them, but they are pleased with themselves for their own good feelings and behaviour, which they consider have removed the barrier that hitherto existed between the Sovereign and themselves, and that they now occupy a higher position in the eyes of the world. Friend Bright was with me to-day, and said he would not for the world have missed seeing the embarkation at Kingston, for he had felt just the same enthusiasm as the rest of the crowd. "Indeed," he added, "I'll defy any man to have felt otherwise when he saw the Queen come upon the platform and bow to the people in a manner that showed her heart was with them." He didn't disguise either that the Monarchical principle had made great way with him since Friday. Ever yours truly,
Clarendon.
Footnote 18: Seditious clubs had been an important factor in the Irish disturbances of 1848.
BREVET PROMOTIONS
Osborne,3rd October 1849.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's explanation respecting the brevet promotions on the occasion of her visit to Ireland, but cannot say that his objections have convinced her of the impropriety of such a promotion (to a limited extent). To Lord John's fears of the dangerous consequences of the precedent, the Queen has only to answer, that there can be onlyone first visitto Ireland, and that thefirstvisit to Scotland in 1842 was followed by a few promotions, without this entailing promotions on her subsequent visits to that part of the country; that even the first visit to the Channel Islands was followed by a few promotions, and this under Lord John's Government. All the precedents being in accordance with the proposition made by the Duke, an opposition on the part of the Government would imply a declaration against all brevets except in the field, which would deprive the Crown of a most valuable prerogative. If such a brevet as the one proposed were to lead to great additional expense, the Queen could understand the objection on the ground of economy; but the giving brevet rank to a few subaltern officers is too trifling a matter to alarm the Government. Perhaps the number might be reduced even, but to deviate from the established precedents for the first time altogether in this case, and that after the excellent behaviour of the Army in Ireland under very trying circumstances, would be felt as a great injustice.
The Queen therefore wishes Lord John to ask the Duke to send him the former precedents and to consider with his colleagues whether a modified recommendation cannot be laid before her.19
Footnote 19: The Duke of Wellington had submitted a list of Officers for brevet promotion, which received the Queen's sanction; but the list was afterwards reduced.
Woburn Abbey,4th October 1849.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and will consider, in communication with the Duke of Wellington, whether any modified list can be proposed by him to your Majesty.
The economy, as your Majesty truly observes, is not a matter of much consideration. But to reward Officers on the Staff, who are already favoured by being placed on the Staff in Ireland,is a practice which tends but too much to encourage the opinion that promotions in the Army and Navy are given not to merit, but to aristocratical connection and official favour.
In the midst of the degradation of Thrones which the last two years have seen in Europe, it will be well if the English Crown preserves all its just prerogatives, and has only to relinquish some customary abuses, which are not useful to the Sovereign, and are only an equivocal advantage to the Ministers of the day.
A PUBLIC THANKSGIVING
Windsor Castle,31st October 1849.
The Queen has just received Lord John Russell's letter, and was much rejoiced at everything having gone off so well yesterday;20she was very much annoyed at being unable to go herself, and that the untoward chicken-pox should have come at this moment; she is, however, quite recovered, though still much marked.
With respect to the proposition about the Thanksgiving, the Queen quite approves of it, and (if it is generally preferred) that it should be on a week-day. As to the Bishop of London's proposal,21the Queen thinks that Lord John may have misunderstood him; she supposes that he meant that she should attendsomeplace ofpublic worship, and not in her domestic chapel, in order to join in the public demonstration. The Queen is quite ready to go with her Court to St George's Chapel here; but she would like it to take place on an earlier day than the 27th of November, when she would probably be already in the Isle of Wight, where we think of going as usual on the 22nd or 23rd.
Footnote 20: The ceremony of opening the new Coal Exchange, at which, besides Prince Albert, the Prince of Wales and Princess Royal were present.
Footnote 21: There had been a severe epidemic of cholera in the country. In twelve months 14,000 deaths, in London alone, were due to this malady. The 15th of November was appointed for a general Day of Thanksgiving for its cessation, and the Bishop of London had suggested that the Queen should attend a public service at St Paul's. Lord John Russell was in favour of Westminster Abbey.
POSITION OF GERMANY
Eaton Square,29th November 1849.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. In answer to your Majesty's enquiry, he has to state that a very short conversation took place in the Cabinet on the affairs ofGermany upon an enquiry of Lord John Russell whether the Diet of Erfurt22might not be considered a violation of the Treaties of 1815. Lord Palmerston thought not, but had not examined the question.
The affairs of Germany are in a critical position; Austria will oppose anything which tends to aggrandise Prussia; Prussia will oppose anything which tends to free Government; and France will oppose anything which tends to strengthen Germany. Still, all these powers might be disregarded were Germany united, but it is obvious that Bavaria and Würtemberg look to Austria and France for support, while Hanover and Saxony will give a very faint assistance to a Prussian League.
The matter is very critical, but probably will not lead to war.
Footnote 22: In order to effect the consolidation of Germany, the King of Prussia had summoned a Federal Parliament to meet at Erfurt.
Foreign Office,30th November 1849.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in reply to your Majesty's enquiry as to what the measures would be which Sir William Parker23would have to take in order to support Mr Wyse's24demands for redress for certain wrongs sustained by British and Ionian subjects, begs to say that the ordinary and accustomed method of enforcing such demands is by reprisals—that is to say, by seizing some vessels and property of the party which refuses redress,25and retaining possession thereof until redress is granted.
Another method is the blockading of the ports of the party by whom redress is refused, and by interrupting commercial intercourse to cause inconvenience and loss. Viscount Palmerston, however, does not apprehend that any active measures of this kind will be required, but rather expects that when the Greek Government finds that the demand is made in earnest, and that means are at hand to enforce it, satisfaction will at last be given. The refusal of the Greek Government to satisfy these claims, and the offensive neglect with which they have treated the applications of your Majesty's representative at Athens have, as Viscount Palmerston is convinced, been the result of a belief that the British Government never would take any real steps in order to press these matters to a settlement.
Footnote 23: Commanding the Mediterranean Fleet.
Footnote 24: British Envoy at Athens.
Footnote 25:SeeIntroductory Note for 1850,post,p. 231.
DEATH OF QUEEN ADELAIDE
Osborne,11th December 1849.
My dearest Uncle,—Thank you much for your kind letter of the 6th; you will have received mine of the 4th shortly after you wrote. I knowhowyou would mourn with us over the death of our beloved Queen Adelaide.Wehave lost the kindest and dearest of friends, and theuniversalfeeling of sorrow, of regret, and ofrealappreciation of her character is very touching and gratifying.Allparties,allclasses, join in doing her justice. Much was done to set Mamma against her, but the dear Queen ever forgave this, ever showed love and affection, and for the last eight years their friendship was as great as ever. Ever yours affectionately,
Victoria R.
The Ministry were still (1850) able, relying on the support of Sir Robert Peel, to resist the attacks of the Protectionists in the House of Commons, though their majority on a critical occasion fell to twenty-one; but they were rehabilitated by the discussions on foreign policy. One Don Pacifico, a Portuguese Jew, a native of Gibraltar and a British subject, had had his house in Athens pillaged by a mob; he, with Mr Finlay, the historian, who had a money claim against the Greek Government, instead of establishing their claims in the local courts, sought the intervention of the home Government; Lord Palmerston, whose relations with the Court were even more strained than usual, resolved to make a hostile demonstration against Greece, and a fleet was sent to the Piræus with a peremptory demand for settlement. The House of Lords condemned this high-handed action, but a friendly motion of confidence was made in the Commons, and Lord Palmerston had an extraordinary triumph, by a majority of forty-six, notwithstanding that the ablest men outside the Ministry spoke against him, and that his unsatisfactory relations with the Queen were about to culminate in a severe reprimand.
Sir Robert Peel's speech in this debate proved to be his last public utterance, his premature death, resulting from a fall from his horse, taking place a few days later; Louis Philippe, who had been living in retirement at Claremont, passed away about the same time. Another attack on the Queen, this time a blow with a cane, was made by one Robert Pate, an ex-officer and well-connected; the plea of insanity was not established, and Pate was transported.
Public attention was being drawn to the projected Exhibition in Hyde Park, Prince Albert making a memorable speech at the Mansion House in support of the scheme; the popular voice had not been unanimous in approval, and subscriptions had hung fire, but henceforward matters improved, and Mr Paxton's design for a glass and iron structure was accepted and proceeded with.
The friction with Lord Palmerston was again increased by his action in respect to General Haynau, an Austrian whose cruelty had been notorious, and who was assaulted by some of theemployésat a London brewery. The Foreign Office note to the Austrian Government nearly brought about Palmerston's resignation, which was much desired by the Queen.
At the close of the year the whole country was in a ferment at theissue of a Papal Brief, re-establishing the hierarchy of Bishops in England with local titles derived from their sees; and Cardinal Wiseman, thenceforward Archbishop of Westminster, by issuing a pastoral letter on the subject, made matters worse. The Protestant spirit was aroused, the two Universities presented petitions, and the Prime Minister, in a letter to the Bishop of Durham, helped to fan the "No Popery" flame. Just at a time when a coalition of Whigs and Peelites was beginning to be possible, an Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, almost fatal to mutual confidence, became necessary.
Windsor Castle,5th February 1850.
My dear Uncle,—We had the house full for three days last week on account of our theatrical performances on Friday, which went off extremely well. The Grand Duchess Stephanie was here,très aimable, and not altered. She spoke much of Germany and of politics, and ofyouin the highest terms—"Comme le Roi Léopold s'est bien tenu"—and that she had mentioned this at Claremont, and then felt shocked at it, but that the poor King had answered: "Il avait mon exemple devant lui, et il en a profité!" She thought the whole familytrès dignein theirmalheur, but was struck with the melancholy effect of the whole thing.
Our affairs have gone off extremely well in Parliament, and the Protectionists have received an effective check; the question of the Corn Laws seemsindeed settled. This is of great importance, as it puts a stop to the excitement and expectations of the farmers, which have been falsely kept up by the aristocracy....
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Carlton Gardens,15th February 1850.
My dear John Russell,—I have altered this draft so as I think to meet the views of the Queen and of yourself in regard to the continuance of the suspension.1I should not like to put into a despatch an instruction to accept less than we have demanded, because that would imply what I don't think to be the fact, viz. that we have demanded more than is due. If the demands were for the British Government, we might foregowhat portions we might like to give up, but we have no right to be easy and generous with the rights and claims of other people. Besides, if we get anything, we shall get all. The whole amount is quite within the power of the Greek Government to pay. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston.
Footnote 1:I.e.of hostilities against the Greek Government, designed to extract compensation for the injuries inflicted on British subjects. Seeante,p. 231.
THE DRAFT TO GREECE
Buckingham Palace,17th February 1850.
The Queen sent the day before yesterday the proposed draft to Mr Wyse back to Lord Palmerston, enclosing a Memorandum from Lord John Russell, and telling Lord Palmerston "that she entirely concurred with Lord John, and wished the draft to be altered accordingly." She has not yet received an answer from Lord Palmerston, but just hears from Lord John, in answer to her enquiry about it, that Lord Palmerston hassentthe draft offunaltered.2The Queen must remark upon this sort of proceeding, of which this is not the first instance, and plainly tell Lord Palmerston that this must not happen again. Lord Palmerston has a perfect right to state to the Queen his reasons for disagreeing with her views, and will always have found her ready to listen to his reasons; but she cannot allow a servant of the Crown and her Minister to act contrary to her orders, and this without her knowledge.
Footnote 2:SeeAshley'sPalmerston, vol. i. chap. v.
PALMERSTON'S EXPLANATION
Carlton Gardens.17th February 1850.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in reply to your Majesty's communication of this day, he begs to state that upon receiving, the day before yesterday, your Majesty's Memorandum on the proposed draft to Mr Wyse, together with the accompanying Memorandum3from Lord John Russell, he altered the draft, and sent it to Lord John Russell, and received it back from Lord John Russell with the accompanying note in answer to that which he wrote to Lord John Russell. It was important that the messenger should go off that evening, and the time occupied in these communications rendered it just, but barely, possible to despatch the messenger by the mail train of that evening. The despatch thus altered coincided with the viewsof your Majesty and Lord John Russell as to the question in regard to the length of time during which reprisals should be suspended to give scope for the French negotiation. The other question as to giving Mr Wyse a latitude of discretion to entertain any proposition which might be made to him by the Greek Government was considered by the Cabinet at its meeting yesterday afternoon, and Viscount Palmerston gave Mr Wyse a latitude of that kind in regard to the claim of Mr Pacifico, the only one to which that question could apply, in a despatch which he sent by the overland Mediterranean mail which went off yesterday afternoon. That despatch also contained some instructions as to the manner in which Mr Wyse is to communicate with Baron Gros,4and those instructions were the result of a conversation which Viscount Palmerston had with the French Ambassador after the meeting of the Cabinet. Viscount Palmerston was only waiting for a copy of the despatch of yesterday evening, which, owing to this day being Sunday, he has not yet received, in order to send to your Majesty the altered draft of yesterday evening, with an explanation of the circumstances which rendered it impossible to submit them to your Majesty before they were sent off.5
Footnote 3: Lord John Russell's opinion was that three weeks should be allowed to Mr Wyse and Sir W. Parker to accept terms as satisfactory as they could obtain, and that Sir W. Parker should not be obliged to resume coercive measures, if the concessions of the Greek Government should appear to afford a prospect of a speedy settlement of the affair.
Footnote 4: Baron Gros was the Commissioner despatched by the French Government to Athens to assist in arranging the dispute.
Footnote 5: See subsequent correspondence between Lord John and Lord Palmerston, Walpole'sRussell, vol. ii. chap. xix.
RE-ARRANGEMENT SUGGESTED
Windsor Castle,3rd March 1850.
Before leaving Town yesterday we saw Lord John Russell, who came to state what had passed with reference to Lord Palmerston. He premised that Lord Palmerston had at all times been a most agreeable and accommodating colleague; that he had acted with Lord John ever since 1831, and had not only never made any difficulty, but acted most boldly and in the most spirited manner on all political questions; besides, he was very popular with the Radical part of the House of Commons as well as with the Protectionist, so that both would be ready to receive him as their Leader; he (Lord John) was therefore most anxious to do nothing which could hurt Lord Palmerston's feelings, nor to bring about a disruption of the Whig Party, which at this moment of Party confusion was the only one which still held together. On the other hand, the fact that the Queen distrusted Lord Palmerston was a serious impediment to the carrying on of the Government. Lord John was therefore anxious to adopt a plan by which Lord Palmerston'sservices could be retained with his own goodwill, and the Foreign Affairs entrusted to other hands. The only plan he could think of was to give Lord Palmerston the lead in the House of Commons—the highest position a statesman could aspire to—and to go himself to the House of Lords. He had communicated his views to Lord Lansdowne, who agreed in them, and thought he could do nothing better than speak to Lord Palmerston at once. Lord Palmerston said that he could not have helped to have become aware that he had forfeited the Queen's confidence, but he thought this had not been onpersonalgrounds, but merely on account of his line of policy, with which the Queen disagreed. (The Queen interrupted Lord John by remarking that she distrusted him onpersonalgrounds also, but I remarked that Lord Palmerston had so far at least seen rightly; that he had become disagreeable to the Queen, not on account of his person, but of his political doings, to which the Queen assented.) Lord Palmerston appeared to Lord John willing to enter into this agreement.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S PLAN
On the question how the Foreign Office should be filled, Lord John said that he thought his father-in-law, Lord Minto, ought to take the Foreign Office.... As the Queen was somewhat startled by this announcement, I said I thought that would not go down with the public. After Lord Palmerston's removal (who was considered one of the ablest men in the country) he ought not to be replaced but by an equally able statesman; the Office was ofenormousimportance, and ought not to be entrusted to any one but Lord John himself or Lord Clarendon. On the Queen's enquiry why Lord Clarendon had not been proposed for it, Lord John said he was most anxious that the change of the Minister should not produce a change in the general line of policy which he considered to have been quite right, and that Lord Clarendon did not approve of it; somehow or other he never could agree with Lord Clarendon on Foreign Affairs; he thought Lord Clarendon very anti-French and for an alliance with Austria and Russia. The Queen replied she knew Lord Clarendon's bad opinion of the mode in which the Foreign Affairs had been conducted, and thought that a merit in him, but did not think him Austrian or Russian, but merely disapproving of Lord Palmerston's behaviour. I urged Lord John to take the Foreign Affairs himself, which he said would have to be done if the Queen did not wish Lord Minto to take them; he himself would be able to do the business when in the House of Lords, although he would undertake it unwillingly; with the business in the House of Commons it would have been impossible for him.
The Queen insisted on his trying it with a seat in the House of Lords, adding that, if he found it too much for him, he could at a later period perhaps make the Department over to Lord Clarendon.
I could not help remarking that it was a serious risk to entrust Lord Palmerston with the lead in the House of Commons, that it might be that the Government were defeated and, if once in opposition, Lord Palmerston might take a different line as leader of the Opposition from that which Lord John would like, and might so easily force himself back into office as Prime Minister. Lord John, however, although admitting that danger, thought Lord Palmerston too old to do much in the future (having passed his sixty-fifth year); he admitted that Sir George Grey was the natural leader of the Commons, but expected that a little later the lead would still fall into his hands.
The arrangements of the Offices as proposed would be that Lord Palmerston would take the Home Office, and Sir George Grey the Colonial Office, and Lord Grey vacate this office for the Privy Seal. If Lord Minto, however, was not to have the Foreign Office, the arrangement must be recast. Lord Clarendon would become Secretary of State for Ireland, after the abolition of the Lord-Lieutenancy. Possibly also Sir George Grey might take the office, and Lord Clarendon take the Colonies, which Lord Grey would be glad to be rid of. On my observing that I had thought the Colonies would have done best for Lord Palmerston, leaving Sir George Grey at the Home Office, Lord John acknowledged that he would likewise prefer this arrangement, but considered it rendered impossible from its having been the very thing Lord Grey had proposed in 1845, and upon which the attempt to form a Whig Government at that time had broken down, Lord Palmerston having refused to enter the Cabinet on those terms. Lord John ended by saying that Lord Palmerston having agreed to the change, it was intended that nothing should be done about it till after the close of the Session, in order to avoid debates and questions on the subject; moreover, Lord Lansdowne had agreed to continue still this Session his labours as Leader in the House of Lords, and begged for theutmost secrecyat present.
Albert.
Lord John Russell already last year had spoken to me of his wish to go to the House of Lords, finding the work in the House of Commons, together with his other business, too much for him, and Lord Lansdowne being desirous to be relieved from the lead in the Upper House.
Albert.
THE QUEEN'S ULTIMATUM
12th March 1850.
The least the Queen has a right to require of her Minister is:—
1. That he will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to what she has to give her royal sanction.
2. Having given once her sanction to a measure, the Minister who, in the execution of such measure alters or modifies it arbitrarily, commits an act of dishonesty towards the Crown, which the Queen has an undoubted constitutional right to visit with the dismissal of that Minister.
Stockmar.
Footnote 6: Compare this with the Memorandum ultimately drawn up on the 12th of August.
Buckingham Palace,16th March 1850.
The Queen wishes to remark to Lord Lansdowne, that his answer to Lord Stanley in the House of Lords last night might possibly lead to the misapprehension that Lord Palmerston's delay in sending the despatch to Mr Wyse had been caused by the time it took to get the Queen's approval of it. She must protest against such an inference being drawn, as being contrary to the fact, Lord Palmerston indeed having sent out in the first instance a different despatch from that which she had approved.
THE QUEEN'S ULTIMATUM
Laeken,25th March 1850.
My dearest Victoria,— ... King Louis Philippe seems better, but still he is evidently breaking; there is no wonder when one considers all he has gone through, and is still to suffer! No one can tell a day [ahead] what may happen in France, and if all the family have, which is but7in France, may not be confiscated. The thirst for spoliation is great; the people who lead have no other view, they are not fanatics, their aim is to rise and to enrich themselves; the remainder is mere humbug, exactly as you have it very near home. Never was there a nation in a worse and a more helpless state, and the numerous parties who willnotunite render all solutions impossible, and the republic will be maintained for that very reason. It is but a name and no substance, but thatname ofrepublicencourages every extravagant or desperate proceeding, and turns people's heads in the old monarchies; every doctor or magistrate sees himself president of some republic, and the ambitions of so many people who see all the impediments which existed formerly removed, and who, according to theirown opinion, are wonderful people, will be insatiable and much more dangerous than you imagine in England. On the Continent every man thinks himself fit to be at the head of the Government; there is no political measure or scale, and the success of some bookseller or doctor or advocate, etc., turns the heads of all those in similar positions—on ne doute de rien. When you consider that abanqueroutierlike Ledru Rollin8ruled over Francefor six monthsalmost withabsolute power,merely because he took it, you may imagine how many thousands, even of workmen, cooks, stage people, etc., look to be taken to rule over their fellow-citizens;toujours convaincu de leur propre mérite. I am happy to see that you escaped a ministerial crisis; the peril was great, and it would have been dreadful for you at such a moment.
Albert made a fine long speech, I see.9Did he read it?ex tempore, it would have been very trying. I trust we may come to that unity of mankind of which he speaks, and of universal peace which our friend Richard Cobden considers as very near at hand; if, however, the red benefactors of mankind at Paris get the upper hand,universal warwill be the order of the day. We are so strongly convinced of this that we are very seriously occupied with the means of defence which this country can afford, and we imagine that if we are not abandoned by our friends, it will be impossible to force our positions on the Schelde.
I must now quickly conclude. Remaining ever, my beloved Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 7:I.e."only."
Footnote 8: He was President in 1848.
Footnote 9: At the Mansion House banquet to the Commissioners for the Exhibition of 1851. See quotation from it in Sir T. Martin'sLife, vol. ii, p. 247.
Baron Stockmar.BARON STOCKMAR.From the portrait by John Partridge at Buckingham PalaceTo face p.240, Vol. II.
BARON STOCKMAR.
From the portrait by John Partridge at Buckingham Palace
To face p.240, Vol. II.
Buckingham Palace,25th March 1850.
The Queen approves these drafts, but thinks that in the part alluding to M. Pacifico, should be added a direction to Mr Wyse to satisfy himself of thetruthof M. Pacifico's statements of losses before he grounds his demands upon them.10The draft merely allows a sub-division of the claims, but takes their validity for granted.
Footnote 10: Don Pacifico claimed £31,500—£4,900 being for effects destroyed, and £26,600 in respect of certain claims against the Portuguese Government, the vouchers for which he stated had been destroyed by the mob which pillaged his house. His valuation of the various items was of the most extravagant description.
SPEECH BY PRINCE ALBERT
Windsor Castle,26th March 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—Albert made a really beautiful speech the other day, and it has given the greatest satisfaction and done great good. He is indeedlooked up to and beloved, asIcouldwishhe should be; and themorehisrare qualitiesof mind and heart areknown, themorehe will be understood and appreciated. People are much struck at his great powers and energy; his great self-denial, and constant wish to work for others, is so striking in his character; but it is thehappiestlife; pining for what one cannot have, and trying to run after what is pleasantest,invariablyends in disappointment.
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Windsor Castle,29th March 1850.
My dearest Uncle,—I write only a few lines to-day, begging you to give the accompanying drawing of her littlenamesaketo dearest Louiseonher birthday.
I shall duly answer your dear letter of the 25th on Tuesday, but am anxious to correct the impression that Albert read his fine speech. Heneverhas done so with any of his fine speeches, but speaks them, having first prepared them and written them down,—and does soso well, that no one believes that he is ever nervous, whichhe is. This last he is said to have spoken in so particularly English a way.
We have still sadly cold winds. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Buckingham Palace,14th April 1850.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter with the drafts, which he mentioned last night to her, and she has sent his letter with them to Lord Palmerston.
Lord Palmerston's conduct in this Spanish question11in not communicating her letter to Lord John, as she had directed,is really too bad, and most disrespectful to the Queen; she can really hardly communicate with him any more; indeed it would be better she should not.
Footnote 11: The question was the selection of a Minister for Madrid.