Chapter 10

The bark of the root of theTulip tree, orLiriodendron Tulipifera, taken in the same manner as the jesuit’s bark, sometimes had a similar effect.Several people peeled the roots of theCornus florida, orDog wood, and gave this peel to the patients; and even some people, who could not be cured by the jesuit’s bark, have recovered by the help of this. I have likewise seen people cured of the fever, by taking brimstone reduced to powder, and mixed with sugar every night before they went to bed, and every morning before they got up: they took it three or four times in the intervals, and at each time drank some warm liquor, to wash the powder down. However others that tried the same remedy did not find much relief from it.Some people collected the yellow bark of the peach tree, especially that which is on the root and boiled it in water, till half of it was evaporated by boiling. Of this decoction the patient took every morning about a wine glass full, before he had eaten[375]any thing. This liquor has a disagreeable taste, and contracts the mouth and tongue like alum; yet several persons atRaccoonwho had tried many remedies in vain, were cured by this.Others boiled the leaves of thePotentilla reptans, or of thePotentilla canadensis, in water, and made the patients drink it before the ague fit came on, and it is well known that several persons have recovered by this means.The people who are settled upon the riverMohawkinNew York, bothIndiansandEuropeanscollect the root of theGeum rivale, and pound it. This powder some of them boil in water till it is a pretty strong decoction: others only infuse cold water on it and leave it so for a day; others mix it with brandy. Of this medicine the patient is to take a wine glass full on the morning of the day when the fever does not come, before he has eaten any thing. I was assured that this was one of the surest remedies, and more certain than the jesuit’s bark.The people who live near the iron mines, declared that they were seldom or never visited by the fever and ague; but when they have the fever, they drink the water of such fountains, as arise from the[376]iron mines, and have a strong chalybeat taste; and they assured me that this remedy was infallible. Other people therefore who did not live very far from such springs, went to them for a few days, when they had the fever, in order to drink the water, which commonly cured them.I have already shown above, that sage mixed with lemon juice, has been found very salutary against the ague.It was however universally remarkable, that that which cures one person of it, has no effect upon another.The pleurisy is likewise a disease which the people of this country are much subject to. TheSwedesin this province call itstitches and burning, and they always mean the pleurisy whenever they mention those words. Many of the oldSwedestold me that they had heard very little of it when they were young, and that their parents had known still less of it in their childhood; but that it was so common now, that many people died every year of it: yet it has been observed, that in some years this disease has been very moderate, and taken few people away with it, whilst in other years it makes great havock: it likewise is more violent in some places than in others.In the autumn of the year 1728, it swept[377]away many atPenn’sneck, a place belowRaccoon, and nearer to theDelaware, where a number ofSwedesare settled. Almost all theSwedesthere died of it, though they were very numerous. From hence it happened that their children who were left in a very tender age, and grew up among theEnglishchildren, forgot their mother tongue, so that few of them understand it at present. Since that time, though the pleurisy has every year killed a few people atPenn’sneck, yet it has not carried off any considerable numbers. It rested as it were till the autumn of the year 1748, but then it began to make dreadful havock, and every week six or ten of the old people died. The disease was so violent, that when it attacked a person, he seldom lived above two or three days; and of those who were taken ill with it, very few recovered. When the pleurisy was got into a house, it killed most of the old people in it: it was a true pleurisy, but it had a peculiarity with it, for it commonly began with a great swelling under the throat and in the neck, and with a difficulty of swallowing. Some people looked upon it as contagious; and others seriously declared, that when it came into a family, not only those who lived in the same house suffered from it, but even such relations[378]as lived far off. There have been several people atPenn’sneck, who, without visiting their sick friends, have got the pleurisy and died of it: I do not dispute the truth of this, though I do not agree to the conclusion. The pleurisy was the most violent inNovember; yet some old people died of it even in the next winter; but children were pretty free from it. The physicians did not know what to make of it, nor how to remedy it.It is difficult to determine the causes of such violent diseases. An oldEnglishsurgeon who lived here gave the following reason. The inhabitants of this country drink great quantities of punch and other strong liquors in summer, when it is very hot; by that means the veins in the diaphragm contract, and the blood grows thick. Towards the end ofOctoberand the beginning ofNovember, the weather is apt to alter very suddenly, so that heat and cold change several times a day. When the people during this changeable weather are in the open air, they commonly get this disease. It is likewise certain that the air is more unwholesome one year, than another, which depends upon the heat, and other circumstances: this peculiar quality of the air must of course produce a pleurisy.[379]It is remarkable, that both in the year 1728, and in the present, when so many people died atPenn’sneck, few died atRaccoon, though the two places are near each other, and seem to have the same soil and climate. But there is this difference thatPenn’snecklies remarkably low, andRaccoonpretty high. The people in the former place have settled between marshes and swamps, in which the water stagnates and putrifies; and most of these places are covered with trees, by which means the wet is shut up still more, and near such marshes, are the houses. Lastly the water atPenn’sneckis not reckoned so good as that inRaccoon, but has some taste. It likewise becomes brackish in several little rivers when theDelawareduring the tide rises very high, and runs up into them. On the banks of these rivulets live many of theSwedes, and take water for common use from them.Decemberthe 3d. This morning I set out forPhiladelphia, where I arrived in the evening.Wild grapes are very abundant in the woods, and of various kinds; a species of them which are remarkable for their size, grow in the marshes, and are greedily eaten by theRaccoon: they are therefore called[380]marsh grapes, but theEnglishcall themfox grapes; they have not an agreeable flavour, and are seldom eaten by the inhabitants of this country, who make use of a small kind of wild grapes, which grow on a dry soil, and pretty late in autumn when they are quite ripe, are eaten raw, and have a very good flavour, being a mixture of sweet and acid: some people dry these grapes when gathered and bake them in tarts, &c. they likewise make use of them as dried sweetmeats. TheSwedesformerly made a pretty good wine from them; but have now left it off. However some of theEnglishstill press an agreeable liquor from these grapes, which they assured me was as good as the best claret, and that it would keep for several years.The manner of preparing this sort of wine has been described at large in an almanack of this country, for the year 1743, and is as follows: the grapes are collected from the twenty first ofSeptemberto about the eleventh ofNovember, that is as they grow ripe: they must be gathered in dry weather, and after the dew is gone off: the grapes are cleared of the cobwebs, dry leaves, and other things adhering to them. Next a great hogshead is prepared which has either had treacle or brandy in; it is washed[381]very clean, one of the bottoms beat out, and the other placed on a stand for the purpose, or on pieces of wood in the cellar, or else in a warm room, about two feet above the ground: the grapes are put into this hogshead, and as they sink lower in three or four days time more are added. A man with naked feet gets into the hogshead and treads the grapes, and in about half an hour’s time the juice is forced out; the man then turns the lowest grapes uppermost, and treads them for about a quarter of an hour: this is sufficient to squeeze the good juice out of them: for an additional pressure would even crush the unripe grapes, and give the whole a disagreeable flavour. The hogshead is then covered with a thick blanket; but if there is no cellar, or it is very cold, two are spread over it. Under this covering the juice is left to ferment for the first time, and in the next four or five days it ferments and works very strongly. As soon as the fermentation ceases, a hole is made about six inches from the bottom, and some of the juice is tapped off about twice in a day. As soon as this is clear and settled, it is poured into an anker of a middling size; for from twenty bushels of grapes, they get about as many gallons of juice; the anker remains untouched[382]and the must in it ferments a second time: at this time it is necessary that the anker be quite full; the scum which settles at the bunghole, must be taken off, and the anker always filled up with more must, which is kept ready for that purpose: this is continued till christmas, when the anker may be stopped up; at last the wine is ready inFebruaryand bottled. It is likewise usual here, to put some of the ripe grapes into a vessel in order to make a vinegar, and that which is got by this means is very good. Several people made brandy from these grapes which has a very pleasant taste, but is still more pleasant, if the fruits of the persimon are mixed with it. The wood of these vines is of no use, it is so brittle that it cannot be used for sticks: on cutting into the stem, a white, insipid resin comes out a few hours after the wound is made. In many gardens vines are planted for the purpose of making arbours for which they are indeed excellent; as their large and plentiful leaves form a very close cover against the scorching heat of the sun. When the vines flower here inMayandJune, the flowers exhale a strong, but exceeding pleasant and refreshing smell, which is perceptible even at a great distance. Therefore on coming into the woods[383]about that time, you may judge from the sweet perfume in the air, arising from the flowers of the vines, that you are near them, though you do not see them. Though the winters be ever so severe, yet they do not affect the vines. Each grape is about the size of a pea, but further southward they are said to be of the size of common raisins, and of a finer flavour. Further up in the country, during a part of autumn, they are the chief food of bears, who climb up the trees in order to pluck them. People are of opinion that if the wild vines were cultivated with more care, the grapes would grow larger, and more palatable.Decemberthe 5th. I shall here mention two prognosticks of the weather, which were greatly valued here. Some people pretended to foretel that the ensuing winter would not be a severe one: this they conjectured from having seen wild geese and other migratory birds go to the south inOctober, but return a few days ago in great numbers, and even pass on further to the north. Indeed the ensuing winter was one of the most temperate ones.Several persons likewise assured us that we should have rain before to morrow night. The reason they gave for this conjecture was, that this morning at sun rising, from[384]their windows they had seen every thing very plainly on the other side of the river, so that it appeared much nearer than usual, and that this commonly foreboded rain. This presage was likewise pretty exactly fulfilled.The Indians before the arrival of theEuropeans, had no notion of the use of iron, though that metal was abundant in their country. However they knew in some measure how to make use of copper. SomeDutchmenwho lived here, still preserved the old account among them, that their ancestors on their first settling inNew Yorkhad met with many of the Indians, who had tobacco pipes of copper, and who made them understand by signs, that they got them in the neighbourhood: afterwards the fine copper mine was discovered, upon thesecond riverbetweenElizabeth-townandNew York. On digging in this mine, the people met with holes worked in the mountain, out of which some copper had been taken, and they found even some tools, which the Indians probably made use of, when they endeavoured to get the metal for their pipes. Such holes in the mountains have likewise been found in some parts ofPensylvania, viz. belowNewcastletowards the sea side, and always some marks of a[385]copper ore along with them. Some people have conjectured, that theSpaniards, after discoveringMexico, sailed along the coasts ofNorth America, and landed now and then, in order to enquire whether any gold or silver was to be met with, and that they perhaps made these holes in the mountains: but supposing them to have made such a voyage along the coasts, they could not immediately have found out the copper mines; and they probably did not stop to blast this ore, as they were bent only upon gold and silver; it is therefore almost undoubted that the Indians dug these holes: or may we be allowed to suspect that our oldNormans, long before the discoveries ofColumbus, came into these parts and met with such veins of copper, when they sailed to what they called theexcellent Wineland,51of which our ancient traditional records calledSagorspeak, and which undoubtedly wasNorth America. But in regard to this, I shall have occasion in the sequel better to explain my sentiments. It was remarkable, that in all those places where such holes have lately been found in the mountains, which manifestly seem to[386]have been dug by men, they were always covered with a great quantity of earth, as if they were intended to remain hidden from strangers.Decemberthe 6th. On long voyages the sailors sometimes catch such fish as are known to none of the ship’s company; but as they are very greedy after fresh provisions, they seldom abstain from eating them,however it proves often venturing too much, experience having shown, that their want of caution has often cost them their lives, for sometimes poisonous fish are caught. But there is a method of finding them out, as I have heard from several captains of ships: it is usual when such unknown fish are boiled, to put a silver button, or any piece of silver into the kettle, which if the fish be poisonous, will turn quite black, but if it be not, it will not change: some of the seamen referred to their own repeated experience.52Mr.Franklinand several other gentlemen frequently told me, that a powerful[387]Indian, who possessedRhode Islandhad sold it to theEnglishfor a pair of spectacles: it is large enough for a prince’s domain, and makes a peculiar government at present. This Indian knew to set a true value upon a pair of spectacles: for undoubtedly if those glasses were not so plentiful, and only a few of them could be found, they would on account of their great use, bear the same price with diamonds.Theservantswhich are made use of in theEnglish Americancolonies are either free persons, or slaves, and the former are again of two different sorts.1. Those who are quite free serve by the year, they are not only allowed to leave their service at the expiration of their year, but may leave it at any time when they do not agree with their masters. However in that case they are in danger of losing their wages, which are very considerable. A man servant who has some abilities, gets between sixteen and twenty pounds inPensylvaniacurrency, but those in the country do not get so much. A servant maid gets eight or ten pounds a year: these servants have their food besides their wages, but must buy their own clothes, and what they get of these they must thank their master’s goodness for.[388]2. The second kind of free servants consist of such persons as annually come fromGermany,Englandand other countries, in order to settle here. These new comers are very numerous every year: there are old and young ones, and of both sexes; some of them have fled from oppression, under which they supposed themselves to have laboured. Others have been driven from their country by persecution on account of religion; but most of them are poor, and have not money enough to pay their passage, which is between six and eight pounds sterling for each person; therefore they agree with the captain that they will suffer themselves to be sold for a few years, on their arrival. In that case the person who buys them, pays the freight for them, but frequently very old people come over, who cannot pay their passage, they therefore sell their children, so that they serve both for themselves and for their parents: there are likewise some who pay part of their passage, and they are sold only for a short time. From these circumstances it appears, that the price of the poor foreigners who come over toNorth Americais not equal, and that some of them serve longer than others: when their time is expired, they get a new suit of clothes from their[389]master, and some other things: he is likewise obliged to feed and clothe them during the years of their servitude. Many of theGermanswho come hither, bring money enough with them to pay their passage, but rather suffer themselves to be sold, with a view that during their servitude they may get some knowledge of the language and quality of the country, and the like, that they may the better be able to consider what they shall do when they have got their liberty. Such servants are taken preferable to all others, because they are not so dear; for to buy a Negroe or black slave, requires too much money at once; and men or maids who get yearly wages, are likewise too dear; but this kind of servants may be got for half the money, and even for less; for they commonly pay fourteen pounds,Pensylvaniacurrency, for a person who is to serve four years, and so on in proportion. Their wages therefore are not above three poundsPensylvaniacurrency per ann. This kind of servants, theEnglishcallservings. When a person has bought such a servant for a certain number of years, and has an intention to sell him again, he is at liberty to do so; but he is obliged, at the expiration of the term of the servitude to provide the usual suit of cloaths for the servant, unless[390]he has made that part of the bargain with the purchaser. TheEnglishandIrishcommonly sell themselves for four years, but theGermansfrequently agree with the captain before they set out, to pay him a certain sum of money, for a certain number of persons; as soon as they arrive inAmerica, they go about and try to get a man who will pay the passage for them. In return they give according to the circumstances one, or several of their children to serve a certain number of years, at last they make their bargain with the highest bidder.3. TheNegroesorBlacksmake the third kind. They are in a manner slaves; for when a Negro is once bought, he is the purchaser’s servant as long as he lives, unless he gives him to another, or makes him free. However it is not in the power of the master to kill his Negro for a fault, but he must leave it to the magistrates to proceed according to the laws. Formerly the Negroes were brought over fromAfrica, and bought by almost every one who could afford it. The quakers alone scrupled to have slaves; but they are no longer so nice, and they have as many Negroes as other people. However many people cannot conquer the idea of its being contrary to the[391]laws of christianity to keep slaves. There are likewise several free Negroes in town, who have been lucky enough to get a very zealous quaker for their master, who gave them their liberty, after they had faithfully served him for some time.At present they seldom bring over any Negroes to theEnglishcolonies, for those which were formerly brought thither have multiplied considerably. In regard to their marriage they proceed as follows: in case you have not only male but likewise female Negroes, they must intermarry, and then the children are all your slaves: but if you possess a male Negro only, and he has an inclination to marry a female belonging to a different master, you do not hinder your Negro in so delicate a point; but it is no advantage to you, for the children belong to the master of the female; it is therefore advantageous to have Negro-women. A man who kills his Negro must suffer death for it: there is not however an example here of a white man’s having been executed on this account. A few years ago it happened that a master killed his slave; his friends and even the magistrates secretly advised him to leave the country, as otherwise they could not avoid taking him prisoner, and then he would be condemned[392]to die according to the laws of the country, without any hopes of saving him. This lenity was employed towards him, that the Negroes might not have the satisfaction of seeing a master executed for killing his slave; for this would lead them to all sorts of dangerous designs against their masters, and to value themselves too much.The Negroes were formerly brought fromAfrica, as I mentioned before; but now this seldom happens, for they are bought in theWest Indies, orAmerican Islands, whither they were originally brought from their own country: for it has been found that on transporting the Negroes fromAfrica, immediately into these northern countries, they have not such a good state of health, as when they gradually change places, and are first carried fromAfricato theWest Indies, and from thence toNorth America. It has frequently been found, that the Negroes cannot stand the cold here so well as the Europeans or whites; for whilst the latter are not in the least affected by the cold, the toes and fingers of the former are frequently frozen. There is likewise a material difference among them in this point; for those who come immediately fromAfrica, cannot bear the cold so well as those who are either born in this country, or[393]have been here for a considerable time; for the frost easily hurts the hands or feet of the Negroes which come fromAfrica, or occasions violent pains in their whole body, or in some parts of it, though it does not at all affect those who have been here for some time. There are frequent examples that the Negroes on their passage fromAfrica, if it happens in winter, have some of their limbs destroyed by frost on board the ship, when the cold is but very inconsiderable and the sailors are scarce obliged to cover their hands. I was even assured, that some Negroes have been seen here, who have had an excessive pain in their legs, which afterwards broke in the middle, and dropt entirely from the body, together with the flesh on them. Thus it is the same case with men here, as with plants which are brought from the southern countries, and cannot accustom themselves to a colder climate.The price of Negroes differs according to their age, health and abilities. A full grown Negro costs from forty pounds and upwards to a hundred ofPensylvaniacurrency. There are even examples that a gentleman has paid hundred pounds for a black slave atPhiladelphia, and refused to sell him again for the same money. A Negro boy, or girl, of two or three years old, can hardly be got for less than eight or[394]fourteen pounds inPensylvaniancurrency. Not only the quakers, but likewise several christians of other denominations sometimes set their Negroes at liberty. This is done in the following manner: when a gentleman has a faithful Negro who has done him great services, he sometimes declares him independent at his death. This is however very expensive; for they are obliged to make a provision for the Negro thus set at liberty, to afford him subsistence when he is grown old, that he may not be driven by necessity to wicked actions, or that he may be at any body’s charge, for these free Negroes become very lazy and indolent afterwards. But the children which the free Negro has begot during his servitude are all slaves, though their father be free. On the other hand those Negro children are free whose parents are at liberty. The Negroes in theNorth Americancolonies are treated more mildly, and fed better than those in theWest Indies. They have as good food as the rest of the servants, and they possess equal advantages in all things, except their being obliged to serve their whole life time, and get no other wages than what their master’s goodness allows them: they are likewise clad at their master’s expence. On the contrary, in theWest Indies, and especially in theSpanish[395]Islandsthey are treated very cruelly; therefore no threats make more impression upon a Negro here, than that of sending him over to theWest Indies, in case he would not reform. It has likewise been frequently found by experience, that when you show too much remissness to these Negroes, they grow so obstinated, that they will no longer do any thing but of their own accord: therefore a strict discipline is very necessary, if their master expects to be satisfied with their services.In the year 1620, some Negroes were brought toNorth Americain aDutchship, and inVirginiathey bought twenty of them. These are said to have been the first that came hither. When the Indians who were then more numerous in the country than at present, saw these black people for the first time, they thought they were a true breed of Devils, and therefore they called themManittofor a great while: this word in their language signifies not only God, but likewise the Devil. Some time before that, when they saw the firstEuropeanship on their coasts, they were perfectly persuaded that God himself was in the ship. This account I got from some Indians, who preserved it among them as a tradition which they had received from their ancestors: therefore the arrival of the Negroes seemed[396]to them to have confused every thing; but since that time, they have entertained less disagreeable notions of the Negroes, for at present many live among them, and they even sometimes intermarry, as I myself have seen.The Negroes have therefore been upwards of a hundred and thirty years in this country: but the winters here especially inNew EnglandandNew York, are as severe as ourSwedishwinters. I therefore very carefully enquired whether the cold had not been observed, to affect the colour of the Negroes, and to change it, so that the third or fourth generation from the first that came hither, were not so black as their ancestors. But I was generally answered, that there was not the least difference of colour to be perceived; and that a Negro born here of parents which were likewise born in this country, and whose ancestors both men and women had all been blacks born in this country, up to the third or fourth generation, was not at all different in colour, from those Negroes who are brought directly over fromAfrica. From hence many people conclude, that a Negro or his posterity do not change colour, though they continue ever so long in a cold climate; but the mixing of a white man with a Negro woman, or of a Negro with a white woman[397]has a different effect, therefore to prevent any disagreeable mixtures of the white people and Negroes, and that the Negroes may not form too great an opinion of themselves, to the disadvantage of their masters, I am told there is a law made prohibiting the whites of both sexes to marry Negroes, under pain of death, and deprivation of the clergyman who marries them: but that the whites and blacks sometimes mix, appears from children of a mixed complexion, which are sometimes born.It is likewise greatly to be pitied, that the masters of these Negroes in most of theEnglishcolonies take little care of their spiritual welfare, and let them live on in their pagan darkness. There are even some, who would be very ill pleased at, and would by all means hinder their Negroes from being instructed in the doctrines of christianity, to this they are partly led by the conceit of its being shameful, to have a spiritual brother or sister among so despicable a people, partly by thinking that they should not be able to keep their Negroes so meanly afterwards; and partly through fear of the Negroes growing too proud, on seeing themselves upon a level with their masters in religious matters.Several writings are well known, which mention, that the Negroes inSouth America[398]have a kind of poison with which they kill each other, though the effect is not sudden, but happens a long time after the person has taken it: the same dangerous art of poisoning is known by the Negroes inNorth America, as has frequently been experienced. However only a few of them know the secret, and they likewise know the remedy against it, therefore when a Negro feels himself poisoned and can recollect the enemy, who might possible have given him the poison, he goes to him, and endeavours by money and entreaties to move him to deliver him from the poison; but if the Negro is malicious, he does not only deny that he ever poisoned him, but likewise that he knows a remedy against it: this poison does not kill immediately, for sometimes the sick person dies some years after. But from the moment he has the poison he falls into a consumption and enjoys few days of good health: such a poor wretch often knows that he is poisoned, the moment he gets the poison. The Negroes commonly employ it on such of their brethren as behave well, are beloved by their masters, and separate as it were from their countrymen, or do not like to converse with them. They have likewise often other reasons for their enmity; but there are few examples of their[399]having poisoned their masters. Perhaps the mild treatment they receive, keeps them from doing it, or perhaps they fear that they may be discovered, and that in such a case, the severest punishments would be inflicted on them.They never discover what the poison consists of, and keep it secret beyond conception. It is probable that it is a very common thing which may be got all the world over, for wherever they are they can always easily procure it. Therefore it cannot be a plant, as several learned men have thought; for that is not to be met with every where. I have heard many accounts here of Negroes who have been killed by this poison. I shall only mention one incident which happened during my stay in this country. A man here had a Negro who was exceedingly faithful to him, and behaved so well, that he would not have given him for twenty other Negroes. His master likewise shewed him a peculiar kindness, and the slave’s conduct equalled that of the best christian servant; he likewise conversed as little as possible with the other Negroes; on that account they hated him to excess, but as he was scarce ever in company with them, they had no opportunity of conveying the poison to him, which[400]they had often tried. However on coming to town during the fair (for he lived in the country) some other Negroes invited him to drink with them. At first he would not, but they pressed him till he was obliged to comply. As soon as he came into the room, the others took a pot from the wall and pledged him, desiring him to drink likewise: he drank, but when he took the pot from his mouth, he said what beer is this? It is full of ******. I purposely omit what he mentioned, for it seems undoubtedly to have been the name of the poison with which malicious Negroes do so much harm, and which is to be met with almost every where. It might be too much employed to wicked purposes, and it is therefore better that it remains unknown. The other Negroes and Negro-women fell a laughing at the complaints of their hated countryman, and danced and sung as if they had done an excellent action, and had at last obtained the point so much wished for. The innocent Negro went away immediately, and when he got home, said that the other Negroes had certainly poisoned him: he then fell into a consumption, and no remedy could prevent his death.End ofVol. I.[401]

The bark of the root of theTulip tree, orLiriodendron Tulipifera, taken in the same manner as the jesuit’s bark, sometimes had a similar effect.

Several people peeled the roots of theCornus florida, orDog wood, and gave this peel to the patients; and even some people, who could not be cured by the jesuit’s bark, have recovered by the help of this. I have likewise seen people cured of the fever, by taking brimstone reduced to powder, and mixed with sugar every night before they went to bed, and every morning before they got up: they took it three or four times in the intervals, and at each time drank some warm liquor, to wash the powder down. However others that tried the same remedy did not find much relief from it.

Some people collected the yellow bark of the peach tree, especially that which is on the root and boiled it in water, till half of it was evaporated by boiling. Of this decoction the patient took every morning about a wine glass full, before he had eaten[375]any thing. This liquor has a disagreeable taste, and contracts the mouth and tongue like alum; yet several persons atRaccoonwho had tried many remedies in vain, were cured by this.

Others boiled the leaves of thePotentilla reptans, or of thePotentilla canadensis, in water, and made the patients drink it before the ague fit came on, and it is well known that several persons have recovered by this means.

The people who are settled upon the riverMohawkinNew York, bothIndiansandEuropeanscollect the root of theGeum rivale, and pound it. This powder some of them boil in water till it is a pretty strong decoction: others only infuse cold water on it and leave it so for a day; others mix it with brandy. Of this medicine the patient is to take a wine glass full on the morning of the day when the fever does not come, before he has eaten any thing. I was assured that this was one of the surest remedies, and more certain than the jesuit’s bark.

The people who live near the iron mines, declared that they were seldom or never visited by the fever and ague; but when they have the fever, they drink the water of such fountains, as arise from the[376]iron mines, and have a strong chalybeat taste; and they assured me that this remedy was infallible. Other people therefore who did not live very far from such springs, went to them for a few days, when they had the fever, in order to drink the water, which commonly cured them.

I have already shown above, that sage mixed with lemon juice, has been found very salutary against the ague.

It was however universally remarkable, that that which cures one person of it, has no effect upon another.

The pleurisy is likewise a disease which the people of this country are much subject to. TheSwedesin this province call itstitches and burning, and they always mean the pleurisy whenever they mention those words. Many of the oldSwedestold me that they had heard very little of it when they were young, and that their parents had known still less of it in their childhood; but that it was so common now, that many people died every year of it: yet it has been observed, that in some years this disease has been very moderate, and taken few people away with it, whilst in other years it makes great havock: it likewise is more violent in some places than in others.

In the autumn of the year 1728, it swept[377]away many atPenn’sneck, a place belowRaccoon, and nearer to theDelaware, where a number ofSwedesare settled. Almost all theSwedesthere died of it, though they were very numerous. From hence it happened that their children who were left in a very tender age, and grew up among theEnglishchildren, forgot their mother tongue, so that few of them understand it at present. Since that time, though the pleurisy has every year killed a few people atPenn’sneck, yet it has not carried off any considerable numbers. It rested as it were till the autumn of the year 1748, but then it began to make dreadful havock, and every week six or ten of the old people died. The disease was so violent, that when it attacked a person, he seldom lived above two or three days; and of those who were taken ill with it, very few recovered. When the pleurisy was got into a house, it killed most of the old people in it: it was a true pleurisy, but it had a peculiarity with it, for it commonly began with a great swelling under the throat and in the neck, and with a difficulty of swallowing. Some people looked upon it as contagious; and others seriously declared, that when it came into a family, not only those who lived in the same house suffered from it, but even such relations[378]as lived far off. There have been several people atPenn’sneck, who, without visiting their sick friends, have got the pleurisy and died of it: I do not dispute the truth of this, though I do not agree to the conclusion. The pleurisy was the most violent inNovember; yet some old people died of it even in the next winter; but children were pretty free from it. The physicians did not know what to make of it, nor how to remedy it.

It is difficult to determine the causes of such violent diseases. An oldEnglishsurgeon who lived here gave the following reason. The inhabitants of this country drink great quantities of punch and other strong liquors in summer, when it is very hot; by that means the veins in the diaphragm contract, and the blood grows thick. Towards the end ofOctoberand the beginning ofNovember, the weather is apt to alter very suddenly, so that heat and cold change several times a day. When the people during this changeable weather are in the open air, they commonly get this disease. It is likewise certain that the air is more unwholesome one year, than another, which depends upon the heat, and other circumstances: this peculiar quality of the air must of course produce a pleurisy.[379]It is remarkable, that both in the year 1728, and in the present, when so many people died atPenn’sneck, few died atRaccoon, though the two places are near each other, and seem to have the same soil and climate. But there is this difference thatPenn’snecklies remarkably low, andRaccoonpretty high. The people in the former place have settled between marshes and swamps, in which the water stagnates and putrifies; and most of these places are covered with trees, by which means the wet is shut up still more, and near such marshes, are the houses. Lastly the water atPenn’sneckis not reckoned so good as that inRaccoon, but has some taste. It likewise becomes brackish in several little rivers when theDelawareduring the tide rises very high, and runs up into them. On the banks of these rivulets live many of theSwedes, and take water for common use from them.

Decemberthe 3d. This morning I set out forPhiladelphia, where I arrived in the evening.

Wild grapes are very abundant in the woods, and of various kinds; a species of them which are remarkable for their size, grow in the marshes, and are greedily eaten by theRaccoon: they are therefore called[380]marsh grapes, but theEnglishcall themfox grapes; they have not an agreeable flavour, and are seldom eaten by the inhabitants of this country, who make use of a small kind of wild grapes, which grow on a dry soil, and pretty late in autumn when they are quite ripe, are eaten raw, and have a very good flavour, being a mixture of sweet and acid: some people dry these grapes when gathered and bake them in tarts, &c. they likewise make use of them as dried sweetmeats. TheSwedesformerly made a pretty good wine from them; but have now left it off. However some of theEnglishstill press an agreeable liquor from these grapes, which they assured me was as good as the best claret, and that it would keep for several years.

The manner of preparing this sort of wine has been described at large in an almanack of this country, for the year 1743, and is as follows: the grapes are collected from the twenty first ofSeptemberto about the eleventh ofNovember, that is as they grow ripe: they must be gathered in dry weather, and after the dew is gone off: the grapes are cleared of the cobwebs, dry leaves, and other things adhering to them. Next a great hogshead is prepared which has either had treacle or brandy in; it is washed[381]very clean, one of the bottoms beat out, and the other placed on a stand for the purpose, or on pieces of wood in the cellar, or else in a warm room, about two feet above the ground: the grapes are put into this hogshead, and as they sink lower in three or four days time more are added. A man with naked feet gets into the hogshead and treads the grapes, and in about half an hour’s time the juice is forced out; the man then turns the lowest grapes uppermost, and treads them for about a quarter of an hour: this is sufficient to squeeze the good juice out of them: for an additional pressure would even crush the unripe grapes, and give the whole a disagreeable flavour. The hogshead is then covered with a thick blanket; but if there is no cellar, or it is very cold, two are spread over it. Under this covering the juice is left to ferment for the first time, and in the next four or five days it ferments and works very strongly. As soon as the fermentation ceases, a hole is made about six inches from the bottom, and some of the juice is tapped off about twice in a day. As soon as this is clear and settled, it is poured into an anker of a middling size; for from twenty bushels of grapes, they get about as many gallons of juice; the anker remains untouched[382]and the must in it ferments a second time: at this time it is necessary that the anker be quite full; the scum which settles at the bunghole, must be taken off, and the anker always filled up with more must, which is kept ready for that purpose: this is continued till christmas, when the anker may be stopped up; at last the wine is ready inFebruaryand bottled. It is likewise usual here, to put some of the ripe grapes into a vessel in order to make a vinegar, and that which is got by this means is very good. Several people made brandy from these grapes which has a very pleasant taste, but is still more pleasant, if the fruits of the persimon are mixed with it. The wood of these vines is of no use, it is so brittle that it cannot be used for sticks: on cutting into the stem, a white, insipid resin comes out a few hours after the wound is made. In many gardens vines are planted for the purpose of making arbours for which they are indeed excellent; as their large and plentiful leaves form a very close cover against the scorching heat of the sun. When the vines flower here inMayandJune, the flowers exhale a strong, but exceeding pleasant and refreshing smell, which is perceptible even at a great distance. Therefore on coming into the woods[383]about that time, you may judge from the sweet perfume in the air, arising from the flowers of the vines, that you are near them, though you do not see them. Though the winters be ever so severe, yet they do not affect the vines. Each grape is about the size of a pea, but further southward they are said to be of the size of common raisins, and of a finer flavour. Further up in the country, during a part of autumn, they are the chief food of bears, who climb up the trees in order to pluck them. People are of opinion that if the wild vines were cultivated with more care, the grapes would grow larger, and more palatable.

Decemberthe 5th. I shall here mention two prognosticks of the weather, which were greatly valued here. Some people pretended to foretel that the ensuing winter would not be a severe one: this they conjectured from having seen wild geese and other migratory birds go to the south inOctober, but return a few days ago in great numbers, and even pass on further to the north. Indeed the ensuing winter was one of the most temperate ones.

Several persons likewise assured us that we should have rain before to morrow night. The reason they gave for this conjecture was, that this morning at sun rising, from[384]their windows they had seen every thing very plainly on the other side of the river, so that it appeared much nearer than usual, and that this commonly foreboded rain. This presage was likewise pretty exactly fulfilled.

The Indians before the arrival of theEuropeans, had no notion of the use of iron, though that metal was abundant in their country. However they knew in some measure how to make use of copper. SomeDutchmenwho lived here, still preserved the old account among them, that their ancestors on their first settling inNew Yorkhad met with many of the Indians, who had tobacco pipes of copper, and who made them understand by signs, that they got them in the neighbourhood: afterwards the fine copper mine was discovered, upon thesecond riverbetweenElizabeth-townandNew York. On digging in this mine, the people met with holes worked in the mountain, out of which some copper had been taken, and they found even some tools, which the Indians probably made use of, when they endeavoured to get the metal for their pipes. Such holes in the mountains have likewise been found in some parts ofPensylvania, viz. belowNewcastletowards the sea side, and always some marks of a[385]copper ore along with them. Some people have conjectured, that theSpaniards, after discoveringMexico, sailed along the coasts ofNorth America, and landed now and then, in order to enquire whether any gold or silver was to be met with, and that they perhaps made these holes in the mountains: but supposing them to have made such a voyage along the coasts, they could not immediately have found out the copper mines; and they probably did not stop to blast this ore, as they were bent only upon gold and silver; it is therefore almost undoubted that the Indians dug these holes: or may we be allowed to suspect that our oldNormans, long before the discoveries ofColumbus, came into these parts and met with such veins of copper, when they sailed to what they called theexcellent Wineland,51of which our ancient traditional records calledSagorspeak, and which undoubtedly wasNorth America. But in regard to this, I shall have occasion in the sequel better to explain my sentiments. It was remarkable, that in all those places where such holes have lately been found in the mountains, which manifestly seem to[386]have been dug by men, they were always covered with a great quantity of earth, as if they were intended to remain hidden from strangers.

Decemberthe 6th. On long voyages the sailors sometimes catch such fish as are known to none of the ship’s company; but as they are very greedy after fresh provisions, they seldom abstain from eating them,however it proves often venturing too much, experience having shown, that their want of caution has often cost them their lives, for sometimes poisonous fish are caught. But there is a method of finding them out, as I have heard from several captains of ships: it is usual when such unknown fish are boiled, to put a silver button, or any piece of silver into the kettle, which if the fish be poisonous, will turn quite black, but if it be not, it will not change: some of the seamen referred to their own repeated experience.52

Mr.Franklinand several other gentlemen frequently told me, that a powerful[387]Indian, who possessedRhode Islandhad sold it to theEnglishfor a pair of spectacles: it is large enough for a prince’s domain, and makes a peculiar government at present. This Indian knew to set a true value upon a pair of spectacles: for undoubtedly if those glasses were not so plentiful, and only a few of them could be found, they would on account of their great use, bear the same price with diamonds.

Theservantswhich are made use of in theEnglish Americancolonies are either free persons, or slaves, and the former are again of two different sorts.

1. Those who are quite free serve by the year, they are not only allowed to leave their service at the expiration of their year, but may leave it at any time when they do not agree with their masters. However in that case they are in danger of losing their wages, which are very considerable. A man servant who has some abilities, gets between sixteen and twenty pounds inPensylvaniacurrency, but those in the country do not get so much. A servant maid gets eight or ten pounds a year: these servants have their food besides their wages, but must buy their own clothes, and what they get of these they must thank their master’s goodness for.[388]

2. The second kind of free servants consist of such persons as annually come fromGermany,Englandand other countries, in order to settle here. These new comers are very numerous every year: there are old and young ones, and of both sexes; some of them have fled from oppression, under which they supposed themselves to have laboured. Others have been driven from their country by persecution on account of religion; but most of them are poor, and have not money enough to pay their passage, which is between six and eight pounds sterling for each person; therefore they agree with the captain that they will suffer themselves to be sold for a few years, on their arrival. In that case the person who buys them, pays the freight for them, but frequently very old people come over, who cannot pay their passage, they therefore sell their children, so that they serve both for themselves and for their parents: there are likewise some who pay part of their passage, and they are sold only for a short time. From these circumstances it appears, that the price of the poor foreigners who come over toNorth Americais not equal, and that some of them serve longer than others: when their time is expired, they get a new suit of clothes from their[389]master, and some other things: he is likewise obliged to feed and clothe them during the years of their servitude. Many of theGermanswho come hither, bring money enough with them to pay their passage, but rather suffer themselves to be sold, with a view that during their servitude they may get some knowledge of the language and quality of the country, and the like, that they may the better be able to consider what they shall do when they have got their liberty. Such servants are taken preferable to all others, because they are not so dear; for to buy a Negroe or black slave, requires too much money at once; and men or maids who get yearly wages, are likewise too dear; but this kind of servants may be got for half the money, and even for less; for they commonly pay fourteen pounds,Pensylvaniacurrency, for a person who is to serve four years, and so on in proportion. Their wages therefore are not above three poundsPensylvaniacurrency per ann. This kind of servants, theEnglishcallservings. When a person has bought such a servant for a certain number of years, and has an intention to sell him again, he is at liberty to do so; but he is obliged, at the expiration of the term of the servitude to provide the usual suit of cloaths for the servant, unless[390]he has made that part of the bargain with the purchaser. TheEnglishandIrishcommonly sell themselves for four years, but theGermansfrequently agree with the captain before they set out, to pay him a certain sum of money, for a certain number of persons; as soon as they arrive inAmerica, they go about and try to get a man who will pay the passage for them. In return they give according to the circumstances one, or several of their children to serve a certain number of years, at last they make their bargain with the highest bidder.

3. TheNegroesorBlacksmake the third kind. They are in a manner slaves; for when a Negro is once bought, he is the purchaser’s servant as long as he lives, unless he gives him to another, or makes him free. However it is not in the power of the master to kill his Negro for a fault, but he must leave it to the magistrates to proceed according to the laws. Formerly the Negroes were brought over fromAfrica, and bought by almost every one who could afford it. The quakers alone scrupled to have slaves; but they are no longer so nice, and they have as many Negroes as other people. However many people cannot conquer the idea of its being contrary to the[391]laws of christianity to keep slaves. There are likewise several free Negroes in town, who have been lucky enough to get a very zealous quaker for their master, who gave them their liberty, after they had faithfully served him for some time.

At present they seldom bring over any Negroes to theEnglishcolonies, for those which were formerly brought thither have multiplied considerably. In regard to their marriage they proceed as follows: in case you have not only male but likewise female Negroes, they must intermarry, and then the children are all your slaves: but if you possess a male Negro only, and he has an inclination to marry a female belonging to a different master, you do not hinder your Negro in so delicate a point; but it is no advantage to you, for the children belong to the master of the female; it is therefore advantageous to have Negro-women. A man who kills his Negro must suffer death for it: there is not however an example here of a white man’s having been executed on this account. A few years ago it happened that a master killed his slave; his friends and even the magistrates secretly advised him to leave the country, as otherwise they could not avoid taking him prisoner, and then he would be condemned[392]to die according to the laws of the country, without any hopes of saving him. This lenity was employed towards him, that the Negroes might not have the satisfaction of seeing a master executed for killing his slave; for this would lead them to all sorts of dangerous designs against their masters, and to value themselves too much.

The Negroes were formerly brought fromAfrica, as I mentioned before; but now this seldom happens, for they are bought in theWest Indies, orAmerican Islands, whither they were originally brought from their own country: for it has been found that on transporting the Negroes fromAfrica, immediately into these northern countries, they have not such a good state of health, as when they gradually change places, and are first carried fromAfricato theWest Indies, and from thence toNorth America. It has frequently been found, that the Negroes cannot stand the cold here so well as the Europeans or whites; for whilst the latter are not in the least affected by the cold, the toes and fingers of the former are frequently frozen. There is likewise a material difference among them in this point; for those who come immediately fromAfrica, cannot bear the cold so well as those who are either born in this country, or[393]have been here for a considerable time; for the frost easily hurts the hands or feet of the Negroes which come fromAfrica, or occasions violent pains in their whole body, or in some parts of it, though it does not at all affect those who have been here for some time. There are frequent examples that the Negroes on their passage fromAfrica, if it happens in winter, have some of their limbs destroyed by frost on board the ship, when the cold is but very inconsiderable and the sailors are scarce obliged to cover their hands. I was even assured, that some Negroes have been seen here, who have had an excessive pain in their legs, which afterwards broke in the middle, and dropt entirely from the body, together with the flesh on them. Thus it is the same case with men here, as with plants which are brought from the southern countries, and cannot accustom themselves to a colder climate.

The price of Negroes differs according to their age, health and abilities. A full grown Negro costs from forty pounds and upwards to a hundred ofPensylvaniacurrency. There are even examples that a gentleman has paid hundred pounds for a black slave atPhiladelphia, and refused to sell him again for the same money. A Negro boy, or girl, of two or three years old, can hardly be got for less than eight or[394]fourteen pounds inPensylvaniancurrency. Not only the quakers, but likewise several christians of other denominations sometimes set their Negroes at liberty. This is done in the following manner: when a gentleman has a faithful Negro who has done him great services, he sometimes declares him independent at his death. This is however very expensive; for they are obliged to make a provision for the Negro thus set at liberty, to afford him subsistence when he is grown old, that he may not be driven by necessity to wicked actions, or that he may be at any body’s charge, for these free Negroes become very lazy and indolent afterwards. But the children which the free Negro has begot during his servitude are all slaves, though their father be free. On the other hand those Negro children are free whose parents are at liberty. The Negroes in theNorth Americancolonies are treated more mildly, and fed better than those in theWest Indies. They have as good food as the rest of the servants, and they possess equal advantages in all things, except their being obliged to serve their whole life time, and get no other wages than what their master’s goodness allows them: they are likewise clad at their master’s expence. On the contrary, in theWest Indies, and especially in theSpanish[395]Islandsthey are treated very cruelly; therefore no threats make more impression upon a Negro here, than that of sending him over to theWest Indies, in case he would not reform. It has likewise been frequently found by experience, that when you show too much remissness to these Negroes, they grow so obstinated, that they will no longer do any thing but of their own accord: therefore a strict discipline is very necessary, if their master expects to be satisfied with their services.

In the year 1620, some Negroes were brought toNorth Americain aDutchship, and inVirginiathey bought twenty of them. These are said to have been the first that came hither. When the Indians who were then more numerous in the country than at present, saw these black people for the first time, they thought they were a true breed of Devils, and therefore they called themManittofor a great while: this word in their language signifies not only God, but likewise the Devil. Some time before that, when they saw the firstEuropeanship on their coasts, they were perfectly persuaded that God himself was in the ship. This account I got from some Indians, who preserved it among them as a tradition which they had received from their ancestors: therefore the arrival of the Negroes seemed[396]to them to have confused every thing; but since that time, they have entertained less disagreeable notions of the Negroes, for at present many live among them, and they even sometimes intermarry, as I myself have seen.

The Negroes have therefore been upwards of a hundred and thirty years in this country: but the winters here especially inNew EnglandandNew York, are as severe as ourSwedishwinters. I therefore very carefully enquired whether the cold had not been observed, to affect the colour of the Negroes, and to change it, so that the third or fourth generation from the first that came hither, were not so black as their ancestors. But I was generally answered, that there was not the least difference of colour to be perceived; and that a Negro born here of parents which were likewise born in this country, and whose ancestors both men and women had all been blacks born in this country, up to the third or fourth generation, was not at all different in colour, from those Negroes who are brought directly over fromAfrica. From hence many people conclude, that a Negro or his posterity do not change colour, though they continue ever so long in a cold climate; but the mixing of a white man with a Negro woman, or of a Negro with a white woman[397]has a different effect, therefore to prevent any disagreeable mixtures of the white people and Negroes, and that the Negroes may not form too great an opinion of themselves, to the disadvantage of their masters, I am told there is a law made prohibiting the whites of both sexes to marry Negroes, under pain of death, and deprivation of the clergyman who marries them: but that the whites and blacks sometimes mix, appears from children of a mixed complexion, which are sometimes born.

It is likewise greatly to be pitied, that the masters of these Negroes in most of theEnglishcolonies take little care of their spiritual welfare, and let them live on in their pagan darkness. There are even some, who would be very ill pleased at, and would by all means hinder their Negroes from being instructed in the doctrines of christianity, to this they are partly led by the conceit of its being shameful, to have a spiritual brother or sister among so despicable a people, partly by thinking that they should not be able to keep their Negroes so meanly afterwards; and partly through fear of the Negroes growing too proud, on seeing themselves upon a level with their masters in religious matters.

Several writings are well known, which mention, that the Negroes inSouth America[398]have a kind of poison with which they kill each other, though the effect is not sudden, but happens a long time after the person has taken it: the same dangerous art of poisoning is known by the Negroes inNorth America, as has frequently been experienced. However only a few of them know the secret, and they likewise know the remedy against it, therefore when a Negro feels himself poisoned and can recollect the enemy, who might possible have given him the poison, he goes to him, and endeavours by money and entreaties to move him to deliver him from the poison; but if the Negro is malicious, he does not only deny that he ever poisoned him, but likewise that he knows a remedy against it: this poison does not kill immediately, for sometimes the sick person dies some years after. But from the moment he has the poison he falls into a consumption and enjoys few days of good health: such a poor wretch often knows that he is poisoned, the moment he gets the poison. The Negroes commonly employ it on such of their brethren as behave well, are beloved by their masters, and separate as it were from their countrymen, or do not like to converse with them. They have likewise often other reasons for their enmity; but there are few examples of their[399]having poisoned their masters. Perhaps the mild treatment they receive, keeps them from doing it, or perhaps they fear that they may be discovered, and that in such a case, the severest punishments would be inflicted on them.

They never discover what the poison consists of, and keep it secret beyond conception. It is probable that it is a very common thing which may be got all the world over, for wherever they are they can always easily procure it. Therefore it cannot be a plant, as several learned men have thought; for that is not to be met with every where. I have heard many accounts here of Negroes who have been killed by this poison. I shall only mention one incident which happened during my stay in this country. A man here had a Negro who was exceedingly faithful to him, and behaved so well, that he would not have given him for twenty other Negroes. His master likewise shewed him a peculiar kindness, and the slave’s conduct equalled that of the best christian servant; he likewise conversed as little as possible with the other Negroes; on that account they hated him to excess, but as he was scarce ever in company with them, they had no opportunity of conveying the poison to him, which[400]they had often tried. However on coming to town during the fair (for he lived in the country) some other Negroes invited him to drink with them. At first he would not, but they pressed him till he was obliged to comply. As soon as he came into the room, the others took a pot from the wall and pledged him, desiring him to drink likewise: he drank, but when he took the pot from his mouth, he said what beer is this? It is full of ******. I purposely omit what he mentioned, for it seems undoubtedly to have been the name of the poison with which malicious Negroes do so much harm, and which is to be met with almost every where. It might be too much employed to wicked purposes, and it is therefore better that it remains unknown. The other Negroes and Negro-women fell a laughing at the complaints of their hated countryman, and danced and sung as if they had done an excellent action, and had at last obtained the point so much wished for. The innocent Negro went away immediately, and when he got home, said that the other Negroes had certainly poisoned him: he then fell into a consumption, and no remedy could prevent his death.

End ofVol. I.

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