The opening of the year 1853 saw a strong Coalition Ministry in power; the necessity of a cordial understanding with France was obvious, but bitter and indiscreet attacks on the Emperor of the French were made by certain members of the Government, for which Mr Disraeli took them severely to task. Lord John Russell, who had been appointed Foreign Secretary, resigned that office in February, in favour of Lord Clarendon, being unable to bear the twofold burden of the Leadership of the House and the Foreign Office. Though the arrangement was questioned, he continued during the year to lead the House without office. A Canadian Clergy Reserves Bill, an India Bill, introducing competitive examination into the Civil Service, and various measures of Metropolitan improvement were passed. A more important feature of the Session was Mr Gladstone's first Budget, dealing comprehensively with the Income Tax, and imposing a duty on successions to real property.
The Eastern Question, however, overshadowed all other interests. For some time a dispute had existed between the Latin and Greek Churches as to the guardianship of the Holy Places (including the Church of the Holy Sepulchre) in Palestine. After long negotiations between the French and Russian Governments, as representing these Churches, an indecisive judgment was pronounced by the Porte, which, however, so incensed Russia that she began to make warlike demonstrations, and sent Prince Menschikoff to Constantinople to make peremptory requisitions as to the Holy Places.
In the meanwhile, the Czar had made confidential overtures to Sir Hamilton Seymour, the British Ambassador at St Petersburg, representing the Sultan as a very "sick man," and suggesting that, on the dissolution of his Empire, a concerted disposal of the Turkish dominions should be made by England and Russia; these conversations were reported at once to the British Government. Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, who had been sent to represent British interests at Constantinople, arrived there after Prince Menschikoff, and a settlement of the disputes as to the Holy Places was then easily effected, Lord Stratford insisting on this question being kept independent of any other issue. But Prince Menschikoff had come to the conference with instructions to keep an ulterior object in view, namely, to advance a claim, by means of a strained interpretation of the Treaty of Kainardji of 1774, of a Russian protectorate over the Christiansubjects of the Sultan. Influenced by Lord Stratford, the Porte rejected the claim, and, in retaliation, the Czar occupied the Danubian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, characterising the step not as an act of war, but a material guarantee of Russia's just rights. The French Emperor, anxious to divert the attention of his subjects from domestic politics, was making preparations for war; and similar preparations were also being made in England.
Negotiations took place between the Powers with a view of averting war, and a document known as the Vienna Note, to which Great Britain and France were parties, and which Russia accepted, was proffered to the Sultan: again Lord Stratford interposed to prevent its acceptance, and, when the Russian Government subsequently announced its own interpretation of the Note, it was apparent that the Western Powers had been mistaken as to its purport.
An Ultimatum, requiring the evacuation of the Principalities, was sent by the Porte to Russia and rejected: war broke out, and the first encounter at Oltenitza, on the 4th of November, resulted in favour of Turkey. Meanwhile both the British and French fleets had been sent to the East, and, on the declaration of war, the British Admiral was instructed to take any action he thought fit to prevent Russian aggression on Turkish territory. On the 30th of November the Turkish Fleet in Sinope Harbour was destroyed by the Russian squadron, this occurrence provoking profound indignation in England, though it had been urged both within the Cabinet and outside that the despatch of the combined Western Fleets through the Dardanelles was more likely to appear as a defiance to Russia than a support to Turkey.
Earlier in the year Lord Aberdeen had desired to retire, but enquiry soon disclosed that Lord John Russell no longer had the influence necessary to form a Ministry, and in the face of danger Lord Aberdeen remained at his post. But there were sharp dissensions in the Cabinet, especially between Lord Palmerston, representing the anti-Russian party, on the one hand, and on the other Lord Aberdeen, who distrusted the Turks, and Mr Gladstone, who disavowed any obligation to uphold the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. In December, Lord Palmerston resigned office, the ostensible reason being his opposition to the contemplated Reform Bill of the Government. The real cause was his opinion that apathy was being shown by his colleagues in reference to the Eastern Question; however, after arrangements had been made for replacing him, he was, at his own desire, re-admitted to the Cabinet.
Windsor Castle,4th January 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—... Our new Government will really, I think, command a large support, and, I trust, be of duration, which is a great object. Their only difficulty will be the Budget.
The coldness and tardiness of the Northern Powers in recognisingournewbon Frèreannoys him very much, and produces a bad effect in France. I don't think it is wise. Unnecessary irritation may producerealmischief. To squabble abouthowto call him, after having praised and supported him after theCoup d'État, seems to me verykleinlichand inconsistent, and I think our conduct throughout has been much more dignified....
I have read with pleasure the loyal addresses of the Chambers, and with peculiar satisfaction the allusion to Leopold's visit to England. Let him and Philippe come here often and regularly, and let them study this country and her lawsà fond—it will do them more good than all the studying and reading in the world. They all three express most warmly to us their hopes of returning to us soon. Do let us have the hope of seeing you in February. It would be delightful!... I must now wish you good-bye. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
HEADMASTERSHIP OF ETON
London,9th January 1853.
... Lord Aberdeen also begs to mention to your Majesty that he saw Dr Hawtrey yesterday and in signifying your Majesty's gracious intentions1towards him, took an opportunityof expressing in very strong terms the great importance of the choice of his successor as Headmaster of Eton, and described the requisite qualifications for such a situation, as well as the objections to which some appointments might be liable. Lord Aberdeen was perfectly understood by Dr Hawtrey, although no name was mentioned; and the subject was regarded as being of the utmost importance, not only to the school itself, but to the nation at large.
Footnote 1: Dr E. C. Hawtrey was advanced to the Provostship of Eton upon the death of the Rev. Francis Hodgson. Dr C. O. Goodford succeeded to the Headmastership.
MARRIAGE OF EMPEROR NAPOLEON
Rue de Varennes 65,31st January 1853.
Dearest Madame,—I fear that I shall not be able to add much to the newspaper account of yesterday's ceremony,2for it was one the impression of which is best conveyed by a simple and accurate description of the scene, and of those arrangements and details which combined to render its effect gorgeous and dazzling. Apart, however, from the historical interest attached to it as one of the very curious acts of the extraordinary Drama now enacting in France, the impression produced was one that would be called forth by a magnificent theatrical representation, and little more. This seemed to be the public feeling, for though multitudes thronged the streets, the day being dry, they appeared to be animated by curiosity chiefly, and thatsobercuriosity which now characterises the people of Paris, wearied as they are ofnoveltyand excitement. As far as one can judge, it does not seem that the lower orders take much interest in this marriage; the ambition and vanity ofhispartisans have been wounded by it, and, of course, his enemies do not scruple to calumniate and slander the unfortunate object of his choice disgracefully.
It is very difficult to ascertain anything like truth as regards her, but her beauty and engaging manners will, it is thought by many, gain for her, for a time at least, a greater amount of popularity than his friends who now blame the marriage expect. That he is passionately in love with her no one doubts, and his countenance on late occasions, as well as yesterday, wore a radiant and joyous expression very unusual. She, on the contrary, showed a considerable amount of nervousnessat the Civil Marriage, and was as pale as death yesterday—however, even with the high and determined spirit she is supposed to have, this might be expected. Lady Cowley had been kind enough to send us an invitation, of which we were tempted to avail ourselves.3Nothing could be more splendid than the decorations of the Cathedral—velvet and ermine—gold and silver—flags and hangings of all colours were combined and harmonised with the splendid costumes of the Clergy, the uniforms, civil and military, and the magnificent dresses of the ladies. The greatest mistake was theconflictof lights—the windows not having been darkened, though countless thousands of wax candles were lighted. The music was very fine.... The object of our neighbours seemed to be to scan and criticise the dress of the Bride, and the wonderful penetration and accuracy of their eagle glances was to us something incredible! Certainly, though unable ourselves at such a distance to appreciate the details of her dress or the expression of her countenance, we saw her distinctly enough to be able to say that a more lovelycoup d'œilcould not be conceived. Her beautifully chiselled features and marble complexion, her noblyset-on head, her exquisitely proportioned figure and graceful carriage were most striking, and the whole was like a Poet's Vision! I believe she is equally beautiful when seen close, but at a distance at which we saw her the effect was something more than that of a lovely picture, it was aerial, ideal. On the classically shaped head she wore a diamond crown or diadem, round her waist a row of magnificent diamonds to correspond, and the same as trimming round the "basques" of her gown. Then a sort of cloud or mist of transparent lace enveloped her, which had the effect of that for which, when speaking of the hills in Scotland, Princess Hohenlohe could find no English word, "Duft." I hope your Royal Highness will not think me very much carried by what pleases the eye. I felt all the while that one could view the matter but as an outside show; as such, in as far as she was concerned, it was exquisitely beautiful—and I suppose that a sort of national prejudice made me attribute the grace and dignity of the scene, for what there was of either came from her, to the blood ofKirkpatrick!!!
The carriages were ugly and the Procession by no means fine, and those in which the Bridal party afterwards travelled to St Cloud, were driven by individuals in the famous theatrical costume of the well-known "Postillon de Longjumeau!"4
Footnote 2: The Emperor of the French was married to Mademoiselle Eugénie de Montijo on the 29th of January. William Kirkpatrick, her maternal grandfather, had been a merchant and American Consul at Malaga, and had there married Françoise de Grivegnéc. Their third daughter, Maria Manuela, married, in 1817, the Count de Téba, a member of an illustrious Spanish family, who in 1834 succeeded his brother as Count de Montijo, and died in 1839. His widow held an influential social position at Madrid, and her elder daughter married the Duke of Alba in 1844, while she herself, with Eugénie, her younger daughter, settled in Paris in 1851.
Footnote 3: Lord Cowley had been specifically instructed by the Government to attend the marriage and be presented to the Empress.
Footnote 4: A comic opera, written by Adolphe Adam, and performed at Paris in 1836.
THE EMPRESS
Laeken,4th February 1853.
My dearest Victoria,—Receive my best thanks for your gracious letter of the 1st. Since I wrote to youle grand événement a eu lieu!We truly live in times where at least variety is not wanting; the only mischief is that like drunkards people want more and more excitement, and it therefore will probably end by what remains the most exciting of all—War. Amusing and interesting war is, it must be confessed, more than anything in the world, and that makes me think that it must be the bouquet when people will beblaséof everything else. I enclose a letter from our Secretary of Legation at Madrid, Baron Beyens, who married a great friend of the Queen, Mademoiselle de Santa Cruz, and is muchau faitof all things that interest the public just now. It seems by what I learned from Paris that the Empress communicated to a friend a communication ofson cher épouxwhen she expressed her sense of her elevation to such eminence; as it may interest you and Albert, I will make an extract of it here: "Vous ne me parlez, ma chère enfant, que des avantages de la position que je vous offre, mais mon devoir est de vous signaler aussi ses dangers; ils sont grands, je serai sans doute à vos côtés l'objet de plus d'une tentative d'assassinat; indépendamment de cela, je dois vous confier que des complots sérieux se fomentent dans l'armée. J'ai l'œil ouvert de ce côté et je compte bien d'une manière ou d'autre prévenir toute explosion; le moyen serapeut-être la guerre. Là encore il y a de grandes chances de ruine pour moi. Vous voyez donc bien que vous ne devez pas avoir de scrupules pour partager mon sort, les mauvaises chances étant peut-être égales aux bonnes!"
I was sorry to hear of Lord Melbourne's,i.e., Beauvale's, death. I knew him since 1814, and found him always very kind. For poor Lady Melbourne, who devoted herself so much, it is a sad blow. We are longing for a little cold, but it does not come though we have some east wind. I am held back in some of themost essentialmeasures for the defence of the country by the tricks of the Chamber. I see that the Manchester party shines in unusual Bright-ness and Cobden-ness by a degress of absurdity never as yet heard of. In the American War the Quakers refused to fight; they did not besides like the extremities the States had gone to against the mother country; but not to defend its own country against probable invasion is truly too much.
Pray have the goodness to give my best love to Albert, and believe me, ever my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Windsor Castle,8th February 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you for two most kind letters of the 4th and 7th (which I have just received) with very interesting enclosures, which shall be duly returned. The little report of what the Emperor said to the Empress is very curious, and tallies with what I have also heard of his thinking much more of the insecurity of his position than he used to do. The description of the young Empress's character is an interesting one, and also agrees with what I had heard from those who know her well. It may be in her power to do much good—and I hope she may. Her character is made to captivate a man, I should say—particularly one like the Emperor.
I am sorry that you have had trouble with your Parliament. Ours begins its work on Thursday. The accounts of the support which our Government will receive are most satisfactory, and the Cabinet is most harmonious.... Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
THE CZAR AND TURKEY
London,8th February 1853.
... Lord John Russell read at the Cabinet a despatch received from your Majesty's Minister at St Petersburg, giving an account of an interview with the Emperor, at which His Majesty appeared to expect an early dissolution of the Turkish Empire, and proposed in such a case to act in perfect concert with the British Government. Lord John also read the rough draft of a proposed answer to this despatch, which, with slight alterations, was fully approved.5
Lord Aberdeen does not think there is anything very new in this demonstration by the Emperor. It is essentially the same language he has held for some years, although, perhaps, the present difficulties of Turkey may have rendered him more anxious on the subject....
Footnote 5:SeeIntroductory Note,p. 431. The Emperor had, no doubt, misunderstood the attitude of the British Ministry in 1844 on this subject, and regarded Lord Aberdeen as in full sympathy with himself.
THE LEADERSHIP
Chesham Place,12th February 1853.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has waited till to-day in order to be able to give some account of the appearance of the House of Commons.
Lord John Russell's statement of measures to be proposed was well received, but as it did not contain reform was a disappointment to a part of the House. Mr Walpole spoke privately to Lord John Russell as to his future position in leading the Government in the House of Commons without office. Mr Walpole said it was neither illegal nor unconstitutional, but might prove inconvenient as a precedent.
The Speaker said in conversation there was clearly noconstitutionalobjection, but that the leadership of the House was so laborious that an office without other duties ought to be assigned to it....
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S DEFENCE
Windsor Castle,13th February 1853.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday, and was very glad to hear that he considers the aspect of the House of Commons as favourable to the Government.
Lord John alludes for the first time in his letter to a question on which the Queen has not hitherto expressed her opinion to him personally, viz., how far the proposed new arrangement of Lord John's holding the leadership of the House of Commons without office was constitutional or not?6Her opinion perfectly agrees with that expressed by Mr Walpole to Lord John. If the intended arrangement wereundoubtedly illegalit would clearly never have been contemplated at all; but it may prove adangerous precedent.
The Queen would have been quite prepared to give the proposition of the Speaker "that the leadership of the House of Commons was so laborious, that an Office without other duties ought to be assigned to it," her fullest and fairest consideration, upon its merits and its constitutional bearings, which ought to have been distinctly set forth before her by her constitutional advisers for her final and unfettered decision.
What the Queen complains of, and, as she believes with justice, is, that so important an innovation in the construction of the executive Government should have been practically decided upon by an arrangement intended to meet personal wants under peculiar and accidental circumstances, leaving the Queen the embarrassing alternative only, either to forego the exercise of her own prerogative, or to damage by her own act theformationorstabilityof the new Government, both of paramount importance to the welfare of the Country.
Footnote 6: Seeante, pp.417,421.
Chesham Place,13th February 1853.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He cannot forbear from vindicating himself from the charge of forming or being party to an arrangement "intended to meet personal wants under peculiar and accidental circumstances, leaving the Queen the embarrassing alternative only, either to forego the exercise of her own prerogative, or to damage by her own act theformationorstabilityof the new Government—both of paramount importance to the welfare of the Country."
Lord John Russell has done all in his power to contribute to the formation of a Ministry in which he himself holds a subordinate situation, from which nearly all his dearest political friends are excluded, and which is held by some to extinguish the party which for eighteen years he has led.
He has done all this in order that your Majesty and the Country might not be exposed to the evil of a weak Ministry liable to be overthrown at any moment, formed whether by Lord Derby, or by himself at the head of one party only.
But in consenting to this arrangement he was desirous to maintain his honour intact, and for this purpose he asked before the Ministry was formed for the honour of an Audience of your Majesty, that he might explain all the circumstances of his position.
This Audience was not granted, and Lord John Russell has never been in a situation to explain to your Majesty why he believes that his leading the House of Commons without office is not liable to any constitutional objection.
The Speaker and Mr Walpole both concur that no constitutional objection to this arrangement exists, but should your Majesty wish to see the arguments briefly stated by which Lord John Russell has been convinced, he should be happy to be allowed to lay them before your Majesty.
THE REFUGEE QUESTION
25th February 1853.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly begs to state that Count Colloredo7called upon him this afternoon.... Count Colloredo then said that he had another and more disagreeable subject to discuss with Lord Clarendon. He commenced by reading a note from Count Buol8complaining bitterly of the refugees, and themanner in which they abused the hospitality afforded them in this country, and attributing in great measure to the proclamations of Kossuth and Mazzini the late insurrection at Milan, and the attempt on the Emperor's life.9This note expressed a hope and belief that some measure would at once be adopted by your Majesty's Government to remove the just complaints of Allied Governments, and intimated that should this hope not bespontaneouslyrealised some measures on the part of those Governments would become necessary for their own protection as well as to mark their sense of the wrong done to them by England.
Lord Clarendon said that your Majesty's Government were as indignant as that of Austria could be at the disgraceful abuse of the protection afforded to these refugees; but he could hold out no hope of any legislation for the purpose of sending them out of the country.
Count Colloredo did not disguise his annoyance and disappointment at this, and seemed to attribute it to want of goodwill on the part of your Majesty's Government, which he felt sure would have the support of public opinion in proposing such a measure as his Government desired.
The discussion became rather warm, and Lord Clarendon thought it right to remark that too much importance might be given to these proclamations and too little to the causes which at home might lead the subjects of Austria to manifest their discontent by revolutionary outbreaks, nor could we conceal from ourselves that the complaints about the refugees were occasionally directed against the free institutions which gave them protection, and that we were not always viewed with favour as presenting the single but prosperous exception to that system of government which otherwise would now almost be uniform in Europe.10
Footnote 7: Austrian Ambassador.
Footnote 8: Austrian Prime Minister.
Footnote 9: Kossuth and Mazzini were in England, prosecuting their schemes against Austria; the Austrian Government attributed to them the Milanese rising, and the recent attempt to assassinate the Emperor Francis Joseph at Vienna.
Footnote 10: The Refugee Question was debated in the House of Lords on the 4th of March.
Buckingham Palace,9th March 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter, and the reports on the Militia which she returns, having marked several parts in them which show an absence of the most important requisites. Already in October the Queen observed upon thewant of arms for the Militia, and was invariably answered that they would be immediately provided. But by these reports this seems still not to be the case.
PRINCE MENSCHIKOFF
Laeken,18th March 1853.
My Dearest Victoria,—Receive my best thanks for your gracious letter of the 15th. I trust that the bitter cold weather we have now again will not displease you. I fear Albert's heavy cold will not be the better by the east wind which makes one shiver. I am thunderstruck by a telegraph despatch from Marseilles of the 17th, which declares that Prince Menschikoff has not succeeded, and has therefore given orders for the Russian fleet to come to Constantinople.11Heaven grant that these news may not be true, though bad news generally turn out correct. I am so sorry to see the Emperor Nicholas, who had been so wise and dignified since 1848, become so very unreasonable. In Austria they are still a good deal excited. One can hardly feel astonished considering circumstances; I trust that reflection may induce them to modify their measures. The Italian Nobles have shown themselves great fools by acting as they have done, and thereby giving an opening to social revolution. By some accident we have been within these few days well informed of some of the movements of the good people that enjoy an asylum in England. Kossuth is now the great director and favourite, and Republics are everywhere to spring up, till he (Kossuth) is to be again Dictator or Emperor somewhere.... Europe will never recover that shock of 1848.
My dearest Victoria, your truly devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 11:SeeIntroductory Note,ante, pp.431-2.
THE "HOLY PLACES"
London,22nd March 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He encloses a letter from Lord Cowley, which shows a considerable degree of irritation on the part of the French Government, and of embarrassment in consequence of the rash step they have taken in ordering the departure of their fleet from Toulon to the Greek Waters.12If no catastrophe should takeplace at Constantinople, as Lord Aberdeen hopes and believes, this irritation will probably subside, and they may find us useful in assisting them to escape from their difficulty with respect to the "Holy Places."
Lord Aberdeen has seen the Instructions of Prince Menschikoff, which relate exclusively to the claims of the Greek Church at Jerusalem; and although these conditions may humiliate Turkey, and wound the vanity of France, there is nothing whatever to justify the reproach of territorial aggression, or hostile ambition. If the Turkish Government, relying upon the assistance of England and France, should remain obstinate, the affair might become serious; but even then, Lord Aberdeen is convinced that no final step will be taken by the Emperor, without previous communication to England.
Much depends upon the personal character of Prince Menschikoff. If he can command himself sufficiently to wait for the arrival of Lord Stratford, Lord Aberdeen does not doubt that the matter will be settled, without coming to extremities....
Footnote 12: Even before the Conference met, Menschikoff's overbearing conduct and demeanour had induced Napoleon to despatch the French Fleet from Toulon to Salamis, to watch events.
THE CZAR CONCILIATORY
Windsor Castle,23rd March 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday, and returns Lord Cowley's. Everything appears to her to depend upon the real nature of the demands made by Russia, and the Queen was therefore glad to hear from Lord Aberdeen that he found nothing in Prince Menschikoff's instructions to justify the reproach of territorial aggression or hostile ambition. Still the mode of proceeding at Constantinople is not such as would be resorted to towards a "sick friend for whose life there exists much solicitude." This ought clearly to be stated to Baron Brunnow, in the Queen's opinion.
The two Drafts to Sir H. Seymour and Lord Cowley struck the Queen as very temperate, conciliatory, and dignified.
29th March 1853.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly begs to state that he had this afternoon a satisfactory interview with the French Ambassador, who told him that the Emperor had to a certain extent been deceived upon the Eastern Question, and that he had given his decision withoutfully considering the matter in all its bearings. But that he had since viewed it in a different light, and had so far recognised the propriety of the course adopted by your Majesty's Government, that if the sailing order had not been improperly published in theMoniteurthe French Fleet should not have quitted Toulon.
Count Walewski further stated thatthe Personswho had thus advised the Emperor, finding that their views were not supported by facts as they hoped, had endeavoured to throw the blame upon England and to show that France had been abandoned and Russia preferred by your Majesty's Government, and that hence had arisen the want of cordiality and good feeling with respect to which Lord Clarendon some days ago spoke to Count Walewski. He, however, assured Lord Clarendon that all this had now passed away, and that the Emperor was as anxious as ever for a good understanding with England, and particularly upon all matters connected with the East. Lord Clarendon expressed great satisfaction that this momentary difference between the two Governments should beat anend.
Count Walewski in confidence requested Lord Clarendon to impress upon Lord Cowley the necessity of often seeing the Emperor, and not trusting to the Minister, when any question of difficulty arose.
Count Walewski said the Emperor was particularly anxious that your Majesty should know that the liberation of the Madiai13was owing to the interference which the French Legation had been instructed by the Emperor to use in their behalf.
Footnote 13: Two persons, husband and wife, domiciled in Florence, who had embraced the English reformed religion. In 1852 they were seized, imprisoned in separate dungeons, and subjected to great hardships. Lords Shaftesbury and Roden went to Florence and appealed to the Grand Duke on their behalf, but were unsuccessful. In March 1853, however, after the British Government had interposed, the two were released, a pension being provided for them by public subscription.
Windsor Castle,29th March 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you very much for your kind letter of the 25th....
I hope that the Oriental Question will be satisfactorily settled. From all the confidential reports we have received from the Emperor of Russia, I think I may safely say that though he has treated the Sultan rather overbearingly and roughly, there isnoalteration in his views—andno wish whateveron his part to appropriate Constantinople or any of those parts to himself—though he does not wish us, or France or Austriaor Greece, to have it either. But he thinks the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire very imminent, which I really think is not the case. The Russians accuse us (as we have preached moderation) of being too French—and the French of being too Russian!....
Now with Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Windsor Castle,30th March 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter with great satisfaction. We are now reaping the fruits of an honest and straightforward conduct, and the Queen hopes Lord Clarendon will likewise in all future cases of difficulty arrest the mischief, sure to arise from a continuance of mutual suspicion between this Country and any Power, by at once entering upon full and unreserved explanations, on the first symptoms of distrust.
As the Emperor deserves great credit, if he really caused the liberation of the Madiai, the Queen wishes Lord Clarendon to express to Count Walewski her feelings on this subject.
THE CZAR'S LETTER
Monseigneur,—J'allais Vous adresser mes félicitations sincères pour l'heureuse délivrance de Sa Majesté la Reine, quand Votre aimable lettre est venue me prévenir.14Veuillez donc, Monseigneur, être persuadé, que c'est avec grande joie, que ma femme et moi, nous avons appris cet heureux événement, et j'ose aussi vous prier de déposer aux pieds de Sa Majesté mes humbles hommages et félicitations. Je me flatte n'avoir pas besoin de Vous assurer tous deux, Monseigneur, de toute la sincérité des sentiments d'affection que je Vous porte. Cette fois j'ose y joindre mes remercîments bien sentis à Sa Majesté la Reine, pour l'indulgence et l'attention qu'Elle a daigné prêter aux communications dont j'avais chargé directement Sir Hamilton Seymour, qui a le mérite seul d'avoir sutransmettre mes intentions avec une fidélité et une exactitude parfaites.
Je crois que dans peu Sa Majesté la Reine sera dans le cas de se persuader, queSon sincère et fidèle amil'a prévenue à temps de ce qu'il prévoyait devoir infailliblement arriver; non certes dans l'intention d'être unprophète de mauvais augure, mais dans la conviction intime, que ce n'est que la confiance la plus intime, la plus complette et la plus parfaitte identité de vues entre Sa Majesté et Son très humble serviteur, c. à. d. entre l'Angleterre et la Russie, que peuvent commander aux événements et conjurer de terribles catastrophes!
Maintenant nous nous entendons, et je m'en remets à Dieu pour tout ce qui doit arriver.
C'est avec la plus haute considération et la plus sincère amitié que je serais, toujours, Monseigneur, de Votre Altesse Royale le tout dévoué Cousin,
Nicolas.
Footnote 14: The fourth son of the Queen and Prince, afterwards Duke of Albany, was born on the 7th of April at Buckingham Palace.
BIRTH OF PRINCE LEOPOLD
Buckingham Palace,18th April 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—My first letter isthistime, as last time, addressed to you; last time it was because dearest Louise, to whom the first had heretofore always been addressed, was with me—alas!now, she is no longer amongst us! I can report very favourably of myself, for I have never been better or stronger or altogether more comfortable.
Stockmar will have told you thatLeopoldis to be the name of our fourth young gentleman. It is a mark of love and affection which I hope you will not disapprove. It is a name which is the dearest to me after Albert, and one which recalls the almostonlyhappy days of my sad childhood; to hear "Prince Leopold" again, will make me think of all those days! His other names will be George Duncan Albert, and the Sponsors, the King of Hanover, Ernest Hohenlohe, the Princess of Prussia and Mary Cambridge.
George is after the King of Hanover, and Duncan as a compliment to dear Scotland.... Ever your devoted Niece and Child,
Victoria R.
MR GLADSTONE'S BUDGET
Chesham Place,19th April 1853.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is happy to say that Mr Gladstone's statement last nightwas one of the most powerful financial speeches ever made in the House of Commons.15
Mr Pitt in the days of his glory might have been more imposing, but he could not have been more persuasive.
Lord John Russell is very sanguine as to the success of the plan, both in the House of Commons and in the country.
Footnote 15: Mr Gladstone's Budget imposed a duty for the first time on the succession to real property; he retained the Income Tax for two years longer, at its then rate of sevenpence in the pound on incomes above £150, and extended it, at the rate of fivepence in the pound, to incomes between £100 and £150. Ireland was made subject to the tax, but received relief in other directions. Remissions of indirect taxes were also made, and one of these, the repeal of the Advertisement Duty, was carried against the Government.
Buckingham Palace,19th April 1853.
My dear Mr Gladstone,—I must write to you a line in order to congratulate you on your success of last night. I have just completed a close and careful perusal of your speech, which I admire extremely, and I have heard from all sides that the effect it has produced is very good. Trusting that your Christian humility will not allow you to become dangerously elated, I cannot resist sending you the report which Lord John Russell made to the Queen for your perusal; knowing that it will give you pleasure, and that these are the best rewards which a public man can look for. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Downing Street,19th April 1853.
Sir,—I have to offer my most humble and grateful thanks to Her Majesty for graciously allowing me to know the terms in which Lord John Russell's kindness allowed him to describe the statement made by me last night in the House of Commons; and to your Royal Highness for the letter which your Royal Highness had been pleased to address to me.
The reception which you, Sir, gave to my explanation on the 9th instant of the propositions I had to submit to the Cabinet, was one of the first and best omens of their favourable fortune.
As a Servant of the Crown, deeply sharing in that attachment which all servants of Her Majesty must feel both to her Throne and Person, I venture to hope that the propositions of the Government declared through me, are in accordance with our faith and loyalty to Her Majesty.