To Gen. Pedro Menendez de Avilez, Knight of the Order of Santiago, and our Governor of the Province of Florida:
To Gen. Pedro Menendez de Avilez, Knight of the Order of Santiago, and our Governor of the Province of Florida:
Know—Having understood that from the Kingdoms of France and England many war vessels have been sent out with a great number of sailors and soldiers, with intent of going to that Province, and that now again they are arming and equipping vessels for the same purpose at Havre de Grace and other Ports of said Kingdoms of France and England. And that you may do everything to defend yourselves and capture the Forts they have built and thrust them from the land, that you may hold it in peace. You might overlook the damage they have done to navigation. We have arranged for and ordered 1,500 infantrymen to join you and those you have with you and we send them with the fleet and also all the necessaries—and we have provided as Captain-General of the fleet Captain Sancho de Archimiaga, an expert and experienced man of the sea, ordering him to go to said Province, and in joining you, it gives you protection by sea aswell as by land. Your flag alone must float, as our Captain-General, and all undertakings must be done under your flag. And for all enterprises to be undertaken by land we have appointed a Field Marshal and five Captains to be under him, and that both they and the infantry are to be directly under you as our Captain-General and Governor, because this is our will, and we have expressly ordered it. That your person must be carefully guarded. With your experience both by land and sea we are perfectly satisfied, still, that you may the better succeed, and that there may be conformity and good will, as it is important, affairs that between you and said Captain Archimiaga and Field Marshal and the other Captains accompanying him as they are men of much experience in war. It is our will, and so we order you, that in all things occurring on sea as well as on land concerning the war, you will call these Captains and consult with them, more especially Captain Archimiaga and the Field Marshal—that in this way alone must you decide upon questions of war—because thus it suits us and our service. That I trust in them to look into matters and provide all that is deemed advisable in such undertakings—and they will follow and obey you as our Captain-General. Let it be in such a way that there be good will and intelligence between you—no dissensions or quarrels, which would be a great drawback, but that you will proceed with mildness and consideration, as I feel assured you will, proceeding to free those lands, and give no quarters to the enemy to take root in them—and if it were possible, and there should be no notable inconvenience, you divide the fleet. Captain Juan Zurita and his company ofArtillery go with the Infantry, as you will see. Of their success you will see to it, and give an account.
Philip II.
Madrid, September 8th, 1565.
A. D. 1565.
Menendez reports that his army escapes from being made prisoners by the French on account of a tornado—The Council agree to make a land attack, the river being too much swollen for their transports—The Spaniards surprise and take Fort Matanzas without the loss of a single man, killing over two hundred Frenchmen and capturing Laudonnier—The Indians enchanted with the Lutherans—Shipwrecked Frenchmen found on the coast—With their hands tied behind them they are stabbed in the back by the Spaniards.
Menendez reports that his army escapes from being made prisoners by the French on account of a tornado—The Council agree to make a land attack, the river being too much swollen for their transports—The Spaniards surprise and take Fort Matanzas without the loss of a single man, killing over two hundred Frenchmen and capturing Laudonnier—The Indians enchanted with the Lutherans—Shipwrecked Frenchmen found on the coast—With their hands tied behind them they are stabbed in the back by the Spaniards.
I wrote to your Majesty from aboard the galleon San Salvador on September 11th, this being the day she left Port. The duplicate of the letter goes in this, and later on will send the other. While I was on the Bar in a sloop with two small boats with artillery and ammunition there came upon us four French galleons which had run us down with two or three small vessels to prevent us from landing here. Taking the artillery and provisions, although the weather was not propitious for crossing the Bar, I preferred to take the chances rather than surrender myself and one hundred and fifty persons, who were with me, into their power. Our Lord miraculously saved us. The tide was low, there being only one and a half scant fathoms of water on the bar, and theirvessel required one and a half long fathoms. They saw we had escaped them, as they spoke asking me to surrender, to have no fear. They then turned to search for the galleon, thinking we could not escape them. Two days out a heavy storm and tornado overtook them. It seemed to me they could not return to their Fort, running too great a risk of being lost, and to return to capture us they would have to bring a larger force and of the best they had. Thinking that their Fort would remain weak and it was the right time to capture it I called a council of the captains, who agreed with me, and decided to attack the fort by land. I therefore took five hundred men, the three hundred arquebusiers, the rest pikemen, and with these few, taking our knapsacks and putting in each six pounds of biscuit and a measure of one and a half gallons of wine, with our arms and ammunition; each Captain and soldier—I was among the first setting the example, carrying this food and arms on my back. Not knowing the way, we hoped to get there in two days, it being distant about eight leagues or so, as we were told by two Indians who went with us as guides. Leaving this Fort of St. Augustine in the order above described and with determination on the eighteenth of September, we found the rivers so swollen from the copious rains that it was impossible to ford them and we were obliged to take a circuitous route which had never been used before through swamp and unknown roads to avoid the rivers.
After walking until nine or ten o’clock at night, on the morning of the twentieth, which is the feast of San Mateo, we arrived in sight of the Fort. Having offered prayers to the Blessed Lord and His HolyMother, supplicating them to give us victory over these Lutherans, it was agreed that with twenty ladders, which we carried, to assail the Fort. His Divine Majesty had mercy upon us and guided us in such a way that without losing one man and with only one injured (who is now well), we took the Fort with all it contained, killing about two hundred and thirty men, the other ten we took as prisoners to the forest. Among them were many noblemen, one who was Governor and Judge, called Monsieur Laudonnier, a relative of the French Admiral, and who had been his steward. This Laudonnier escaped to the woods and was pursued by one of the soldiers who wounded him, and we know not what has become of him, as he and the others escaped by swimming out to two small boats of the three vessels that were opposite the Fort, with about fifty or sixty persons. I sent them a cannonade and call of the trumpet to surrender themselves, vessels and arms. They refused, so with the artillery found in the Fort we sunk one vessel, the others taking up the men went down the river where they had two other vessels anchored laden with provisions, being of the seven sent from France, and which had not yet been unloaded. It did not seem to me right to leave the Fort and pursue them until I had repaired three boats we found in the Fort. The Indians notified them of our actions. As they were so few they took the two best and strongest vessels and sank the other. In three days they had fled. Being informed of this by the Indians, I did not pursue them. Later from the Fort they wrote me that about twenty Frenchmen had appeared in the forest with no clothing but a shirt, and many of them werewounded. It was believed that Monsieur Laudonnier was among them. I have sent word that they make every effort to capture them and bring them to justice. In the Fort were found, among women, creatures and children under fifteen years of age, about fifty persons. It causes me deep sorrow to see them among my people on account of their horrid religious sect, and I fear our Lord would punish me should I use cruelty with them. Eight or ten of the boys were born here.
These French have many friends among the Indians, who show much feeling at their loss, especially for two or three teachers of their hateful doctrine which they taught to the Indian chiefs, who followed them as the Apostles did our Lord. It is a thing of admiration to see how these Lutherans enchanted the poor savage people. I shall use every means to gain the good will of these Indians who were such friends to the French, and there is no reason why I should break with them, and if I can live with them at peace it will be well; they are such traitors, thieves and drunkards, that it is almost impossible to do so. These chiefs and the Indians, their enemies, all show friendship towards me, which I return and shall continue, unless their depredations increase that I may have to do otherwise.
On the 28th of September the Indians notified me that many Frenchmen were about six leagues from here on the coast, that they had lost their vessels and escaped by swimming and in boats. Taking fifty soldiers I was with them next morning at daylight, and, leaving my men in ambush, I took one with me to the banks of the river, because they were on oneside and I on the other bank. I spoke to them, told them I was Spanish; they said they were French. They asked me to come over to them either alone or with my partner, the river being narrow. I replied that we did not know how to swim, but that they could safely come to us. They agreed to do so, and sent a man of some intellect, master of a boat, who carefully related to me how they had left their Fort with four galleons and eight small vessels, that each carried twenty-four oars with four hundred picked soldiers and two hundred marines and John Ribaut as General and Monsieur LeGrange, who was General of the Infantry, and other good captains, soldiers and gentlemen, with the intention of finding me on the sea, and if I attempted to land, to land their people on the small boats and capture me. That if they had wanted to land they could easily have done so, but they had not dared and wanted to return to their Fort. That they were overtaken by a hurricane and tempest and were wrecked about twenty or twenty-five leagues from here. That of the four hundred only forty had survived; that the others had perished or were killed by the Indians. That fifty were carried prisoners by the Indians; that John Ribaut with his captain were anchored five leagues from there in the swamp without trees, and he had in the vessel with him two hundred persons, more or less, and they believed them to have perished with all the artillery and ammunition, which was a great deal and good. Part of it was with John Ribaut and what they had, was certainly lost. They were saved, and he asked for himself and companions safe passage to their Fort, since they were not at war with the Spaniards. Ithen told him how we had taken their Fort and hung all those we found in it, because they had built it without your Majesty’s permission and because they were scattering the odious Lutheran doctrine in these Provinces, and that I had war to fire and blood, as Governor and Captain-General of these Provinces, against all those who came to sow this hateful doctrine; representing to him that I came by order of your Majesty to place the Gospel in these parts and to enlighten the natives in all that the Holy Church of Rome says and does so as to save their souls. That I would not give them passage; rather would I follow them by sea and land until I had taken their lives. He begged to be allowed to go with this embassy and that he would return at night swimming, if I would grant him his life. I did so to show him that I was in earnest and because he could enlighten me on many subjects. Immediately after his return to his companions there came a gentleman, a lieutenant of Monsieur Laudonnier, a man well versed and cunning to tempt me. After much talk he offered to give up their arms if I would grant their lives. I told him he could surrender the arms and give themselves up to my mercy, that I might do with them that which our Lord ordered. More than this he could not get from me, and that God did not expect more of me. Thus he returned and they came to deliver up their arms. I had their hands tied behind them and had them stabbed to death, leaving only sixteen, twelve being great big men, mariners whom they had stolen, the other four master carpenters and caulkers—people for whom we have much need, and it seemed to me to punish them in this manner would be servingGod, our Lord, and your Majesty. Hereafter they will leave us free to plant the Gospel, enlighten the natives, and bring them to obedience and submission of your Majesty. The lands being extensive it will be well to make them work fifty years—besides, a good beginning makes a good end, so I have hopes in our Lord that in all He will grant me prosperity and success, so that I and my descendants may give to your Majesty those Kingdoms full and return the people Christians. My particular interest as I have written your Majesty is this: We are gaining great favor with the Indians and will be feared by them, although we make them many gifts.
Considering what John Ribaut had done, I find that within ten leagues of where he was anchored, three of the vessels of his company were lost; whether they were lost or not, they would have landed the people, unloaded what supplies they could, employed themselves in getting out the brass artillery and the upright posts and tackle, if not lost, of the three vessels, rig themselves as best they could, and if the vessel he was on was not lost he will make every effort to come by sea. Should he do so I await him, and with the help of God, he will be lost. He might also go inland with one of the Casiques, his friend, who lives thirty leagues from here, and is very powerful. Should this be the case I will seek him there, because it is not convenient that he and his companions should remain alive. Should he come by sea to the Fort I have the entrance to the Bar mined with two savage canon and guns, so that should they succeed in making an entrance, we can sink them. A brigantine is kept in readiness to capture the people and I shalldo all in my power to prevent his escape. The things found in the Fort were only four pieces of brass of about five tons, the canon and guns which had come from France were dismounted and carried to the galleons when they went in search of me. There were found besides twenty-five bronze musket and as much as twenty tons of powder and ammunition for these pieces, about one hundred and sixty barrels of flour, twenty casks of wine. The balance of the supplies had not been unloaded, as they were hesitating whether they should fortify this Port, fearing I should land here, which I could easily have done. Since their arrival they had spent most of their time in debaucheries over the joy felt at the news they had received that northeast of Santa Elena was a range of mountains coming from the Zacatecas where there were great mines of silver. The Indians from those parts had brought them many pieces of silver to the amount of five and six thousand ducats. We found to the amount of three thousand ducats, more or less, in clothes and all kinds of valuables; some hogs, male and female; also sheep and asses; all this was ransacked by the soldiers; nothing escaped them. Besides the two vessels found in the Port we found two near the Bar and two others they had stolen from the Indians, loaded with hides. Of these they had drowned the crews and the cargo had been given to an English vessel to carry it and sell it in England or France, and there remained with them two Englishmen. The French had no mariners by whom to send these vessels. These two Englishmen were hung when the Fort was captured by us. The Englishmen by whom they sent the cargo arrived in port at the Fort wehave taken from them, the early part of August of this year, in a galleon of a thousand tons called the Queen of England, with three heavy tiers of artillery; all who saw her wondered and had never seen a vessel so heavily armed that drew so little water; the other three vessels were smaller. It was agreed between the English and French that as the French awaited help from France that Monsieur Ludovic, who was Governor here, should wait for them until the end of September; failing to return, he, Ludovic, was to go to France in search of them, and that by the month of April they would return with a large fleet, to await and capture the fleet of New Spain, which was forced to pass their Fort; that if aid came, for which they had written to France, they would advise the English who would come to this coast by the month of April. It was for this purpose that I found in the Fort a large vessel and seven small ones, and another five, one or two of which had been stolen, and the four they wished to send to France to have them equipped with men and provisions to join the English and themselves by April; that by that time John Ribaut would have returned and with the eight hundred men who remained he wished to go by January to Los Martyres, about twenty-five leagues from Havana, and there build a fort. They had reconnoitered and found it a very desirable port. This was agreed between them, and that before leaving France John Ribaut was to obtain the order that they should fortify Los Martyres, a strait by which no vessel could enter or depart without being sighted by them. To keep there always in readiness six vessels, it being the best sea in the world for them. That from there they would take Havana,free all the negroes; that they would then send to make the same offer to the Spanish of Porto Rico and all other colonies. All this information I gained from the skilful Frenchman to whom I granted life. They had with them six Portuguese pilots whom they hung when no longer needed; two others had been killed by the Indians, and two were with Ribaut. The river San Mateo, running by the Fort we captured, goes seventy leagues inland and turns to the southeast emptying into the bay of Juan Ponce, and from there to New Spain and the port of San Juan de Luca, where there is only upwards of fifty leagues. In the bay of Juan Ponce they thought next year to build a fort on account of its proximity to New Spain, distant a hundred and fifty leagues and about the same distance from Honduras and as many more from Yucatan, and where with their six vessels they could navigate with ease. On this river are three large Indian towns. The Indians are great friends of the French who have been there three times in search of corn. These French landed there in great need of supplies, having only enough to carry them eight days. Corn they found scarce and took it almost by force. The Indians themselves are great thieves—a poor but brave people. All the Indians are not more friendly to them than to us, and I will not consent to take a grain of corn from them, but prefer to give them of what I may have. I consider this country so vast and fertile and the danger from enemies and corsaires so great and that they can appropriate to themselves the land lying north of here near New Foundland, of which they are already lords, and can be sustained by them with ease. Everything should be done to aid meinstead of cutting me off, and your Majesty must be undeceived and know that I am much better able than your Majesty to enlarge and aggrandize these your Kingdoms. This Port is 29½ degrees, and the San Mateo which we captured is 31 degrees. The French and their pilots were mistaken. I have had it taken by the sun on land. From here to the Cape of Canaveral there are fifty leagues, three rivers, two ports between here and Havana, one hundred miles, more or less, which are navigable in boats among the keys of Canaveral and Los Martyres, and from there to Havana. I agree to take the good field pieces which we have captured from the French, and one hundred men go along the borders of the coast, the boats by sea, anchoring at night near land among the keys of Canaveral where the sea is as smooth as a river, with the boats they will be able to discover among the keys the best port and surroundings to build a fort. So that with the one in Havana and this one we can at all times guard against the enemy and their entering to fortify themselves. Nor should we expect fleets or boats of the Indians. With the people of Havana, Santo Domingo and Pedro de la Roda, whom I shall have to come to my assistance, I will have until the last of March to build it, then with these vessels go over to Havana and seek these people. Having discovered the Port, and on the arrival of Pedro de la Roda in Havana he will find his vessels which I do not propose to take out of that Port, also his men, so that he may return to Spain as strong as when he left there. That I shall place one hundred and fifty Spaniards in possession to guard against the Indians who are greatwarriors and whose good will we must gain. Then, by the 1st of April, I shall return to these two Forts, and in six or eight days I shall again take to the sea. By the month of March, leaving these two Forts well equipped and guarded each with three hundred men, I shall go in vessels that draw little water which I will soon have here, most of them the ones taken from the French. I will man as many as I can with five hundred soldiers and one hundred mariners, found a town at Santa Elena, which is fifty leagues from here, and has within three leagues of it three Ports and rivers, the largest of six fathoms of water, the other four fathoms; admirable Ports and the one we call Santa Elena is the third, the one the French occupied is very small; the three are navigable, one within the other, so that he who is lord of one is lord of the three. It is the best place to build a fort leaving three hundred men to finish it, pass on up the bay to Santa Maria, which is 36 degrees, one hundred and thirty leagues beyond Santa Elena; then on to the land of the Indians which is in Mexico, fortify another fort and leave another two hundred soldiers. This will be the key to all the fortifications of this country, because from those to the new land it does not have to be founded. Inland, about eighty leagues, are to be found a range of mountains, at their base an arm of sea which leads to the New Land. This arm of the sea enters the New Land which is navigable seventy leagues where there is another sea turning northeast and we suspect it leads to the South Sea. The Indians send many cattle from New Spain which were found on these plains by Francisco Basques Coronado. They carried the hides to the New Land in canoes tosell to the French in exchange for barter. From here, in the past two years, they have carried in their fishing boats more than six thousand hides. The French can go from here in their vessels to the foot of the mountain range four hundred leagues from the mines of San Martin and New Galicia and can mine them to their heart’s content. It would be well to fix our frontier lines here, gain the water-way of the Bahamas and work the mines of New Spain. This key and strength is necessary that your Majesty should become Lord of all of it, because by it you will be master of the world. I have written to Pedro del Castillo to send me three hundred soldiers and supplies for eight hundred persons. It would be useless not to have the three hundred soldiers to serve your Majesty and to provide the necessaries. Thus on, from the first of February, your Majesty can send a hundred mariners and the equipments and let them bring everything necessary to found a town in the Bay of Juan Ponce, as this river is part of San Mateo, which we captured from the enemy. Eighteen leagues inland from this bay, and from one bay to the other, we can easily trade with the multitude of Indians that are there and make them soon learn the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ. In this Bay of Juan Ponce is the Province of Appalache, an indomitable people with whom the Spaniards have never been able to treat. Thus will all difficulties be overcome so far as New Galicia which is about three hundred leagues, and so many more to Vera Cruz, and the same distance to Yucatan. From there this town will be provided with corn, as there is much of it. As we found the place and build a good City, there will be no need of foundingothers in Florida. We will then proceed to the New Land, easily work the many mines of silver which are found there, and are the mines of the Zacatecas. In a few years the silver worked from them will support this country and be a treasure to your Majesty and a suburb of Spain which can be reached in forty days from these Kingdoms. With the scarcity of supplies in the Forts we are suffering much hunger as the grain was burned and so, unless we receive aid soon, we shall suffer terribly. I trust your Majesty is satisfied that we serve you faithfully and with love and in all truth. Without extending myself further, but promising to keep you advised of all that may happen, may God protect your Majesty, increasing your royal Catholic personage with greater kingdoms and possessions as Christianity has need of and your servants desire it should be.
From these Provinces of Florida from the banks of San Pelayo and Fort of St. Augustine, October 15th, 1565.
Pedro Menendez de Aviles.
A. D. 1583-1596-1598.
Report of Fernando Miranda, agent to the King—Complains of Governor—Espionage over vessels—Gives account of the work of the negroes—Haste makes it necessary to employ soldiers in repairing the Fort for which they were paid—Partial failure of crops increases the cost of living—Report of Bartolome De Arguellas giving account of rebellious Indians—Some of those captured were sent to Havana to be executed, others to be imprisoned—Casiques render obedience to the Governor who assures them of his good intentions—Report of Pedro Pertrene to the King—Is newly called to take charge of a company of Infantry in the Garrison of Florida—Salary not sufficient to meet expenses of living, recalls his long service to the King, and asks for increase of pay—Letter from Dona Maria Menendez, Casique, to the King—Asks for assistance in meeting the necessary expenses for instruction of the Indians in Christianity and good government.
Report of Fernando Miranda, agent to the King—Complains of Governor—Espionage over vessels—Gives account of the work of the negroes—Haste makes it necessary to employ soldiers in repairing the Fort for which they were paid—Partial failure of crops increases the cost of living—Report of Bartolome De Arguellas giving account of rebellious Indians—Some of those captured were sent to Havana to be executed, others to be imprisoned—Casiques render obedience to the Governor who assures them of his good intentions—Report of Pedro Pertrene to the King—Is newly called to take charge of a company of Infantry in the Garrison of Florida—Salary not sufficient to meet expenses of living, recalls his long service to the King, and asks for increase of pay—Letter from Dona Maria Menendez, Casique, to the King—Asks for assistance in meeting the necessary expenses for instruction of the Indians in Christianity and good government.
A. D. 1583.
Fernando Miranda and Rodrego Junco, assistant Agent, who was of these Kingdoms, to His Majesty:
Fernando Miranda and Rodrego Junco, assistant Agent, who was of these Kingdoms, to His Majesty:
After the Governor had given a decree of the same suspension, we asked him that until your Majesty should otherwise provide, we be allowed to continue in office and watch over your Majesty’s interest. Another thing which occurs to us to inform yourMajesty: Yesterday there sailed from this Port for Havana a vessel belonging to some one in Havana, and the Governor made every effort to see if we had sent any papers by her—he searched the vessel and not wishing to give testimony, we understood he did not wish any letters sent, and so we dared not write more. We felt that this would be sufficient for your Majesty to place the remedy and investigate the cause, and punish the culprit.
In the two years that your Majesty’s negroes have been here, they have made a platform for the artillery of this Fort of an indestructible wood—as the one they had previous to this rotted away in two years. They have made a blacksmith shop, and whatever repairs were needed on the Fort. Ten of the best of them were sent to Santa Elena to saw boards to cover that Fort which needed it. On beginning the work it was found that the whole Fort was in such a damaged condition it was necessary to tear it all down and rebuild as quickly as possible. On account of the haste required the soldiers were obliged to help for which work they were paid. It was completed in four months, during which time the negroes had to be fed on bread, meat and wine. Besides they have helped to build a church here, sawed lumber for the building of many dwellings, and have cleared the woods to some extent for planting. The first crop not being good, caused extra expense of food and ammunition which was given them—but for the past six months they have been fed on the harvest made, with no other expense but the oil and salt. They have corn enough to last until the next harvest, and all the expense incurred to the end of June of the present year is six thousandfive hundred reals, from the Treasury of your Majesty—because, although there have been some other expenses, we have availed ourselves of advantages we had after having had recourse to what has been offered to your Majesty’s service. About six months ago eleven of these negroes were hired to soldiers of this Fort, without the knowledge of the Treasurer, rendering an account of this to the Governor. It is about a year and a half since we notified the Governor that he should not keep these accounts, but as provided by your Majesty they should be sent to this Court. He has never sent them. Your Majesty will act as best suits him in this affair of our suspension; we again implore your Majesty to give us a hearing, and some satisfaction, since we are left in this sterile country without the means of sustenance. May God preserve your Majesty for many years with great aggrandizement.
Fernando Miranda.
St. Augustine, August 20th. 1583.
Your Majesty:
As the Governor, Don Domingo Martinez Avendano, has been sending your Majesty an account of the proceedings of our journey, I have not done so until now, that we have landed in these Provinces of Florida, and seen the condition of things, the people of the Garrison and the natives. It was a blessing of God that it was all quiet and peaceful, and the Governor with much gentleness and discretion entered, and proceeded well, to support the service of your Majesty. It was a very fortunate thing, as many of the culprits had made threats, which if carried into effect, would haveresulted disastrously—but they had not the heart to carry them out, although a number of the worst criminals were out of the country. Of those who remained, ten were captured, and with their accusations were sent by Captain Francisco Salazar to Havana, in the custody of a trusted lieutenant and twelve soldiers, as guards, so that they may be executed there and accomplish your Majesty’s will. With this imprisonment and a public reprimand made by the Governor to the other Indians, all of which remain quiet. Being overcome with fear, I understand they will return promptly to their employment, and your Majesty will be well served. The Casiques of this country came to render obedience to the Governor, who caressed them and instructed them of the manner and order in which they were to attend to your Majesty’s work—he told them he wished to visit them in their homes, and the good intentions and desires he brings of attending to your service and the proofs he has already given of them. We entertain great hopes that all will soon be settled. From Havana they dispatched to the Treasurer Juan Menendez Marquez to be present at the paying off of the employees of this Garrison. While the Governor intended to have me assume control of this collection, he seemed to change his mind, and I came here with him, where I remain attending to the duties under my charge until he thinks that I may go out and make use of the license your Majesty granted me if nothing more occurs. May Our Lord guard the person of your Royal Catholic Majesty, as we have need of you.
Bartolome de Arguellas.
St. Augustine, Florida, July 6th, 1596.
A. D. 1598.
Your Majesty:
I do not wish to make a long report in this letter, as I understand a detailed account of all that occurs in these provinces will be made by your Majesty’s Governor, Gonzalo Menendez Canso, who in every thing appertaining to your Majesty’s service and welfare is proceeding with caution—reforming, arranging everything in the most approved manner, discovering as he goes, all the secrets of the service, and governing himself in accordance. He has strong and brave resolutions, as I know, having communicated them to me, and given me an account of his good intentions.
Having served your Royal Highness for twenty-six years in this part of your Royal Fleet, in charge of your Captains-General the Adelantado Pedro Menendez Aviles, Diego Flores Valdez, Cristobal Eraso, and Alvarez Flores de Quinones, as Officer in the companies in which I served as Lieutenant of the Governor of the Castle, under Diego Fernandez de Quinones, in Havana. Being in that City, retired in my home, I was called by the above mentioned Governor to give and honor me with one of your Majesty’s companies of infantry who served in this Garrison of Florida. In his absence to Guale to the chastising of the Indians, who so horribly killed six priests of the San Franciscan Order, he left me in his place. Of the spoils which are usually divided, he has shared with me moderately, but even with these, and the two hundred ducats I have as salary, and the advantages given me, I cannot sustain myself, nor assist at the obligations of such Captains, on account of every thing in the land being so dear—provisions are thesame—and the servant we had, was taken from us by your Governor. I implore your Majesty to attend to the above mentioned facts, and as my desire is to end my life in your Royal Service—and that I may live and keep up my obligations I may be given some help toward my expenses, and that I may be allowed a servant, as is customary with all Captains serving in this Garrison, and trusting that your Majesty will grant me these things as are granted to all who serve you with good will. God preserve your Royal Person as I desire and Christianity needs you.
Pedro Pertrene.
St. Augustine, Florida, February 20th, 1598.
Your Majesty:
My poverty and the frequency with which the Indians, both Christians and infidels, gather at my home to be instructed in matters concerning their conversion, and other important things concerning the good Government need with the Governor of these Provinces, places me under the necessity of asking your Majesty to assist me in the expenses I am obliged to incur with the Indians, as is certified to by the report accompanying this letter which implores your Majesty to assist and see to this need, since from it will result the coming of the Indians with more heartiness to become Christians and in this way guard the faith. Your Royal Highness being merciful. That I may do in all the above mentioned what is just and right, I also implore your Majesty to send me a letter of friendship that the Indians may see the good feelingwhich exists between your Majesty and ourselves. God grant you may have all graces.
Florida, February 20th, 1598.
A. D. 1598.
Extract from an official report made by Gonzalo Menendez Canso, Governor and Captain General of the Provinces of Florida, concerning the murder of six priests of the San Franciscan Order by the Indians—Lieutenant Eciga sent to see if any of the priests are still living—Ascertains that there is one, but is refused permission to see him—After much persuasion and many threats Friar Fray Francisco is delivered—Makes statement as to death of the others, but is forbidden by the canons of the Church to reveal all—Juan Ximenes, a Notary Public and secretary, swears to the investigation of several Indians through an interpreter—Indian Lucas is found to have been present and participated in the killing of Fray Blas for which he is condemned to be executed.
Extract from an official report made by Gonzalo Menendez Canso, Governor and Captain General of the Provinces of Florida, concerning the murder of six priests of the San Franciscan Order by the Indians—Lieutenant Eciga sent to see if any of the priests are still living—Ascertains that there is one, but is refused permission to see him—After much persuasion and many threats Friar Fray Francisco is delivered—Makes statement as to death of the others, but is forbidden by the canons of the Church to reveal all—Juan Ximenes, a Notary Public and secretary, swears to the investigation of several Indians through an interpreter—Indian Lucas is found to have been present and participated in the killing of Fray Blas for which he is condemned to be executed.
This is a good and faithful copy taken from one of the official reports made by Gonzalo Menendez Canes, Governor and Captain-General of these Provinces of Florida to His Majesty, concerning the death of the Religious of the Order of San Francisco, who perished at the hands of the Indians who revolted. Its tenor is:
In the city of St. Augustine, Province of Florida, July 1st, 1598, Gonzalo Menendez Canes, Governor and Captain-General for the King our Lord, says: That in the month of October past of 1597, he wasnotified of an uprising of the Indians of the Peninsula of Guale. They had refused to obey your Majesty, and killed the Religious of the Order of San Francisco sent out to convert and teach them, and that he had made every and the greatest efforts, having gone in person with a number of infantry, ammunition and water craft to said peninsula, to investigate and punish the cases, and ascertain the cause the Indians had for committing such an atrocious crime. Although he made all the ravages he could, acting upon advices received, he could not punish them more for the time being, nor could he capture a live Indian, except one, an interpreter, from whom they could get no information further than that the Religious had been killed, as will be seen by his declaration. Seeing the importance of ascertaining the root and cause of the killing of these Religious, and if any were still living—and why they had lost obedience to your Majesty, he has made the boldest efforts possible, going by way of the Luna. Finding the Casiques in conference, we agreed to send them presents and keepsakes, to induce them to let us know and understand if any of the Religious or Friars were still living that we might ransom them, sending to offer them even interest for them, and also sending a launch with some of the infantry to the Fort Santa Elena, distant fifty leagues from this Garrison, to enlist the Casique of that country, on account of the friendship he has shown the Spaniards, and because he has Indian warriors, and being so near he could do much damage to the Peninsula of Guale. Lieutenant Exiga, who went in the launch, found him and treated with him to make war and do all the damage possible to said peninsula and ascertain if any of them were living—bestowing upon him many gifts from your Majesty’s treasury that he might go. It was agreed that Lieutenant Exiga should return to the Casique in sixty days, and ascertain what military exploits he had had, and what success. Being a matter of so much importance to your Majesty, Lieutenant Exiga left this port on the 23rd of May, with two launches, with infantry and ammunition to accomplish the agreement made with the Casique. On the 24th, one day after leaving this fort, having gone as far as the Bar of Asae, twenty leagues from here, he was caught in a storm and hurricane, forcing him to put into harbor in distress. The storm did so much damage to the food and ammunition they carried, that he was obliged to strike with the launch for the shore of San Mateo. Notwithstanding all the above mentioned, he continued his voyage to the port Santa Elena, there taking another launch in better condition for making the journey, leaving his in bad condition grounded on the beach. Having arrived at Santa Elena and seen and spoken to the Casique who delivered to him four gentlemen, he said he had taken from four Indians of the Peninsula of Gaule where he went to make war. That three other Indians had captured the Casique of Carague, who had accompanied him, with the intent of making war. In the same way he certifies that they had alive in the Peninsula of Gaule, near Solofina, one of the six friars, named Toray Francisco de Avila. Having learned this he came coasting along the shore and ports of Guale, to see if any Indians should come out to speak to them. None appeared, until he came to Tolomato where he saw one, who by much coaxing and presenting of gifts and reasoning, succeeded ingetting him to tell what he knew. Finally they learned from him that the said Friar was still living. They paid the Indian to take a letter to him, and they would await the reply—he did so, and in the meantime they amused themselves coasting along the shores of Tolomato, until the Indian returned with some of the Casiques, whom they begged would show them the Friar, that they might certify to his being alive, and treat with them for his ransom. At first, although they had heaped the Indians with gifts, they would neither accept of the gifts nor promise to deliver the Friar, unless in return for certain boys, sons of some of the Casiques, who had been brought to Governor Domingo Martinez Avendano, as hostages. As better security Lieutenant Exiga promised to bring their boys within thirty days as ransom for the Friar, also a quantity of hatchets and spades they asked for. Lieutenant Exiga returned to Port Tolomato in fifteen days, and began treaty with Casiques for the ransom of the Friar, and although he heaped gifts upon them with a free hand, it made no impression. They are such liars and traitors, and all their treaties are founded on treachery and cunning. Seeing that they did not intend to keep their word and deliver the priest, he found it necessary to change his tactics and show anger, swearing that unless they did deliver the prisoner they would send for three hundred soldiers and would run them through with the sword, cut down all their crops and follow them to Tama. After these threats they promised to deliver the Priest at once, which they did. After receiving him, and having him in their power, Lieutenant Exiga made reprisal of the hostages he carried, and of seven other Indians he had detained on thelaunch until he saw what success he was going to have. Four of these Indians are sons and brothers of Casiques. The Governor holds them and has brought them to this city where they are at present, and where he protests he will investigate and take their declarations as to the manner of death the other friars suffered—where, in what form, and for what cause? Finding any of them to have taken part in this crime, to punish them and do justice to the service of your Majesty, and that this punishment may serve as an example to them, as they have at other times committed these treacheries, killing captains and officers and other persons. This I provide and sign from his hand, Gonzalo Menendez Vanso, by order of His Lordship the Governor and Captain-General.
Juan Ximenes.
Later the said Governor and Captain-General ordered me, the secretary, that I should go to the Monastery of San Francisco, of this city, and in his name ask the custodian priest of said house, Fray Francisco Marron, to give permission to Fray Francisco de Avila, who had been sent to teach and convert the Indians, that under the oath which is administered to the Religious of his Order, he declared how his companions were killed, what he has seen and heard, and the causes that have moved them to commit such a crime as the killing of the priests. To deny obedience, and tell only what he knows and understands of the matter. They continued the examination, so that all the above may be certified as the truth. This I provide and sign in his name—and from the declaration of the father custodian might result many worthy considerations in questioning the Indians.
Gonzalo Menendez Canso.
Later—The present notary public went to the Monastery of San Francisco, of this city, read and showed the decree above disposed of by his Lordship the Governor and Captain-General Gonzalo Menendez Canso, to Fray Francisco Marron, custodian of the provinces, who said: that mindful that Fray Francisco de Avila was one of the friars sent out to teach and convert in the Peninsula of Guale, and as the Lord, Our God, had seen proper to deliver him from being killed by the Indians, as his companions had been, and as a person who knew the habits and manners of the Indians, and knew their language, he deemed it wise to give him freedom to say and declare all he considered would be to the service of God of the killing of his companions—except in cases and things criminal where his rights of priesthood prohibited, such as death by the cutting of members—and this I say and sign in his name—Fray Francisco Marron—in my presence.
St. Augustine, Fla., July 20th, 1598.
Juan Ximenes.
Gonzalo Menendez Canso, Governor and Captain-General for his Majesty in these Provinces, ordered to be called Fray Francisco de Avila that in virtue of the permission granted him by the Custodian Fray Francisco Marron, to say and declare all he knows concerning the killing of his companions by the Indians, and of his imprisonment and captivity—whether his person was badly treated, and all that had occurred worthy of relating—so as to punish such crime as it deserves to be.
Fray Francisco de Avila said: Although it was true Fray Marron had granted him permission to speak, he could not make use of it, in cases so grave and criminal as the present—it was prohibited him by the sacred canons of priesthood, to attest in such crimes, because it would force him to say that which might condemn some, and so, he did not wish to speak or declare in this case, not to fall into any error. Besides being mindful that the Governor had brought seven Indians from the peninsula at the time of his ransom, to this city, he could know and understand from them all that they might claim. This he said, and I sign it in his name.
Fray Francisco de Avila.
In my presence—
Juan Ximenes,Notary Public.
Later—The Governor and Captain-General Gonzalo Menendez Canso, in order to investigate, had appeared before him Gaspar de Salas, an interpreter of the Indians of Guale who, having been sworn in the proper form, gave promise to tell the truth and nothing but the truth—and that he would declare all that he was ordered to say to the Indians who claim to give information; that he will say and declare all that said Indians say in reply, under the oath that he has taken.
Later the Governor ordered to appear before him one of the seven Indians who were brought from the peninsula, to whom the following questions were put: From where do you come and what is your name? He came from Tupique and that his name was Lucas. Are you a Christian? Yes. The name of your parents, are they, or have they been Casiques? His father’s namewas Felipe, and he was Casique of Tupique. Where was he from? He was a native of the town of Tupique. Had there been any priest there? There had been one named Fray Blas Rodriguez. Tell and declare what had become of Fray Bias? That about ten or eleven moons past, eight Casiques held a conference, they were Asao, Tolafo, Atmehe, Fulo, Tupique and Alnate. When night came they killed the Priest. A helping hand was given them by a chief called Pisiache, that he might kill him with a hatchet, with which he gave him a blow on the head, from which wound he died almost immediately. Afterward they buried him in the church. Say and declare what cause they had for killing this priest? That Micas and Casiques said they killed him because he was artful and took away their enchantment or witchcraft, and would not allow them to have more than one wife.
Did you hear them say anything else? No. Did he know Fray Miguel de Annon, and Fray Antonio Lego, among the teachers of Guale, and Fray Pedro de Corpa, among the teachers of Tolomato, and Fray Francisco de Avila, among the teachers of Ospo?
I have known them all, and they have been killed. Fray Miguel had his hands tied behind him, but he did not know if they had killed him—Fray Antonio was tied, but he does not know how he was killed—he had heard it said that they killed him with wooden weapons, and that Fray Pedro Corpa two Casiques had killed in the night while sleeping; that Fray Francisco de Avila they had not killed, but had him captive near Tolofino until he should be ransomed by the Governor.
Was Fray Francisco well or ill-treated in the prison?
Sometimes they beat him with sticks and abused him. They sometimes fed him, but not always, and when they did it was on the leaves and tendrils of vines.
Had he seen or heard it said why they killed these Priests and ill-treated Fray Francisco de Avila?
He knew no more than what he had already stated, that the Micos and Casiques said they were artful and did not wish them to have more than one wife, and that they reproved them.
Do you know where the ornaments belonging to the Church are, such as the chalices and other things used by the priests?
They were all divided up in such a way, that nothing is left of them.
Was he present at the death of Fray Blas and the other priests when they were killed?
He arrived in time to see Fray Blas die—the others he had not seen, but had heard it said that they had been killed as he stated above.
Had he seen or heard any of his companions who were brought with him, say they were present at the killing of the priests?
One from Tolomato, named Francisco, he heard him say he had seen Fray Pedro Corpa after he was killed—the rest he does not know.
All this the said Gaspar Salas said and declared as interpreted under the oath which he has taken. He does not sign because he does not know how to write.
Gonzalo Menendez Canso.
In the presence of
Juan Ximenes,Notary Public.
For further investigation of the above, the Governor and Captain-General had appeared before him the other Indian, said to be named Francisco and native of Tolomato, and by the said interpreter under oath had him declare the following:
Are you a Christian, and who are your parents?
I am a Christian, my name is Francisco, my mother is nearly related to the Casique and my father is dead.
What priest was teacher at Tolomato?
Fray Pedro Corpa, and I knew him there for some time.
What became of Fray Pedro Corpa?
He was killed while sleeping, with wooden weapons, and he was killed by one of the chief Casiques of the Salcachecos.
Did you see him killed, or were you present at his death?
I was far away, but I heard it said that this Micos of Tolomato and Don Juan, his heir, had sent to have him killed. I went there, but he was already dead.
Did the little dress which you wear belong to some religious of that peninsula?
Yes, but I do not know to which one, I ransomed it from one of the Casiques.
What was the cause of the killing of the priests?
The cause was, that they reproved Don Juan, heir of Tolomato. By his cunning he had the other Casiques meet with him, and there was an uprising in the land, and these killings were done.
Did you know Fray Miguel Annon, and Fray Antonio Lego in the conversion and teachings of Guale, and Father Berahula, and Fray Francisco de Avila?
I knew them all—they had been killed by the Indians, except Fray Francisco de Avila, who was ransomed by the Governor.
Tell and declare what manner of death they have given these religious?
Fray Miguel and Fray Antonio Lego were killed with wooden weapons—he had so heard it said—the others he did not know.
While in prison was Fray Francisco de Avila well treated?
I have heard it said that he was badly treated by the Indians of Tolofino—they whipped him—the boys teased him. He ate badly, because the Indians had little food, and some times he was forced to eat vines and tendrils.
Do you know where the ornaments of the Church are, and the other belongings of the priests?
All the ornaments and clothes of the priests were divided among them all, and the Indians had carried them to their country inland.
Do you know if any of the Indians with you here, were present at the killing of the priests?
I have heard it said that the Indian Lucas, son of Don Felipe, was present when they killed Fray Blas—that about the others he does not know. All of which the said Gaspar Salas Atiqui says and declares according to his oath given, and because the Indian Francisco said so, and did not sign because he did not know how.
Gonzalo Menendez Canso.
In the presence of
Juan Ximenes,Notary Public.
Later the Governor had appear before him the Indian Bartolome, of the Peninsula of Guale, who with other Indians was sent to the peninsula with a message from him to the Micos and Casiques, to the better ascertain, if any of the priests were still living. Although he had been sent, he did not return with the message, until after the treaty for the ransom of Fray Francisco de Avila. He stated that they would not let him come—that he wanted to come and stay with the Governor; that he did not wish to remain among the Indians, and through the interpreter, Atiqui, he declared the following:
Where are you from, and what is your name, and are you a Christian?
My name is Bartolome; I am a Christian and a native of Tolomato. I was sent about eight months ago, by this Governor, with a message to the Micos and Casiques of the peninsula; they would not let me come back, making threats that they would kill me.
During the time you were in the peninsula tell what you know and heard said of the killing of the priests; what kind of death they were given?
I heard that Fray Pedro Corpa was killed at night in his cell, with wooden weapons, and that Fray Miguel, Fray Antonio and Fray Blas were also killed with wooden weapons. That Fray Francisco de Avila, who had just been brought as ransom, was the first one taken prisoner. They stuck him with their arrows, but God did not let him die of the wounds. They would have killed him as they did the others but for the intervention of the Casique of Tulapo, who took him from the Indians, saying at the time that he was his father, and as such he would protect him.
What was the motive and cause of the killing?
I heard it was because they reproved them; that the priests were crafty, and did not care for them, and did not wish them to have more than one wife.
Where are the ornaments and appurtenances of the Church?
They were divided among them, those from the interior carrying many, and many were also broken, and the children tore and destroyed them.
Did you hear it said whether Lucas, the son of the Casique Don Felipe, or any of the other Indians brought in with you were present at the killing of the priests?
I heard that Lucas was there at the killing. I know nothing more.
How was Fray Francisco de Avila treated while a prisoner?
I have heard it said that in Tufina and Chacalaga the boys would chase him through the streets perfectly naked and whip him with horsewhips, and that he was starving to death, because the Indians had little to eat themselves and gave him none. All this Gaspar Salas says and declares to have been said by the Indian Bartolome under the oath which he has taken, and it is the truth; he cannot sign, not knowing how to do so.
Gonzalo Menendez Canso.
In the presence of
Juan Ximenes,Notary Public.
For further investigation of the above, the Governor and Captain-General had appear before him another of the seven Indians who through the same interpreter said and declared the following: (This declaration is not given.)
In view of said declarations of these proceedings, the crime falls upon Lucas the Indian, son of the Casique de Tuqui, for having been present and participated in the killing of Fray Blas, who was sent to convert the people of Tupiqui. I must condemn him by this my decree, sentenced according to his declaration, with the penalty of death. The justice which I order shall be done him is: That when he leaves the jail where he now is, it shall be with a rope around his neck, his hands tied behind him, and with a loud voice it must be proclaimed to the public his crime; that he be taken to the gallows, already prepared for this purpose, and that there he shall be hung by the neck and strangled until dead. Because, thus is it well to punish with real justice those who dare to commit such crimes, and as an example to the other Indian natives of these provinces that they may not commit similar crimes. So do I pronounce sentence and command. And if the said Lucas is not mindful of receiving baptism and should not die repenting, and in the Catholic faith, I order that he be hung and after his death his body be burned to powder.
Regarding the other six Indians detained for this cause, proceedings will not continue for the present against them—they being boys under age. We shall so send and notify the Indian Lucas.
Gonzalo Menendez Canso.