Chapter 44

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-500PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 90

CIRCULAR LETTER FROM THIERACK TO JUDGES, 7 SEPTEMBER 1942, EXPLAINING THE ESTABLISHMENT AND FUNCTION OF THE JUDGES’ LETTERS

The Reich Minister of Justice

3110/2-IVa 4 1902

Berlin W 8, 7 September 1942Wilhelmstrasse 65Telephone: 110044Long Distance: 116516

To:

1. The Presidents of the Reich Supreme Court and People’s Court

2. The Presidents of the District Courts of Appeal (except of Prague)

3. The Presidents of the District Courts (with extra copies for the local courts)

For information:

1. The Chief Reich Prosecutor at the Reich Supreme Court and People’s Court

2. The Attorneys General

3. The Chief Public Prosecutors

Subject: Judges’ Letters

I will, can, and must not tell the judge who is called to preside over a trial, how to decide an individual case. The judge must remain independent in order to be able to carry the full personal responsibility for his decisions. I therefore cannot order him to use a certain legal interpretation but only try to convince him how he can help the nation by correcting or regulating with the aid of the law a life that has gotten into disorder or is ripe to be brought into order.

In this respect the profession of the judge and that of the physician are akin—he gives aid to the compatriot who asks him for help and thus prevents damage to the community. The judge, like a physician, must be able to eliminate the seat of a disease or perform operations like a surgeon.

This conception of the duties of the administration of justice has already been accepted by the German jurists to a great extent. Its practical conclusions, however, have not been fully applied yet in the field of the administration of justice.

To aid the judge in fulfilling his high duty in the life of our people, I have decided to publish the “Judges’ Letters.” They shall be distributed to all German judges and public prosecutors. These judges’ letters will contain decisions, which I consider to be especially worthwhile mentioning on account of result or argumentation. With these decisions I intend to show how a better decision could or should have been found; on the other hand good, and for the national community important, decisions shall be cited as examples.

The judges’ letters are not meant to create a new casuistry, which would lead to a further ossification of the administration of justice and to a guardianship over the judges. They are rather aimed at telling how judicial authorities think National Socialist justice should be applied and thereby give the judge the inner security and freedom to come to the right decision.

The contents of these letters are confidential; the chief of an office shall keep them personally, and let every judge and public prosecutor take notice of them against receipt.

For the publication of the Judges’ Letters the collaboration of all the judges and prosecutors is needed. I expect suitable decisions from all branches of justice to be presented to me for publication. When published, neither the judge nor the tribunal pronouncing the sentence will be named.

I am convinced that the Judges’ Letters will help essentially to adjust the administration of justice uniformly along National Socialist lines.

[Typed] [Signed]Dr. Thierack

[Certified]: [Signed]Massmund

As Chief Secretary of theMinisterial Chancery

[Stamp]

The Reich Ministry of Justice

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-298PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 81

THE FIRST ISSUE OF THE JUDGES’ LETTERS, 1 OCTOBER 1942

RICHTERBRIEFE [Judges’ Letters] Communications of the Reich Minister of Justice, Issue No. 1, 1 October 1942

Confidential

German Judges

According to ancient Germanic interpretation of the law, the leader of the nation has always been its supreme judge. When the leader therefore invests another person with the authority of a judge, this means that the latter not only derives his judicial power from the leader and is responsible to him, but also that leadership and judgeship have related characters.

The judge is therefore also the guardian of national self-preservation. He is the protector of the values of the nation and helps in the annihilation of the unworthy. He regulates those functions of life, which are considered diseases in the body of the nation. Justices vested with absolute authority are essential for maintaining a true national community.

On account of this task, the judge is the direct assistant of the leadership of the State. This position renders him prominent, but also shows the limits of his tasks which cannot, as a liberal doctrine assumed, lie in the supervision of the leadership of the State. For, if a state does not have an organization which grants the leadership to the best, the administration of justice cannot substitute this selection by its activity.

The judge is the embodiment of the wide-awake conscience of the nation. Any state is bound to fall if honesty and commonsense do not form the standard of values in the national community. It is the task of the judge to see that this is done. In rendering judgment he must always show the people his adherence to this rule.

These tasks place the judge in the center of the administration of justice. They show the profession of judges as one of the earliest professions—to be compared with that of the farmer and the soldier. These tasks can only be fulfilled by men who are mentally free and honest, and who possess a high sense of responsibility, shouldering this responsibility gladly, and conforming by their inner and outer bearing to the picture of a judge as the German people see it. The judges must therefore become a corps of judges, which represent an elite of the nation. But this must not lead to the judge keeping aloof from the people; on the contrary he has to live with and among his people and know its needs and sorrows in order to be able to help.

Such a corps of judges will not slavishly cling to the letter of the law. It will not anxiously look for cover by the law, but aware of its responsibility, it will find within the bounds of the law a decision which shall be the best guide for the life of the community.

The war for instance makes demands on a judge, which are totally different from those in quiet peace times. The judge has to adapt himself to these changes. He can only do this when he knows the intentions and aims of the State leadership. The judge must therefore always be in close contact with the leadership of the State. This is the only way to guarantee the performance of his high task for the good of the community, and it prevents the administration of justice—detached from its real problems in the life of the people—from being considered as a body for its own ends. From this ensues the meaning and necessity for the guidance of the administration of justice.

Guidance in the administration of justice does not mean to impose upon the judges a certain view of the law. The judge must remain independent, otherwise he will no longer be judge. But the State can and must lay down the general line of policy, which judges must follow, if the administration of justice shall fulfill its obligations.

I have therefore decided to issue Richterbriefe which will be sent to all German judges and public prosecutors. These Judges’ Letters shall mainly contain decisions which I deem to be especially worthy of interest, because of their findings or argumentation. By these decisions I want to show how better findings could and ought to have been arrived at; on the other hand, gooddecisions which are essential to the community shall be held out as exemplary.

There is yet another consideration, which caused me to issue these “Judges’ Letters”—The outlined view of the judge’s tasks has carried its point with most of the German lawyers, its practical effects on the administration of justice, however, has not yet been totally realized and cannot have been fully realized yet in view of the traditional training of lawyers. Therefore, I want to help the judge by means of the Judges’ Letters to accomplish his high duties in the life of our nation. I want to impress upon him how he must help and protect the community.

The Judges’ Letters are not intended to create a new cult of decisions, which would lead to further formalism in the administration of justice and to subjecting the judges to tutelage. They are only to give an idea of how the leadership of justice wishes to apply National Socialist law, in order to give the judge self-confidence and freedom to find the right decision.

The contents of the letters are confidential; they are handed to each judge and public prosecutor by the chief against receipt.

I am convinced that the Judges’ Letters will essentially contribute to the creation of a uniformly directed German corps of judges.

Berlin, 1 October 1942

[Signed]Dr. Thierack

Reich Minister of Justice

1. PUBLIC ENEMIES, ESPECIALLY BLACK-OUT OFFENDERS[286]

Sentences imposed by several courts in the years 1941–1942

1. A 19-year-old laborer who had been employed by the Reichsbahn [Reich Railroad] since 1941, stole, soon after his appointment in the winter of 1941–1942, during black-out hours, luggage and parcels from the luggage vans of long distance trains, and parcels from mail vans. There were in total 21 charges against him.

The Special Court sentenced him to 4 years’ imprisonment as a public enemy.

2. A 34-year-old lathe operator attempted black-out purse snatching at the end of 1941. In the darkness he approached a woman in the street and snatched her handbag off her arm. He was followed and arrested. He has six previous convictions againsthim, among which was theft, inflicting bodily harm, and killing by negligence. He had been sentenced in respect of the bodily harm, because in 1931 he had together with a Communist knocked down a National Socialist with a fence pole.

The Special Court did not legally appraise the act as street robbery but as theft, because the woman carried the handbag only loose on her arm, so that the culprit did not have to use force. It regarded him nevertheless as a public enemy, and expressed the view, that the community should be specially protected against him. Yet the sentence imposed was but 2 years’ imprisonment.

3. A 29-year-old laborer, who was a shirker and had several previous convictions against him, tried in 1941 to commit black-out purse snatching. He had just been discharged from the hospital as a malingerer and wanted to provide himself with money. He followed two women in the darkness in the street and reached for the purse while passing them, but he could not pull it off, because it was held tightly. In answer to cries for help, some men hurried to the scene and got hold of the culprit.

The Special Court sentenced him to death as a public enemy, and added, that persons needed special protection during the black-out in order to retain the feeling of safety in the country for the people.

4. An 18-year-old culprit W., who had no previous convictions against him raped a soldier’s wife during the black-out in 1941. After having visited an inn, he accosted, about midnight while on the way home with his 19-year-old friend P., a young woman who was going home from work at that late hour. She rejected the men and said that her husband was a soldier at the front and that she wished to go home without being molested. W. hit a man, who was standing nearby and who witnessed the incident, several times in the face without cause. Then he dragged the woman into a lane, hit her, and raped her on a bench, breaking her resistance by pretending to have a revolver on him. P. was waiting nearby in the meantime but did not interfere.

The Special Court sentenced W. as a public enemy to death for rape. P. was convicted to 5 years’ imprisonment for aiding and abetting the criminal.

Opinion of the Reich Minister of Justice

At a time when the best men of the nation are risking their lives at the front, and the nation is untiringly working for victory, there is no room for criminals who destroy this will of the community. The lawyers therefore must realize that during the war it is their duty to exterminate the traitors and saboteurs on thehome front. The law offers enough expedients for this. The home country is responsible to the front for peace, quiet, and order in the land. This high responsibility lies not least of all, in the hands of the judge. In principle, every crime counts more gravely in wartime than in peace. The special struggle, however, is against the “public enemies” a concept closely confined by the law. When a judge after careful examination of the punishable offense and of the personality of the accused decided that a criminal is to be considered a “public enemy,” this serious decision must also be expressed with full severity by the sentence. It is self-evident that a thief who steals goods and property from fellow citizens after the terror raids of our enemies deserves death only. But any other culprit too who commits crimes by taking advantage of the circumstances of war sides with the enemy. His faithless character and his challenge therefore deserve the severest penalties. This applies especially to the cowardly black-out criminal. “I do not want,” so the Fuehrer said, “a German woman who may go home from work at night time, to have to watch anxiously that no good-for-nothing or criminal will hurt her, for the soldier has the right to demand that his family, his wife, and his kin at home are protected.”

It can be said that the majority of the German judges have fully recognized the demands of the hour. The death sentence which was pronounced by the Special Court on the only 18-year-old criminal who raped a soldier’s defenseless wife, also meted out to the shirker who snatched handbags, justly puts the rights of the people in the foreground. There are, however, still cases in which personal consideration of the perpetrator is placed above the interests of the absolute protection of the community. This is shown by the comparison of the present judgments. The cunning handbag robbery at night by the previously convicted perpetrator and the twenty-one thefts of parcels by the 19-year-old worker are not justly punished with 2 and 4 years in the penitentiary. The decisive element here is not whether the taking of the handbag is legally to be considered theft or robbery—which, incidentally does not depend on whether it was carried loosely or pressed tightly to the body—or whether the sexual criminal has done any particular harm. The fact that in wartime he assaults in a cowardly and cunning manner a defenseless woman and that he endangers the security in the blacked-out streets puts him on a level with the traitor. The safeguarding of our community demands that in wartime in such cases punishment should serve, above all, as a deterrent. Here prevention is always better than cure. Every punishment of a “public enemy” which is too mild will sooner or later be detrimental to the community and carrieswith it the danger of disease-like spreading and gradual disintegration of our defense. It is always better, the judge exterminates such a bacillus in good time than having to face helplessly a contaminated multitude later on. In the fourth year of war the criminal must not gain the impression that the community relaxes in combating him; he must feel always anew that the German judge fights the internal enemy with the same determination as the soldier fights the external enemy on our fronts.

2. SEXUAL CRIMES COMMITTED AGAINST CHILDREN AND MINORS

Several Verdicts from the Year 1941–1942

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The Opinion of the Reich Minister of Justice

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3. APPLICATION FOR COFFEE RATIONS BY JEWS

Decision of a Local Court of 24 November 1941

In autumn 1940 a special coffee ration was distributed to the population of the town B. Among others a large number of Jews applied for this coffee ration which, however, they did not receive as they were excluded from the distributionper se. The food authorities saw in this conduct an offense against the distribution regulations and imposed fines on the Jews. Thereupon several hundred Jews appealed against them and asked for a court decision, so that about 500 identical cases were pending simultaneously with the local court in B. The judge informed the food authorities that in his opinion the imposing of fines could not be upheld for legal reasons—one of which was the statute of limitations—and recommended rescinding them. The food authorities did not share this legal opinion of the judge and refused to rescind the fines but suggested to the court that it mention only the point of limitation in case the fine should be set aside. Thereupon the court rescinded the fine in one case; the other cases were to be dealt with according to prescribed procedure and with reference to this decision.

This ruling, in seven sections and covering 20 pages, contains verbose interpretations of the factual and legal position. The introduction tries to justify in long tirades the length of the reasoning. Then it is set forth in detail that the Jews had been able to register with their grocersbeforethe official announcement of the impending coffee distribution, since the distributors had been informed in advance by their respective economic groups.“The contrary interpretation on the part of the food authorities was absolutely incompatible with the established facts,” as the food authorities had “overlooked” various factors. After an entirely immaterial description of the attitude of the individual grocers toward the Jews after the announcement of the decree, the document deals in detail with the investigations undertaken by the food office. The ruling continues that the court had tried in vain to cause the public prosecutor to take over the pending cases and deal with them in the regular manner, but that it had also refused on the grounds that no punishable act had been committed by the Jews, or, at least, that it falls under the statute of limitations. After again dealing with the fruitless efforts of the court to have the food office withdraw the fines, a series of factual and legal questions are declared irrelevant, but nevertheless discussed in detail beforehand. The following nine pages of the ruling deal with the examination of the legal question whether the registration of the Jews must be regarded a punishable act according to the distribution regulations. They arrive at the conclusion that this is not the case and that it would be wrong to prove it “by means of an abstruse interpretation of the law.” The long interpretation culminates in the summarizing statement that the Jews had not committed a punishable act.

Opinion of the Reich Minister of Justice

The ruling of the local court, in form and content amounts to pilloring a German administrative authority by the Jews. The judge should have put himself the question: How will the Jews react to this 20-page-long ruling, which certifies that he and the 500 other Jews are right and that he won over a German authority without losing one word about the reaction of our own people to this insolent and arrogant conduct of the Jews. Even if the judge was convinced that the food office had arrived at a wrong judgment of the legal position, and if he could not make up his mind to wait with his decision until the question, if necessary, was clarified by the higher authorities, he should have chosen a form for his ruling which under any circumstances avoided harming the prestige of the food office and thus putting the Jew expressly in the right. The freedom from punishment for the unauthorized coffee registration was, even according to the law then in force, definitely doubtful. The fact that Jews were not entitled to a supply of genuine coffee was self-evident even if it was not specially mentioned in the official decree. Registration had taken place by presentation of a coupon of the ration card and by having this card stamped. If, considering the special circumstances of this case, this had been construed as an abuse of the right to drawrations, it could have resulted in an affirmation of the punishable character of their act. The impudent, provoking conduct of the Jews would have made it a “particularly serious case.” In this case an offense could legally have been assumed. To such an offense a longer statute of limitations would have applied.

A legal view of this kind on the part of the food office need not have been regarded as “untenable,” “fabricated,” or “abstruse.”

Apart from this it was not necessary to point out to the Jew that he was only one of many members of his race who also had complained. Just as superfluous was the information that the food office in the preceding negotiations had refused to withdraw the fines and that the local prosecutor, through its refusal to take up the case, had also shown its opposition to the food office. These points were irrelevant to the ruling. The Jew could perforce only gain the impression of a dissension between the various authorities. Instead of this a few sentences of the ruling, dealing merely with the statute of limitations, would have been sufficient if the judge denied the punishable character of the offense.

The voluminous argument of the case would not even have been necessary if the case had involved a German. The order of the Fuehrer in the decree of 21 March 1942 on the simplification of the law that “court rulings must be given in short and concise form and must be limited to the absolutely essential” was already a wartime necessity. The German fellow citizen does not expect verbose and learned statements from the judge. The various ancillary and incidental considerations which guide the judge in his decision do not interest him. He wants to be informed by a few easily understandable words on what grounds he was found right or wrong.

4. VIOLATION OF FOREIGN-EXCHANGE REGULATIONS BY A JEW

Verdict by a District Court of 26 May 1942

The defendant, a 36-year-old Jew, had in 1936 taken possession of his deceased father’s textile firm. In 1938 he emigrated to Holland. In 1941 he was arrested in Amsterdam.

The defendant is guilty of a number of cases of illicit dealings. His activities began when he, as the chief heir of his father, ostensibly renounced his inheritance in favor of his sister who was a foreigner with the intention of depriving the German foreign currency control of the entire domestic and foreign fortune; simultaneously he made an agreement with his sister that everything should remain as it was. From their holdings in a firm in Holland which, as a subterfuge, were transferred to a dummy, theJew and his fiancee received about 100,000 Dutch guilders in 5 years, which were not offered to the Reich Bank. He also disposed of the proceeds from various houses without a permit. As for the Dutch firm, which was practically his own, he deceived the Reich Bank for several years by pretending that he had nothing to do with it, and that moreover it was in the red and unable to repay a loan. In doing so he cheated the German authorities by producing forged balance sheets. Finally, after the Aryanization of his firm, he tried to persuade the new owners, former employees of his, through reduction of his claim by 80,000 RM, to bring 40,000 RM across the border to Holland without a permit. When his property was registered as “Jewish property” the defendant concealed considerable assets. He defended himself mainly by asserting that all these offenses were only the continuation of his father’s violations of foreign currency regulations and that he was under the influence of his sister.

“For the reason given by the defendant” the district court did not find it a grave offense in the sense of article 42 of the Foreign Exchange Regulation of 4 February 1935, nor of article 69 of the Foreign Exchange Regulation of 12 December 1938. It sentenced the defendant to a total of 2 years’ imprisonment, making allowance for the pretrial detention and to a fine of 9000 RM.

The verdict, in the accompanying opinion, discusses first of all facts that might be extenuating and mentions that the defendant had not previously been convicted; he had acted under a certain coercion, owing both to his father’s doings and to his sister’s obstinacy. One offense by necessity led to the next. Through his confession he had considerably facilitated clearing up the facts. On the other hand, the long duration of his offenses, his fraudulent conduct toward the German authorities, and the requests he made of his former employees were cited as demanding a heavier punishment.

Opinion of the Reich Minister of Justice

The court applies the same criteria for imposing punishment as it would if it were dealing with a German fellow citizen as defendant. This cannot be sanctioned. The Jew is the enemy of the German people, who has plotted, stirred up, and prolonged this war. In doing so, he has brought unspeakable misery upon our people. Not only is he of different but of inferior race. Justice, which must not measure different matters by the same standard, demands that just this racial aspect must be considered in the meting out of punishment. Here, where a profiteering transaction typical of the defendant as Jew and to the disadvantage of the German people had to be judged, the verdict in awarding thepunishment must take into consideration in the first place that the defendant had deprived the German people for years of considerable assets. He had, as innumerable members of his race have done before him, ruthlessly and for deliberate selfish reasons violated the most vital German interests by profiteering and fraud. He has abused Germany’s hospitality, which had enabled him and his father to pile up a huge fortune, and finally has not hesitated to instigate German men who depended on him economically to serious violations of foreign currency regulations, violations which endangered their very existence. From these general points of view of the German people the question had to be clarified whether this was a particularly serious case; it did not suffice here to rely solely on the rather unconvincing statements of the defendant himself, who could not have been under coercion for 4 years, but acted in his own interests and on his own initiative. This typical Jewish parasitical attitude required the most severe judgment and heaviest punishment. The reflections of the Jew and his family, in this respect, are of very minor importance.

5. CONCEALMENT OF THE REQUIRED DESIGNATION AS JEW

Verdict of a Local Court of 24 April 1942

A Jewish proprietress of a boarding house had failed to apply for the addition of the surname Sara in the official telephone directory 1940 and 1941. The local court sentenced her to a fine of 30 RM, or an alternative of 10 days’ imprisonment. In the opinion it says: According to the ruling of the local court, Jewesses are obliged to add the name Sara to their names in the telephone directory. Therefore, the Jewess is to be fined. The reason for the mild sentence was the fact that sometimes individual judges had not ruled in conformity with the local court.

Opinion of the Reich Minister of Justice

The verdict contains no grounds for the sentence. The reference to a ruling of the district court does not free the judge from offering an opinion of its own; on the contrary, it rather gives the impression as if the judge had half-heartedly and reluctantly submitted to the authority of the district court. The verdict should give the essence of the grounds in a short and concise form. Here the essence is the following: when she registers in the official telephone directory, the defendant enters into general legal and commercial life as the proprietress of a boarding house. The registration in the telephone directory is in the nature of the subscriber’svisiting card for telephonic business relations. Application for change of name is therefore absolutely necessary in order to avoid mystification.

Moreover the grounds for awarding the punishment are not sufficiently set forth. The verdict must make a clear decision—if the court finds an action punishable, then it has to award the punishment appropriate for this action regardless of whether other courts have, because of incorrect deductions, acquitted the culprit. The idea that the defendant did not have to expect a sentence with certainty because the court rulings, owing to deviating verdicts, were not yet uniform does not justify leniency. The court which is lenient because of one single wrong judgment actually compromises with the defendant. But what she did was a typically Jewish camouflage in her business dealings. It is surprising that people are only gradually realizing this.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-315PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 82

EXTRACTS FROM ISSUE NO. 3 OF THE JUDGES’ LETTERS, 1 DECEMBER 1942, SUMMARIZING TWO CASES AND GIVING IN EACH CASE THE OPINION OF THE REICH MINISTER OF JUSTICE

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13. FORGERY OF A TESTIMONIAL BY A CLERK

Judgment of a local court of November 1942

A 19-year-old, so far unpunished clerk, who had worked in a firm of machine tool makers wanted to be employed in a larger enterprise. For this purpose she made herself out a testimonial of her present firm in which she confirmed that she was efficient and able to cope with an “independent leading position.” She forged the signature of her chief by tracing it from the signature folder and copying it with ink. This brazen forgery was immediately discovered when the testimonial papers were submitted to the new firm, to which she had been referred by the labor office.

The prosecution sees in the action of the part of B. severe forgery of documents (pars. 267 and 268 of the Reich Criminal Code) on account of the fact that the forgery was committed for monetary gain. The proposed penalty was 2 months’ imprisonment and a fine of 30 reichsmarks.

The local court saw in this offense the given facts as contained in the former paragraph 363 of the Reich Criminal Code which provided imprisonment or a fine up to 150 reichsmarks for forgery of testimonials for the purpose of improvement of one’s position.As this ruling, however—this is what it says in the judgment—has been rescinded through the law of 4 September 1941 and has been substituted by the new paragraph 281 of the Reich Criminal Code (misuse of identity papers)—which however does not apply in this case as the testimonial is not a document of identification—the court has only to regard the action of B. either as a grave forgery of a document according to paragraphs 267 and 268 of the Reich Criminal Code or “again to apply the provision of paragraph 363 of the Reich Criminal Code despite its having been cancelled and to consider it still in existence in accordance with the sound sentiments of the people and in accordance with the will of the legislator insofar as the provisions of paragraph 281 of the Reich Criminal Code are not complied with.” The court assumed the alleged second possibility. “Working on the principle that nowadays the judge is no longer obliged to adhere slavishly to the exact letter of law, the court found the accused guilty of having forged a testimonial according to paragraph 363 of the Reich Criminal Code.”

The sentence was 3 weeks’ arrest.

On passing sentence the judge remarked that the convicted person may be placed on probation, which was later granted.

Opinion of the Reich Minister of Justice

It is correct that nowadays the judge should no longer have to adhere strictly to the letter of law in a slavish way. This freedom in applying the law should, however, not lead the judge to base judgment on a law, which the legislator has cancelled. Moreover, the manner in which paragraph 363 of the Reich Criminal Code is applied assumes a law which is still in existence. Paragraph 363 of the Reich Criminal Code was cancelled because particularly during the war it was no longer possible to counter all forgeries of certificates generally with the purpose of furthering one’s advancement merely by light contravention punishment. The many opportunities of changing one’s job frequently these days offer the temptation to facilitate this change of position through such forgeries of testimonials. Such temptation must therefore be countered by a threat of more severe penalty than was provided by the former paragraph 363.

This generally more severe measure applied to such cases does not, however, prevent from justly taking into consideration the particular circumstances of individual cases within the framework of now existing law codes, if the offense as in this instance is really a mild one. The judge sensed correctly that B.’s offense corresponded to the degree of guilt of the former paragraph 363. He could have provided for this also under existing laws.

B.is a yet young and inexperienced girl of whom one may assume that she was not entirely conscious of the extent of her deed. This impression is confirmed by the primitive means of the forgery.B.endeavored to leave her present firm in order again to work in a larger enterprise. For this reason she wished to make her recent activity appear to the best advantage. It cannot simply be assumed that she thought of a better paid position in doing so, especially as it is not so simple to secure such a position under wage scales in force at present. In consequence, it could be rejected that she sought a monetary gain. Thus only an ordinary document forgery could be dealt with in accordance with paragraph 267 of the Reich Criminal Code. As the penal code did not demand imprisonment, having regard to the special circumstances of this case, the judge could have imposed a fine according to paragraph 27b of the Reich Criminal Code.

The payment of this fine would have more forcibly brought home to the still youngB.the antisocial action of this deed rather than an imprisonment, which the judge immediately postponed.

14. REFUSAL BY A SCHOOL CHILD TO GIVE THE GERMAN SALUTE

Decree by the Court of Guardians of 21 September 1940

An 11-year-old girl is conspicuous in school through continuously refusing the German salute. She bases this on her religious convictions and cites in explanation some passages from the Bible. In matters concerning the Fuehrer she appears altogether disinterested.

The parents, who also have a 6-year-old daughter, approve of this behavior of the child and obstinately decline to influence the child to the contrary. They also refuse to give the German salute and point to the passage in the Bible, “Do nothing with an upraised hand for it displeases the Lord.” They adhere to this in spite of advice by the court and the director of the school. The mother refuses altogether to discuss it with the child. The father is willing to do so, but says that the child should decide herself. The parents prove themselves to be adversaries of the National Socialist State also in other respects. They possess no swastika flag. They did not enter their child for the Hitler Youth: they were expelled from the National Socialist Public Welfare Association, because they will not support the collections, despite an adequate income of the man. Nevertheless they deny being adversaries of the movement. The juvenile board suggested that the parents should be deprived of the right to bring up the two children on account of their attitude.

The guardianship court refused to carry out this proposal and merely made an order for supervision by a probation officer.

In the explanation, the court stated that it had not been proved that the parents were adversaries of the National Socialist movement or that they really had fought against it; they were merely “not sympathetic to the movement and not willing to promote it.”

It was stated furthermore that “the parents are only in so far responsible for their attitude toward the National Socialist movement as they act contrary to the relevant penal laws.” The parents must realize that the children must be brought up in the National Socialist spirit and that the schools have instructions to educate them in that spirit. If the parents are not willing to bring up their children in that spirit themselves, or if they believe that their religious views do not allow them to bring up their children in that spirit, the least that must be demanded from them is not to oppose National Socialist education at school. Owing to the fact that the child is well brought up in other respects and that—judging from the court’s personal impression—the parents are “of absolutely reliable character,” it may be assumed that in future they will not give the school any trouble with respect to education.

The court of appeal rescinded the decision of the guardianship court and deprived the parents of the right to look after their children, as they are not fit to bring them up.

Opinion of the Reich Minister of Justice

The judge at the guardianship court in his decision misunderstood the principles of National Socialist education of youth.

Today, the education of German youth is based on the home, the school, and the Hitler Youth (law regarding the Hitler youth of 1 December 1936). They have to cooperate and each of them has to carry out that part of the educational task allotted to him by the community. The aim of this joint work consists in educating the young people in body, in mind, and morally in the National Socialist spirit for service to the nation and for the community.

This aim can be reached only by joint cooperation of the home, the school, and the Hitler Youth. Any opposition to and any deviation from this education endanger the common aim. An essential part of this education as well as a particular responsibility have been laid into the hands of the parents. They are united with the child by ties of blood. The child lives close to them and constantly looks to the habits and the example of the parents. To educate means to guide. To guide means to set an example by your way of life. The child models his way of life on the exampleof his parents. What the child hears and sees there, especially in early youth, it becomes accustomed to by degrees and accepts it as a rule of life. Therefore, the educational aim of the National Socialist State can only be achieved if the parents, conscientiously and aware of their responsibility, give their child in thought and deed a model example for its behavior in the community life of our nation. To this education of German man or woman belongs also the imparting of respect and awe for the symbols of the State and the movement at an early stage. Here, too, the community expects active cooperation on the part of the parents. A reserved neutral attitude is as harmful as attacking the National Socialist idea. Thus, indifference to the training of a patriotic member of the national community means neglect of duty on the part of the parents and endangers the educational aim for the child, even if this is not immediately apparent in each case. For this reason, it is not enough that in the present case the parents will not oppose the school in the future, they are supposed to cooperate actively in their children’s education as a whole. Thus, the responsibility of the parents does not start where its violation becomes punishable. The child is often being endangered if the parents consciously oppose the educational work of the community. That was the case here. Who continues to refuse the German salute on account of erroneous religious beliefs, who separates himself from the great social work of construction of national socialism without any reason, and who purposely withholds his children from the Hitler Youth and never takes advice, of him it can no longer be said that he merely “does not sympathize” with the movement and does not promote it. He attacks it by his opposition and is its adversary. This is proved by his convictions and by his inner attitude.

Thus, the judge of the guardianship court ought to have deprived them of the right to look after their children simply by consideration of the fact that parents, who openly profess the ideas of the “Jehovah’s Witnesses,” are not fit to educate their children in the spirit of national socialism.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-498PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 93

LETTER FROM THIERACK TO PRESIDENTS OF VARIOUS DISTRICT COURTS OF APPEAL, 17 NOVEMBER 1942, CONCERNING MANNER OF ACQUAINTING JUDGES AND PROSECUTORS IN ALSACE, LORRAINE, AND LUXEMBOURG WITH THE JUDGES’ LETTERS

The Reich Minister of Justice

m Rb./34/42

Berlin W 8 17 November 1942Wilhelmstrasse 65Tel. 110044Long distance: 116516

To the Presidents

of the District Courts of Appeal and the Attorneys General in Karlsruhe, Cologne, and Zweibruecken

Subject: Judges’ Letters.

May I ask you to make it a habit to give the judges and prosecutors in Alsace, Lorraine, and Luxembourg, too, an opportunity to acquaint themselves with the Judges’ Letters. In cases where judges and prosecutors are suspected of political unreliability, they are to be excluded in a suitable manner from the list of subscribers to the Judges’ Letters.

[Typed] [signed]Dr. Thierack

Certified:

[Signed]Beitz

Clerk

[Seal]

Reich Ministry of Justice

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF KLEMM DOCUMENT 33KLEMM DEFENSE EXHIBIT 33

ANNOUNCEMENT OF MARTIN BORMANN, PARTY CHANCELLERY CHIEF, 2 DECEMBER 1942, REQUESTING GAULEITER TO INFORM THE PARTY CHANCELLERY OF THEIR OPINIONS ON THE JUDGES’ LETTERS AND OF GOOD AND BAD VERDICTS[287]

p. 377 ff.

Judges’ Letters

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