Chapter 24

FOOTNOTES:[1]See the Appendix, pages 369, 370.[2]“Trojanische Alterthümer. Bericht über die Ausgrabungen in Troja, vonDr. Heinrich Schliemann. Leipzig, in Commission bei F. A. Brockhaus, 1874.” It may be convenient to state here, lest the reader should be disappointed at finding no details of the excavations at Hissarlik in the first year (1870), that the work of that year was merely preliminary to the systematic researches of 1871-3. An account of that first year’s work, and of the arguments which convinced Dr. Schliemann that he must search for Troy at Hissarlik and no where else, will be found in his earlier work, “Ithaque, le Péloponnèse, et Troie.”[3]Several misprints and wrong references in the original have been corrected. For the correction respecting thedébrisat Jerusalem (note to p. 218), the Editor is indebted to his friend Mr. George Grove.[4]The Anglicized form of the word is used as a matter of common sense and convenience. Dr. Schliemann does the same in German.[5]See the Letter of Mr. S. Comnos in theAthenæumof August 8th, and the Answer of Dr. Schliemann in theAcademyof November 7th, 1874.[6]See Mr. Newton’s Report, and the discussion thereupon, in theAcademyof February 14th, 1874, and in the ‘Transactions of the Society of Antiquaries.'[7]TheAthenæum, November 7th, 1874. Some of Mr. Calvert’s corrections seem of importance, but we have not felt it right to use them in the absence of the reply which Dr. Schliemann will doubtless make, as he has done to his other critics.[8]Iliad, II. 486. See the full quotation at p. 346. Professor Max Müller quotes the same passage in favour of the non-reality of Homer’s Troy; but surely the κλέος ἀκούομεν implies a positive tradition, and the οὐδέ τι ἴδμεν confesses ignorance of details only. Are Homer’s Hellespont, and his Plain of Troy, watered by the Scamander and Simoïs, also “to be sought rather among the Muses who dwell on Olympus than” about “the Hill of Hissarlik"?[9]The excellent dissertation by Dr. Eckenbrecher, to which Schliemann refers atpage 46, has just been republished in a revised edition, “Die Lage des Homerischen Troja, von Dr.Gustav von Eckenbrecher.” With 2 Maps and a View of Hissarlik, 1875. The Author has purposely kept his argument in favour of the site at Hissarlik, from Homer and the later classical writers, distinct from what he distinctly accepts as its confirmation by Schliemann’s discoveries.[10]See the remarks on this point in theAppendix, p. 364. Lest the views here indicated should seem to be at variance with the frequent use of the term “pre-Hellenic” throughout this work, it may be well to explain, once for all, that “pre-Hellenic” is to be taken as signifying nothing else than “before the occupation of the site by the people of the historical Greek Ilium.”[11]ThePhrygians(of which race the Trojans were a branch) are among the nations mentioned as having held in succession the supremacy at sea (θαλασσοκρατία).[12]The evidence of the Egyptian monuments to the power of Troy, and the bearing of that evidence on the date of the remains at Hissarlik, are among the subjects which we must refrain from discussing, as both too large and as yet too imperfectly investigated. It must suffice at present to refer to the letters by M.François Lenormantin theAcademyfor March 21st and March 28th, 1874, and to the two articles in theContemporary Reviewfor June and July, 1874, which it is understood that Mr.Gladstoneis about to republish under the title of ‘Homer and Egypt; a Contribution towards determining the Place of Homer in Chronology.'[13]Those desirous of pursuing this study from its fountain-head may consult, besides the works quoted by Dr. Schliemann,Spiegel’s‘Iranian Antiquities’ (Eranische Alterthumskunde, Vols. I. and II., Leipzig, 1871, 1873).[14]Professor Van Benschoten’s ‘Remarks on Dr. Schliemann’s Discoveries,’ in the ‘Proceedings of the Sixth Annual Session of the American Philological Association, held at Hartford, July 1874.’ We have been pleased to find this testimony, while correcting this sheet for press, in theAcademyfor January 9th, 1875.[15]Had the first conclusions of Haug and Gomperz remained good, we should have had the very significant evidence that all the inscriptions were in the nature of dedications or invocations; but of course this question must now be held in suspense.[16]See Max Müller’s Review of Schliemann in theAcademy, Jan. 10th, 1874, p. 39; Schliemann’s Reply, entitled ‘Hera Boöpis and Athené Glaukopis,’Ibid.Nov. 21st, 1874, p. 563, and Max Müller’s Rejoinder,Ibid.Nov. 24th, p. 585.[17]On the whole subject of this symbolism see the recent work ofProfessor Conzeon the ‘Figures of Heroes and Gods’ (Heroen-und Götter-Gestalten). He shows that thesymbolpreceded theimage, two things which have been confounded in the discussion. A fuller illustration may be obtained from the use ofanimalsin thearmorial devices of the Greeks, which has been recently discussed by Professor Curtius in a paper contributed to the Berlin Academy of Science. He believes that the practice came originally fromAssyria, so thatTroywould be on the route.[18]While writing this, we remember (though without the means of verification at hand) that Niebuhr maintains the same view in his ‘Lectures on Ancient History'; and it is confirmed by the tradition among the Æolians of the Troad, that Agamemnon was the founder of their colony (κτίστης).[19]See theAcademy, Jan. 9th, 1875.[20]‘Anatolica; or the Journal of a Visit to some of the ancient Ruined Cities of Caria, Phrygia, Lycia, and Pisidia. By the Rev.E. J. Davis, H.B.M.'s Consular Chaplain, Alexandria, 1874.’ Page 101.[21]TheAcademy, Nov. 7th, 1874.[22]The only exceptions to this description are the two terra-cottas, Pl. XXI. No. 309, and Pl. XLVIII. No. 484, and the one on Pl. XXIV. No. 349, which links the whorls with the round terra-cottas of the Greek strata.[23]The descriptions of the patterns are partly from Dr. Schliemann’s work, and partly added by the Editor; but the chief part are from M. Burnouf’s descriptions appended to the original drawings by himself and his accomplished daughter, from which all, fromPlate XXIV. and onwards, have been engraved. These descriptions are quoted simply for what they may be worth, as thespeculationsof so eminent an orientalist. We have omitted some of them as too speculative. In special cases the initial (B) is added. The material, colour, and style of work are given from M. Burnouf’s notes. Those on PlatesXXI.,XXII.,XXIII., are engraved from the photographs in Schliemann’s Atlas.[24]Dfordouble, denotes a whorl decorated on both sides.[25]In M. Burnouf’s descriptions the 卐 is called “le sacrifice,” or “le saint sacrifice.”[26]Where the depth is not given, we have been unable to discover the objects in the Atlas; neither the numbers nor the depths being given on the drawings.[27]One of numerous examples showing the workman’sfree hand; he has not measured his spaces with any exactness.[28]This is rather suggestive of ateetotum.[29]An example of one of the rudest attempts at drawing from thelatestpre-Hellenic stratum; some equally rude figures are scratched on a wall at Pompeii.[30]This is an example of many cases, in which the pattern may be viewed quite differently, according as we start from the centre or from the circumference.[31]Dr. Schliemann desires us to add that this ship was the “Dorothea” (Captain Simonsen), owned by the merchants Wachsmuth and Kroog.—[Ed.][32]Each of these Memoirs forms a chapter of the Translation.[33]For this remarkable vessel seeChapter XXIII. andPlate XVII.[34]But a second was found in the stratum above (see the Illustration, No. 35, at the end of the Introduction).[35]The word by which Dr. Schliemann usually denotes these curious objects iscarrousels, as a translation offusaioli, the term applied by the Italian antiquaries to the similar objects found in the marshes about Modena. It is difficult to choose an English word, without assuming their use on the one hand, or not being specific enough on the other.Topandteetotumare objectionable on the former grounds, andwheelis objectionable on both. On the whole,whorlseems most convenient, and Dr. Schliemann gives his approval to this term. Their various shapes are shown in the Plates at the end of the volume. Those in the form of single cones, with flat bases, seem to be what Dr. Schliemann calls volcanoes (Vulkans), the hole representing thecrater.—[Ed.][36]See p. 280.[37]See the Plan of Greek Ilium (Plan I.).[38]See the Plan of Dr. Schliemann’s Researches. (Plan II.).[39]The double form of an outer and inner gate, and the use of πύλαι in the plural for a city gate, are both far too frequent to justify our founding an argument merely on the plural form of the Σκαίαι πύλαι.—[Ed.][40]Νῦν δὲ δὴ Αἰνείαο βίη Τρώεσσιν ἀνάξει,Καὶ παίδων παῖδες, τοί κεν μετόπισθε γένωνται.“But o’er the Trojans shall Æneas reign,And his sons’ sons, through ages yet unborn.”This is the declaration of Poseidon to the gods, when Æneas was in peril of his life by the sword of Achilles. (But compare p. 182).—[Ed.][41]To this statement there are at least some exceptions. See the Analysis by M. Damour, of Lyon, at the end of the book.—[Ed.][42]We omit here the Author’s further enumeration of the objects composing the “King’s Treasure,” as they are fully described on the occasion of their wonderful discovery (Chapter XXIII.). Meanwhile the Plate opposite gives a general view of the whole.—[Ed.][43]Engraved among the lithographic plates at the end of the volume, Pl. LI., No. 496. Since the publication of Dr. Schliemann’s work, many of these Trojan inscriptions have been more certainly determined to be real inscriptions in theCyprian syllabic character, through the researches of Dr. Martin Haug and Professor Gomperz of Vienna. (See the Appendix.)—[Ed.][44]Dr. Schliemann has since pronounced these crown-shaped vessels to becoversof vases; though they may, he thinks, have been used for cups as well. One is seen placed on the splendid vase on p. 48.—{Ed}[45]SeePlan III., p. 306.[46]Iliad, V. 640-642, where Tlepolemus boasts of his ancestor Hercules—Ὅς ποτε δεῦρ’ ἐλθὼν ἕνεχ’ ἵππων Λαομέδοντος,Ἓξ οἴῃς σὺν νηυσὶ καὶ ἀνδράσι παυροτέροισιν,Ἰλίου ἐξαλάπαξε πόλιν, χήρωσε δ’ ἀγυιάς.“With but six ships, and with a scanty band,The horses by Laomedon withheldAvenging, he o’erthrew this city, Troy,And made her streets a desert.”[47]This most important key to the archæological evidence collected by Dr. Schliemann has been preserved in the present translation. The depths are given inmetersfor the reasons stated in the Preface.[48]These objects resemble those from other strata, engraved inChapter IV. and subsequently.[49]Chapter XVI., p. 239; comp. Chap. XV., p. 230, XVII., p. 250, XIX., p. 272.[50]It will be seen, however, from the analysis of M. Damour, that traces of iron (probably in the state of an ore) are found in one of the sling-bullets discovered by Dr. Schliemann.—[Ed.][51]SeePlan II. at the end of the volume.[52]Chapter X.[53]Nimbus und Strahlenkranz.[54]See the Sections on the Plates of Whorls.[55]For examples of this type see Nos. 337, 340, 341, &c.[56]See the Illustrations toChapter II., p. 65.[57]‘Le Signe de la Croix,’ pp. 88-89.[58]See the Sections of Plain Whorls, Pl. XXI., Nos. 436-440.[59]This statement needs considerable qualification. The notes on M. Burnouf’s drawings, supplied by Dr. Schliemann for this book, frequently describe the decorated whorls as worn and rubbed, especially on the under side and at the point, in some cases “by a circular motion.” All this strongly favours the hypothesis of their use for spindles.—[Ed.][60]These restorations are indicated in the engravings by light shading.[61]XIII. i., p. 122, Tauchnitz edition.[62]Strabo, XIII. i., p. 99. See the Map of the Plain of Troy.[63]XIII. i., p. 103.[64]‘Rheinisches Museum,’ Neue Folge, III., s. 573-608.[65]‘Jahresbericht über das Gymnasium Fridericianum,’ Schwerin, 1871 und 1872.[66]‘Rheinisches Museum,’ Neue Folge, 2. Jahrg., s. 1 fg.[67]‘Dissertation on the Topography of the Trojan War.’ Edinburgh, 1822. Second Edition. ‘The Plain of Troy described,’ &c. 1863. Dr. Schliemann might have added the weighty authority of Mr. Grote, ‘History of Greece,’ vol. i., chap. xv.—[Ed.][68]Dr. Émile Burnouf has published a very clear and interesting account of Dr. Schliemann’s discoveries, in the ‘Revue des Deux Mondes’ for Jan. 1, 1874.—[Ed.][69]As we call it,lamp-black, that is, tolerably pure carbon.—[Ed.][70]See the Cut No. 1 on p. 15.[71]These are the vases so often mentioned as having the form of great champagne glasses (see the Cuts on seep. 85,158,166,171). Dr. Schliemann also applies the name to the unique boat-shaped vessel of pure gold found in the Treasure.—[Ed.][72]If M. Burnouf meant this seriously at the time, it can now only stand as a curious coincidence, interesting as one example of the tentative process of this new enquiry. (See the Appendix.)—[Ed.][73]These indications of a fifth pre-Hellenic settlement, if confirmed by further investigation, would seem to point to the spread of the Lydians over western Asia Minor.—Ed.[74]This date refers to Dr. Schliemann’s former opinion, that there were Byzantine remains at Hissarlik. He now places the final destruction of Ilium in the fourth century, on the evidence of the latest coins found there. See seep. 318,319.—Ed.[75]Voyage de la Troade(3eéd. Paris, 1802).[76]SeePlan I., of Greek Ilium, at the end of the volume.[77]See the Frontispiece.[78]SeePlan II., of the Excavations, at the end of the volume.[79]The Turkishpiasteris somewhat over twopence English.[80]Herod. VII. 43.[81]Strabo, XIII. 1. 8; Arrian, I. 11.; Plutarch, Life of Alexander the Great, viii.[82]SeePlan II., of the Excavations.[83]The various forms of the whorls are shown in the lithographed plates at the end of the volume.[84]SeePlate IV. View of the Northern part of the Plain of Troy.[85]Homer,Iliad, II. 790-794:—Ἀγχοῦ δ’ ἱσταμένη προσέφη πόδας ὠκέα Ἶρις·Εἴσατο δὲ φθογγὴν υἷϊ Πριάμοιο Πολίτῃ,Ὃς Τρώων σκοπὸς ἵζε, ποδωκείῃσι πεποιθὼς,Τύμβῳ ἐπ’ ἀκροτάτῳ Αἰσυήταο γέροντος,Δέγμενος ὁππότε ναῦφιν ἀφορμηθεῖεν Ἀχαιοί—“Swift Iris stood amidst them, and the voiceAssuming of Polites, Priam’s son,The Trojan scout, who, trusting to his speed,Was posted on the summit of the moundOf ancient Æsyetes, there to watchTill from their ships the Grecian troops should march—”[86]SeePlate V., View of the South-eastern part of the Plain of Troy. The word “perpetual” (ewigem) in reference to the snow on Ida is omitted at the desire of the Author, who has ascertained that the summit is clear of snow in July and August.—[Ed.][87]The difference of temperature in the springs seems to have been disproved afterwards. (SeeChapter V., p. 92.)—[Ed.][88]This work has now been done. See ‘Introduction,’ p. 51.[89]The ‘Introduction’ has already shown how Dr. Schliemann changed his opinion as to the magnitude of Troy. Compare alsoChapter XXIII. It is hard to see how the vague poetic language of the passage cited furnishes anydatafor the computation in the text.—[Ed.][90]See the Map.[91]Lycophron’sCassandra; Virgil’sÆneid, III., 302-305; Strabo, XIII., 1.[92]For the further and most interesting discoveries which speedily led Dr. Schliemann to recal this conjecture, and which have affected all previous theories about the ages of stone and bronze, see the beginning ofChapter IV.[93]The stone implements here described are so similar in form to the better-made objects of the same sort, exhibited in subsequent illustrations, that it seems superfluous to engrave them here.—[Ed.][94]This depth of 10 meters, or 33 feet, is that which Dr. Schliemann came to regard as thelowerlimit of the ruins of the true heroic Troy. The depth of 7 meters, or 23 feet, presently mentioned is theupperlimit of the same stratum. (See the Introduction and the later Memoirs.)—[Ed.][95]These, like all the objects of copper found at Troy, are coated with verdigris and malachite. (Letter-press to the Atlas.)[96]SeePlate LI., No. 496. Comp.Chapter IX., p. 138. This is one of the most important of the inscriptions determined to be such by Professor Gomperz. It hassixcharacters. (See the Appendix.)[97]This is given onPlate XXII., No. 326, from the Photograph, and more accurately from M. Burnouf’s drawing onPlate XLVIII., No. 482. Dr. Schliemann supposed that it bore an inscription; but he afterwards recalled the opinion. (SeeChapter IX., p. 137.)—{Ed.}[98]These cups, as already observed, are really covers of vases, the “coronet” being the upper, instead of the under part.—[Ed.][99]In these the Author afterwards recognized moulds for casting instruments and ornaments of copper. (SeeChapter IX.)—{Ed.}[100]This refers to thelowestof thestrata, which Dr. Schliemann long took for the ruins of the Homeric Troy.—{Ed.}[101]A few, however, were afterwards found in lower strata, at 6 and even 8 meters. (See p. 295.)—{Ed.}[102]See the Frontispiece andPlan II.[103]Gabriel de Mortillet,Le Signe de la Croix avant le Christianisme.[104]PlatesXXI. toLII. at the end of the volume.[105]Copied in theZeitschrift für Ethnologie, Organ der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie und Urgeschichte, 1871, Heft III.[106]Émile Burnouf,La Science des Religions.[107]A. W. Franks,Horæ ferales, pl. 30, fig. 19.[108]The cut, for which we are indebted to Mr. Fergusson, represents the foot-print of Buddha, as carved on the Amraverti Tope, near the river Kistna. Besides thesuastika, repeated again and again on the heels, the cushions, and the toes, it bears the emblem of themystic rose, likewise frequently repeated (comp. the lithographed whorls, Nos. 330, 339, &c.), and the central circles show a close resemblance to some of the Trojan whorls.—[Ed.]

FOOTNOTES:

[1]See the Appendix, pages 369, 370.

[1]See the Appendix, pages 369, 370.

[2]“Trojanische Alterthümer. Bericht über die Ausgrabungen in Troja, vonDr. Heinrich Schliemann. Leipzig, in Commission bei F. A. Brockhaus, 1874.” It may be convenient to state here, lest the reader should be disappointed at finding no details of the excavations at Hissarlik in the first year (1870), that the work of that year was merely preliminary to the systematic researches of 1871-3. An account of that first year’s work, and of the arguments which convinced Dr. Schliemann that he must search for Troy at Hissarlik and no where else, will be found in his earlier work, “Ithaque, le Péloponnèse, et Troie.”

[2]“Trojanische Alterthümer. Bericht über die Ausgrabungen in Troja, vonDr. Heinrich Schliemann. Leipzig, in Commission bei F. A. Brockhaus, 1874.” It may be convenient to state here, lest the reader should be disappointed at finding no details of the excavations at Hissarlik in the first year (1870), that the work of that year was merely preliminary to the systematic researches of 1871-3. An account of that first year’s work, and of the arguments which convinced Dr. Schliemann that he must search for Troy at Hissarlik and no where else, will be found in his earlier work, “Ithaque, le Péloponnèse, et Troie.”

[3]Several misprints and wrong references in the original have been corrected. For the correction respecting thedébrisat Jerusalem (note to p. 218), the Editor is indebted to his friend Mr. George Grove.

[3]Several misprints and wrong references in the original have been corrected. For the correction respecting thedébrisat Jerusalem (note to p. 218), the Editor is indebted to his friend Mr. George Grove.

[4]The Anglicized form of the word is used as a matter of common sense and convenience. Dr. Schliemann does the same in German.

[4]The Anglicized form of the word is used as a matter of common sense and convenience. Dr. Schliemann does the same in German.

[5]See the Letter of Mr. S. Comnos in theAthenæumof August 8th, and the Answer of Dr. Schliemann in theAcademyof November 7th, 1874.

[5]See the Letter of Mr. S. Comnos in theAthenæumof August 8th, and the Answer of Dr. Schliemann in theAcademyof November 7th, 1874.

[6]See Mr. Newton’s Report, and the discussion thereupon, in theAcademyof February 14th, 1874, and in the ‘Transactions of the Society of Antiquaries.'

[6]See Mr. Newton’s Report, and the discussion thereupon, in theAcademyof February 14th, 1874, and in the ‘Transactions of the Society of Antiquaries.'

[7]TheAthenæum, November 7th, 1874. Some of Mr. Calvert’s corrections seem of importance, but we have not felt it right to use them in the absence of the reply which Dr. Schliemann will doubtless make, as he has done to his other critics.

[7]TheAthenæum, November 7th, 1874. Some of Mr. Calvert’s corrections seem of importance, but we have not felt it right to use them in the absence of the reply which Dr. Schliemann will doubtless make, as he has done to his other critics.

[8]Iliad, II. 486. See the full quotation at p. 346. Professor Max Müller quotes the same passage in favour of the non-reality of Homer’s Troy; but surely the κλέος ἀκούομεν implies a positive tradition, and the οὐδέ τι ἴδμεν confesses ignorance of details only. Are Homer’s Hellespont, and his Plain of Troy, watered by the Scamander and Simoïs, also “to be sought rather among the Muses who dwell on Olympus than” about “the Hill of Hissarlik"?

[8]Iliad, II. 486. See the full quotation at p. 346. Professor Max Müller quotes the same passage in favour of the non-reality of Homer’s Troy; but surely the κλέος ἀκούομεν implies a positive tradition, and the οὐδέ τι ἴδμεν confesses ignorance of details only. Are Homer’s Hellespont, and his Plain of Troy, watered by the Scamander and Simoïs, also “to be sought rather among the Muses who dwell on Olympus than” about “the Hill of Hissarlik"?

[9]The excellent dissertation by Dr. Eckenbrecher, to which Schliemann refers atpage 46, has just been republished in a revised edition, “Die Lage des Homerischen Troja, von Dr.Gustav von Eckenbrecher.” With 2 Maps and a View of Hissarlik, 1875. The Author has purposely kept his argument in favour of the site at Hissarlik, from Homer and the later classical writers, distinct from what he distinctly accepts as its confirmation by Schliemann’s discoveries.

[9]The excellent dissertation by Dr. Eckenbrecher, to which Schliemann refers atpage 46, has just been republished in a revised edition, “Die Lage des Homerischen Troja, von Dr.Gustav von Eckenbrecher.” With 2 Maps and a View of Hissarlik, 1875. The Author has purposely kept his argument in favour of the site at Hissarlik, from Homer and the later classical writers, distinct from what he distinctly accepts as its confirmation by Schliemann’s discoveries.

[10]See the remarks on this point in theAppendix, p. 364. Lest the views here indicated should seem to be at variance with the frequent use of the term “pre-Hellenic” throughout this work, it may be well to explain, once for all, that “pre-Hellenic” is to be taken as signifying nothing else than “before the occupation of the site by the people of the historical Greek Ilium.”

[10]See the remarks on this point in theAppendix, p. 364. Lest the views here indicated should seem to be at variance with the frequent use of the term “pre-Hellenic” throughout this work, it may be well to explain, once for all, that “pre-Hellenic” is to be taken as signifying nothing else than “before the occupation of the site by the people of the historical Greek Ilium.”

[11]ThePhrygians(of which race the Trojans were a branch) are among the nations mentioned as having held in succession the supremacy at sea (θαλασσοκρατία).

[11]ThePhrygians(of which race the Trojans were a branch) are among the nations mentioned as having held in succession the supremacy at sea (θαλασσοκρατία).

[12]The evidence of the Egyptian monuments to the power of Troy, and the bearing of that evidence on the date of the remains at Hissarlik, are among the subjects which we must refrain from discussing, as both too large and as yet too imperfectly investigated. It must suffice at present to refer to the letters by M.François Lenormantin theAcademyfor March 21st and March 28th, 1874, and to the two articles in theContemporary Reviewfor June and July, 1874, which it is understood that Mr.Gladstoneis about to republish under the title of ‘Homer and Egypt; a Contribution towards determining the Place of Homer in Chronology.'

[12]The evidence of the Egyptian monuments to the power of Troy, and the bearing of that evidence on the date of the remains at Hissarlik, are among the subjects which we must refrain from discussing, as both too large and as yet too imperfectly investigated. It must suffice at present to refer to the letters by M.François Lenormantin theAcademyfor March 21st and March 28th, 1874, and to the two articles in theContemporary Reviewfor June and July, 1874, which it is understood that Mr.Gladstoneis about to republish under the title of ‘Homer and Egypt; a Contribution towards determining the Place of Homer in Chronology.'

[13]Those desirous of pursuing this study from its fountain-head may consult, besides the works quoted by Dr. Schliemann,Spiegel’s‘Iranian Antiquities’ (Eranische Alterthumskunde, Vols. I. and II., Leipzig, 1871, 1873).

[13]Those desirous of pursuing this study from its fountain-head may consult, besides the works quoted by Dr. Schliemann,Spiegel’s‘Iranian Antiquities’ (Eranische Alterthumskunde, Vols. I. and II., Leipzig, 1871, 1873).

[14]Professor Van Benschoten’s ‘Remarks on Dr. Schliemann’s Discoveries,’ in the ‘Proceedings of the Sixth Annual Session of the American Philological Association, held at Hartford, July 1874.’ We have been pleased to find this testimony, while correcting this sheet for press, in theAcademyfor January 9th, 1875.

[14]Professor Van Benschoten’s ‘Remarks on Dr. Schliemann’s Discoveries,’ in the ‘Proceedings of the Sixth Annual Session of the American Philological Association, held at Hartford, July 1874.’ We have been pleased to find this testimony, while correcting this sheet for press, in theAcademyfor January 9th, 1875.

[15]Had the first conclusions of Haug and Gomperz remained good, we should have had the very significant evidence that all the inscriptions were in the nature of dedications or invocations; but of course this question must now be held in suspense.

[15]Had the first conclusions of Haug and Gomperz remained good, we should have had the very significant evidence that all the inscriptions were in the nature of dedications or invocations; but of course this question must now be held in suspense.

[16]See Max Müller’s Review of Schliemann in theAcademy, Jan. 10th, 1874, p. 39; Schliemann’s Reply, entitled ‘Hera Boöpis and Athené Glaukopis,’Ibid.Nov. 21st, 1874, p. 563, and Max Müller’s Rejoinder,Ibid.Nov. 24th, p. 585.

[16]See Max Müller’s Review of Schliemann in theAcademy, Jan. 10th, 1874, p. 39; Schliemann’s Reply, entitled ‘Hera Boöpis and Athené Glaukopis,’Ibid.Nov. 21st, 1874, p. 563, and Max Müller’s Rejoinder,Ibid.Nov. 24th, p. 585.

[17]On the whole subject of this symbolism see the recent work ofProfessor Conzeon the ‘Figures of Heroes and Gods’ (Heroen-und Götter-Gestalten). He shows that thesymbolpreceded theimage, two things which have been confounded in the discussion. A fuller illustration may be obtained from the use ofanimalsin thearmorial devices of the Greeks, which has been recently discussed by Professor Curtius in a paper contributed to the Berlin Academy of Science. He believes that the practice came originally fromAssyria, so thatTroywould be on the route.

[17]On the whole subject of this symbolism see the recent work ofProfessor Conzeon the ‘Figures of Heroes and Gods’ (Heroen-und Götter-Gestalten). He shows that thesymbolpreceded theimage, two things which have been confounded in the discussion. A fuller illustration may be obtained from the use ofanimalsin thearmorial devices of the Greeks, which has been recently discussed by Professor Curtius in a paper contributed to the Berlin Academy of Science. He believes that the practice came originally fromAssyria, so thatTroywould be on the route.

[18]While writing this, we remember (though without the means of verification at hand) that Niebuhr maintains the same view in his ‘Lectures on Ancient History'; and it is confirmed by the tradition among the Æolians of the Troad, that Agamemnon was the founder of their colony (κτίστης).

[18]While writing this, we remember (though without the means of verification at hand) that Niebuhr maintains the same view in his ‘Lectures on Ancient History'; and it is confirmed by the tradition among the Æolians of the Troad, that Agamemnon was the founder of their colony (κτίστης).

[19]See theAcademy, Jan. 9th, 1875.

[19]See theAcademy, Jan. 9th, 1875.

[20]‘Anatolica; or the Journal of a Visit to some of the ancient Ruined Cities of Caria, Phrygia, Lycia, and Pisidia. By the Rev.E. J. Davis, H.B.M.'s Consular Chaplain, Alexandria, 1874.’ Page 101.

[20]‘Anatolica; or the Journal of a Visit to some of the ancient Ruined Cities of Caria, Phrygia, Lycia, and Pisidia. By the Rev.E. J. Davis, H.B.M.'s Consular Chaplain, Alexandria, 1874.’ Page 101.

[21]TheAcademy, Nov. 7th, 1874.

[21]TheAcademy, Nov. 7th, 1874.

[22]The only exceptions to this description are the two terra-cottas, Pl. XXI. No. 309, and Pl. XLVIII. No. 484, and the one on Pl. XXIV. No. 349, which links the whorls with the round terra-cottas of the Greek strata.

[22]The only exceptions to this description are the two terra-cottas, Pl. XXI. No. 309, and Pl. XLVIII. No. 484, and the one on Pl. XXIV. No. 349, which links the whorls with the round terra-cottas of the Greek strata.

[23]The descriptions of the patterns are partly from Dr. Schliemann’s work, and partly added by the Editor; but the chief part are from M. Burnouf’s descriptions appended to the original drawings by himself and his accomplished daughter, from which all, fromPlate XXIV. and onwards, have been engraved. These descriptions are quoted simply for what they may be worth, as thespeculationsof so eminent an orientalist. We have omitted some of them as too speculative. In special cases the initial (B) is added. The material, colour, and style of work are given from M. Burnouf’s notes. Those on PlatesXXI.,XXII.,XXIII., are engraved from the photographs in Schliemann’s Atlas.

[23]The descriptions of the patterns are partly from Dr. Schliemann’s work, and partly added by the Editor; but the chief part are from M. Burnouf’s descriptions appended to the original drawings by himself and his accomplished daughter, from which all, fromPlate XXIV. and onwards, have been engraved. These descriptions are quoted simply for what they may be worth, as thespeculationsof so eminent an orientalist. We have omitted some of them as too speculative. In special cases the initial (B) is added. The material, colour, and style of work are given from M. Burnouf’s notes. Those on PlatesXXI.,XXII.,XXIII., are engraved from the photographs in Schliemann’s Atlas.

[24]Dfordouble, denotes a whorl decorated on both sides.

[24]Dfordouble, denotes a whorl decorated on both sides.

[25]In M. Burnouf’s descriptions the 卐 is called “le sacrifice,” or “le saint sacrifice.”

[25]In M. Burnouf’s descriptions the 卐 is called “le sacrifice,” or “le saint sacrifice.”

[26]Where the depth is not given, we have been unable to discover the objects in the Atlas; neither the numbers nor the depths being given on the drawings.

[26]Where the depth is not given, we have been unable to discover the objects in the Atlas; neither the numbers nor the depths being given on the drawings.

[27]One of numerous examples showing the workman’sfree hand; he has not measured his spaces with any exactness.

[27]One of numerous examples showing the workman’sfree hand; he has not measured his spaces with any exactness.

[28]This is rather suggestive of ateetotum.

[28]This is rather suggestive of ateetotum.

[29]An example of one of the rudest attempts at drawing from thelatestpre-Hellenic stratum; some equally rude figures are scratched on a wall at Pompeii.

[29]An example of one of the rudest attempts at drawing from thelatestpre-Hellenic stratum; some equally rude figures are scratched on a wall at Pompeii.

[30]This is an example of many cases, in which the pattern may be viewed quite differently, according as we start from the centre or from the circumference.

[30]This is an example of many cases, in which the pattern may be viewed quite differently, according as we start from the centre or from the circumference.

[31]Dr. Schliemann desires us to add that this ship was the “Dorothea” (Captain Simonsen), owned by the merchants Wachsmuth and Kroog.—[Ed.]

[31]Dr. Schliemann desires us to add that this ship was the “Dorothea” (Captain Simonsen), owned by the merchants Wachsmuth and Kroog.—[Ed.]

[32]Each of these Memoirs forms a chapter of the Translation.

[32]Each of these Memoirs forms a chapter of the Translation.

[33]For this remarkable vessel seeChapter XXIII. andPlate XVII.

[33]For this remarkable vessel seeChapter XXIII. andPlate XVII.

[34]But a second was found in the stratum above (see the Illustration, No. 35, at the end of the Introduction).

[34]But a second was found in the stratum above (see the Illustration, No. 35, at the end of the Introduction).

[35]The word by which Dr. Schliemann usually denotes these curious objects iscarrousels, as a translation offusaioli, the term applied by the Italian antiquaries to the similar objects found in the marshes about Modena. It is difficult to choose an English word, without assuming their use on the one hand, or not being specific enough on the other.Topandteetotumare objectionable on the former grounds, andwheelis objectionable on both. On the whole,whorlseems most convenient, and Dr. Schliemann gives his approval to this term. Their various shapes are shown in the Plates at the end of the volume. Those in the form of single cones, with flat bases, seem to be what Dr. Schliemann calls volcanoes (Vulkans), the hole representing thecrater.—[Ed.]

[35]The word by which Dr. Schliemann usually denotes these curious objects iscarrousels, as a translation offusaioli, the term applied by the Italian antiquaries to the similar objects found in the marshes about Modena. It is difficult to choose an English word, without assuming their use on the one hand, or not being specific enough on the other.Topandteetotumare objectionable on the former grounds, andwheelis objectionable on both. On the whole,whorlseems most convenient, and Dr. Schliemann gives his approval to this term. Their various shapes are shown in the Plates at the end of the volume. Those in the form of single cones, with flat bases, seem to be what Dr. Schliemann calls volcanoes (Vulkans), the hole representing thecrater.—[Ed.]

[36]See p. 280.

[36]See p. 280.

[37]See the Plan of Greek Ilium (Plan I.).

[37]See the Plan of Greek Ilium (Plan I.).

[38]See the Plan of Dr. Schliemann’s Researches. (Plan II.).

[38]See the Plan of Dr. Schliemann’s Researches. (Plan II.).

[39]The double form of an outer and inner gate, and the use of πύλαι in the plural for a city gate, are both far too frequent to justify our founding an argument merely on the plural form of the Σκαίαι πύλαι.—[Ed.]

[39]The double form of an outer and inner gate, and the use of πύλαι in the plural for a city gate, are both far too frequent to justify our founding an argument merely on the plural form of the Σκαίαι πύλαι.—[Ed.]

[40]Νῦν δὲ δὴ Αἰνείαο βίη Τρώεσσιν ἀνάξει,Καὶ παίδων παῖδες, τοί κεν μετόπισθε γένωνται.“But o’er the Trojans shall Æneas reign,And his sons’ sons, through ages yet unborn.”This is the declaration of Poseidon to the gods, when Æneas was in peril of his life by the sword of Achilles. (But compare p. 182).—[Ed.]

[40]

Νῦν δὲ δὴ Αἰνείαο βίη Τρώεσσιν ἀνάξει,Καὶ παίδων παῖδες, τοί κεν μετόπισθε γένωνται.“But o’er the Trojans shall Æneas reign,And his sons’ sons, through ages yet unborn.”

Νῦν δὲ δὴ Αἰνείαο βίη Τρώεσσιν ἀνάξει,Καὶ παίδων παῖδες, τοί κεν μετόπισθε γένωνται.“But o’er the Trojans shall Æneas reign,And his sons’ sons, through ages yet unborn.”

Νῦν δὲ δὴ Αἰνείαο βίη Τρώεσσιν ἀνάξει,Καὶ παίδων παῖδες, τοί κεν μετόπισθε γένωνται.“But o’er the Trojans shall Æneas reign,And his sons’ sons, through ages yet unborn.”

This is the declaration of Poseidon to the gods, when Æneas was in peril of his life by the sword of Achilles. (But compare p. 182).—[Ed.]

[41]To this statement there are at least some exceptions. See the Analysis by M. Damour, of Lyon, at the end of the book.—[Ed.]

[41]To this statement there are at least some exceptions. See the Analysis by M. Damour, of Lyon, at the end of the book.—[Ed.]

[42]We omit here the Author’s further enumeration of the objects composing the “King’s Treasure,” as they are fully described on the occasion of their wonderful discovery (Chapter XXIII.). Meanwhile the Plate opposite gives a general view of the whole.—[Ed.]

[42]We omit here the Author’s further enumeration of the objects composing the “King’s Treasure,” as they are fully described on the occasion of their wonderful discovery (Chapter XXIII.). Meanwhile the Plate opposite gives a general view of the whole.—[Ed.]

[43]Engraved among the lithographic plates at the end of the volume, Pl. LI., No. 496. Since the publication of Dr. Schliemann’s work, many of these Trojan inscriptions have been more certainly determined to be real inscriptions in theCyprian syllabic character, through the researches of Dr. Martin Haug and Professor Gomperz of Vienna. (See the Appendix.)—[Ed.]

[43]Engraved among the lithographic plates at the end of the volume, Pl. LI., No. 496. Since the publication of Dr. Schliemann’s work, many of these Trojan inscriptions have been more certainly determined to be real inscriptions in theCyprian syllabic character, through the researches of Dr. Martin Haug and Professor Gomperz of Vienna. (See the Appendix.)—[Ed.]

[44]Dr. Schliemann has since pronounced these crown-shaped vessels to becoversof vases; though they may, he thinks, have been used for cups as well. One is seen placed on the splendid vase on p. 48.—{Ed}

[44]Dr. Schliemann has since pronounced these crown-shaped vessels to becoversof vases; though they may, he thinks, have been used for cups as well. One is seen placed on the splendid vase on p. 48.—{Ed}

[45]SeePlan III., p. 306.

[45]SeePlan III., p. 306.

[46]Iliad, V. 640-642, where Tlepolemus boasts of his ancestor Hercules—Ὅς ποτε δεῦρ’ ἐλθὼν ἕνεχ’ ἵππων Λαομέδοντος,Ἓξ οἴῃς σὺν νηυσὶ καὶ ἀνδράσι παυροτέροισιν,Ἰλίου ἐξαλάπαξε πόλιν, χήρωσε δ’ ἀγυιάς.“With but six ships, and with a scanty band,The horses by Laomedon withheldAvenging, he o’erthrew this city, Troy,And made her streets a desert.”

[46]Iliad, V. 640-642, where Tlepolemus boasts of his ancestor Hercules—

Ὅς ποτε δεῦρ’ ἐλθὼν ἕνεχ’ ἵππων Λαομέδοντος,Ἓξ οἴῃς σὺν νηυσὶ καὶ ἀνδράσι παυροτέροισιν,Ἰλίου ἐξαλάπαξε πόλιν, χήρωσε δ’ ἀγυιάς.“With but six ships, and with a scanty band,The horses by Laomedon withheldAvenging, he o’erthrew this city, Troy,And made her streets a desert.”

Ὅς ποτε δεῦρ’ ἐλθὼν ἕνεχ’ ἵππων Λαομέδοντος,Ἓξ οἴῃς σὺν νηυσὶ καὶ ἀνδράσι παυροτέροισιν,Ἰλίου ἐξαλάπαξε πόλιν, χήρωσε δ’ ἀγυιάς.“With but six ships, and with a scanty band,The horses by Laomedon withheldAvenging, he o’erthrew this city, Troy,And made her streets a desert.”

Ὅς ποτε δεῦρ’ ἐλθὼν ἕνεχ’ ἵππων Λαομέδοντος,Ἓξ οἴῃς σὺν νηυσὶ καὶ ἀνδράσι παυροτέροισιν,Ἰλίου ἐξαλάπαξε πόλιν, χήρωσε δ’ ἀγυιάς.“With but six ships, and with a scanty band,The horses by Laomedon withheldAvenging, he o’erthrew this city, Troy,And made her streets a desert.”

[47]This most important key to the archæological evidence collected by Dr. Schliemann has been preserved in the present translation. The depths are given inmetersfor the reasons stated in the Preface.

[47]This most important key to the archæological evidence collected by Dr. Schliemann has been preserved in the present translation. The depths are given inmetersfor the reasons stated in the Preface.

[48]These objects resemble those from other strata, engraved inChapter IV. and subsequently.

[48]These objects resemble those from other strata, engraved inChapter IV. and subsequently.

[49]Chapter XVI., p. 239; comp. Chap. XV., p. 230, XVII., p. 250, XIX., p. 272.

[49]Chapter XVI., p. 239; comp. Chap. XV., p. 230, XVII., p. 250, XIX., p. 272.

[50]It will be seen, however, from the analysis of M. Damour, that traces of iron (probably in the state of an ore) are found in one of the sling-bullets discovered by Dr. Schliemann.—[Ed.]

[50]It will be seen, however, from the analysis of M. Damour, that traces of iron (probably in the state of an ore) are found in one of the sling-bullets discovered by Dr. Schliemann.—[Ed.]

[51]SeePlan II. at the end of the volume.

[51]SeePlan II. at the end of the volume.

[52]Chapter X.

[52]Chapter X.

[53]Nimbus und Strahlenkranz.

[53]Nimbus und Strahlenkranz.

[54]See the Sections on the Plates of Whorls.

[54]See the Sections on the Plates of Whorls.

[55]For examples of this type see Nos. 337, 340, 341, &c.

[55]For examples of this type see Nos. 337, 340, 341, &c.

[56]See the Illustrations toChapter II., p. 65.

[56]See the Illustrations toChapter II., p. 65.

[57]‘Le Signe de la Croix,’ pp. 88-89.

[57]‘Le Signe de la Croix,’ pp. 88-89.

[58]See the Sections of Plain Whorls, Pl. XXI., Nos. 436-440.

[58]See the Sections of Plain Whorls, Pl. XXI., Nos. 436-440.

[59]This statement needs considerable qualification. The notes on M. Burnouf’s drawings, supplied by Dr. Schliemann for this book, frequently describe the decorated whorls as worn and rubbed, especially on the under side and at the point, in some cases “by a circular motion.” All this strongly favours the hypothesis of their use for spindles.—[Ed.]

[59]This statement needs considerable qualification. The notes on M. Burnouf’s drawings, supplied by Dr. Schliemann for this book, frequently describe the decorated whorls as worn and rubbed, especially on the under side and at the point, in some cases “by a circular motion.” All this strongly favours the hypothesis of their use for spindles.—[Ed.]

[60]These restorations are indicated in the engravings by light shading.

[60]These restorations are indicated in the engravings by light shading.

[61]XIII. i., p. 122, Tauchnitz edition.

[61]XIII. i., p. 122, Tauchnitz edition.

[62]Strabo, XIII. i., p. 99. See the Map of the Plain of Troy.

[62]Strabo, XIII. i., p. 99. See the Map of the Plain of Troy.

[63]XIII. i., p. 103.

[63]XIII. i., p. 103.

[64]‘Rheinisches Museum,’ Neue Folge, III., s. 573-608.

[64]‘Rheinisches Museum,’ Neue Folge, III., s. 573-608.

[65]‘Jahresbericht über das Gymnasium Fridericianum,’ Schwerin, 1871 und 1872.

[65]‘Jahresbericht über das Gymnasium Fridericianum,’ Schwerin, 1871 und 1872.

[66]‘Rheinisches Museum,’ Neue Folge, 2. Jahrg., s. 1 fg.

[66]‘Rheinisches Museum,’ Neue Folge, 2. Jahrg., s. 1 fg.

[67]‘Dissertation on the Topography of the Trojan War.’ Edinburgh, 1822. Second Edition. ‘The Plain of Troy described,’ &c. 1863. Dr. Schliemann might have added the weighty authority of Mr. Grote, ‘History of Greece,’ vol. i., chap. xv.—[Ed.]

[67]‘Dissertation on the Topography of the Trojan War.’ Edinburgh, 1822. Second Edition. ‘The Plain of Troy described,’ &c. 1863. Dr. Schliemann might have added the weighty authority of Mr. Grote, ‘History of Greece,’ vol. i., chap. xv.—[Ed.]

[68]Dr. Émile Burnouf has published a very clear and interesting account of Dr. Schliemann’s discoveries, in the ‘Revue des Deux Mondes’ for Jan. 1, 1874.—[Ed.]

[68]Dr. Émile Burnouf has published a very clear and interesting account of Dr. Schliemann’s discoveries, in the ‘Revue des Deux Mondes’ for Jan. 1, 1874.—[Ed.]

[69]As we call it,lamp-black, that is, tolerably pure carbon.—[Ed.]

[69]As we call it,lamp-black, that is, tolerably pure carbon.—[Ed.]

[70]See the Cut No. 1 on p. 15.

[70]See the Cut No. 1 on p. 15.

[71]These are the vases so often mentioned as having the form of great champagne glasses (see the Cuts on seep. 85,158,166,171). Dr. Schliemann also applies the name to the unique boat-shaped vessel of pure gold found in the Treasure.—[Ed.]

[71]These are the vases so often mentioned as having the form of great champagne glasses (see the Cuts on seep. 85,158,166,171). Dr. Schliemann also applies the name to the unique boat-shaped vessel of pure gold found in the Treasure.—[Ed.]

[72]If M. Burnouf meant this seriously at the time, it can now only stand as a curious coincidence, interesting as one example of the tentative process of this new enquiry. (See the Appendix.)—[Ed.]

[72]If M. Burnouf meant this seriously at the time, it can now only stand as a curious coincidence, interesting as one example of the tentative process of this new enquiry. (See the Appendix.)—[Ed.]

[73]These indications of a fifth pre-Hellenic settlement, if confirmed by further investigation, would seem to point to the spread of the Lydians over western Asia Minor.—Ed.

[73]These indications of a fifth pre-Hellenic settlement, if confirmed by further investigation, would seem to point to the spread of the Lydians over western Asia Minor.—Ed.

[74]This date refers to Dr. Schliemann’s former opinion, that there were Byzantine remains at Hissarlik. He now places the final destruction of Ilium in the fourth century, on the evidence of the latest coins found there. See seep. 318,319.—Ed.

[74]This date refers to Dr. Schliemann’s former opinion, that there were Byzantine remains at Hissarlik. He now places the final destruction of Ilium in the fourth century, on the evidence of the latest coins found there. See seep. 318,319.—Ed.

[75]Voyage de la Troade(3eéd. Paris, 1802).

[75]Voyage de la Troade(3eéd. Paris, 1802).

[76]SeePlan I., of Greek Ilium, at the end of the volume.

[76]SeePlan I., of Greek Ilium, at the end of the volume.

[77]See the Frontispiece.

[77]See the Frontispiece.

[78]SeePlan II., of the Excavations, at the end of the volume.

[78]SeePlan II., of the Excavations, at the end of the volume.

[79]The Turkishpiasteris somewhat over twopence English.

[79]The Turkishpiasteris somewhat over twopence English.

[80]Herod. VII. 43.

[80]Herod. VII. 43.

[81]Strabo, XIII. 1. 8; Arrian, I. 11.; Plutarch, Life of Alexander the Great, viii.

[81]Strabo, XIII. 1. 8; Arrian, I. 11.; Plutarch, Life of Alexander the Great, viii.

[82]SeePlan II., of the Excavations.

[82]SeePlan II., of the Excavations.

[83]The various forms of the whorls are shown in the lithographed plates at the end of the volume.

[83]The various forms of the whorls are shown in the lithographed plates at the end of the volume.

[84]SeePlate IV. View of the Northern part of the Plain of Troy.

[84]SeePlate IV. View of the Northern part of the Plain of Troy.

[85]Homer,Iliad, II. 790-794:—Ἀγχοῦ δ’ ἱσταμένη προσέφη πόδας ὠκέα Ἶρις·Εἴσατο δὲ φθογγὴν υἷϊ Πριάμοιο Πολίτῃ,Ὃς Τρώων σκοπὸς ἵζε, ποδωκείῃσι πεποιθὼς,Τύμβῳ ἐπ’ ἀκροτάτῳ Αἰσυήταο γέροντος,Δέγμενος ὁππότε ναῦφιν ἀφορμηθεῖεν Ἀχαιοί—“Swift Iris stood amidst them, and the voiceAssuming of Polites, Priam’s son,The Trojan scout, who, trusting to his speed,Was posted on the summit of the moundOf ancient Æsyetes, there to watchTill from their ships the Grecian troops should march—”

[85]Homer,Iliad, II. 790-794:—

Ἀγχοῦ δ’ ἱσταμένη προσέφη πόδας ὠκέα Ἶρις·Εἴσατο δὲ φθογγὴν υἷϊ Πριάμοιο Πολίτῃ,Ὃς Τρώων σκοπὸς ἵζε, ποδωκείῃσι πεποιθὼς,Τύμβῳ ἐπ’ ἀκροτάτῳ Αἰσυήταο γέροντος,Δέγμενος ὁππότε ναῦφιν ἀφορμηθεῖεν Ἀχαιοί—“Swift Iris stood amidst them, and the voiceAssuming of Polites, Priam’s son,The Trojan scout, who, trusting to his speed,Was posted on the summit of the moundOf ancient Æsyetes, there to watchTill from their ships the Grecian troops should march—”

Ἀγχοῦ δ’ ἱσταμένη προσέφη πόδας ὠκέα Ἶρις·Εἴσατο δὲ φθογγὴν υἷϊ Πριάμοιο Πολίτῃ,Ὃς Τρώων σκοπὸς ἵζε, ποδωκείῃσι πεποιθὼς,Τύμβῳ ἐπ’ ἀκροτάτῳ Αἰσυήταο γέροντος,Δέγμενος ὁππότε ναῦφιν ἀφορμηθεῖεν Ἀχαιοί—“Swift Iris stood amidst them, and the voiceAssuming of Polites, Priam’s son,The Trojan scout, who, trusting to his speed,Was posted on the summit of the moundOf ancient Æsyetes, there to watchTill from their ships the Grecian troops should march—”

[86]SeePlate V., View of the South-eastern part of the Plain of Troy. The word “perpetual” (ewigem) in reference to the snow on Ida is omitted at the desire of the Author, who has ascertained that the summit is clear of snow in July and August.—[Ed.]

[86]SeePlate V., View of the South-eastern part of the Plain of Troy. The word “perpetual” (ewigem) in reference to the snow on Ida is omitted at the desire of the Author, who has ascertained that the summit is clear of snow in July and August.—[Ed.]

[87]The difference of temperature in the springs seems to have been disproved afterwards. (SeeChapter V., p. 92.)—[Ed.]

[87]The difference of temperature in the springs seems to have been disproved afterwards. (SeeChapter V., p. 92.)—[Ed.]

[88]This work has now been done. See ‘Introduction,’ p. 51.

[88]This work has now been done. See ‘Introduction,’ p. 51.

[89]The ‘Introduction’ has already shown how Dr. Schliemann changed his opinion as to the magnitude of Troy. Compare alsoChapter XXIII. It is hard to see how the vague poetic language of the passage cited furnishes anydatafor the computation in the text.—[Ed.]

[89]The ‘Introduction’ has already shown how Dr. Schliemann changed his opinion as to the magnitude of Troy. Compare alsoChapter XXIII. It is hard to see how the vague poetic language of the passage cited furnishes anydatafor the computation in the text.—[Ed.]

[90]See the Map.

[90]See the Map.

[91]Lycophron’sCassandra; Virgil’sÆneid, III., 302-305; Strabo, XIII., 1.

[91]Lycophron’sCassandra; Virgil’sÆneid, III., 302-305; Strabo, XIII., 1.

[92]For the further and most interesting discoveries which speedily led Dr. Schliemann to recal this conjecture, and which have affected all previous theories about the ages of stone and bronze, see the beginning ofChapter IV.

[92]For the further and most interesting discoveries which speedily led Dr. Schliemann to recal this conjecture, and which have affected all previous theories about the ages of stone and bronze, see the beginning ofChapter IV.

[93]The stone implements here described are so similar in form to the better-made objects of the same sort, exhibited in subsequent illustrations, that it seems superfluous to engrave them here.—[Ed.]

[93]The stone implements here described are so similar in form to the better-made objects of the same sort, exhibited in subsequent illustrations, that it seems superfluous to engrave them here.—[Ed.]

[94]This depth of 10 meters, or 33 feet, is that which Dr. Schliemann came to regard as thelowerlimit of the ruins of the true heroic Troy. The depth of 7 meters, or 23 feet, presently mentioned is theupperlimit of the same stratum. (See the Introduction and the later Memoirs.)—[Ed.]

[94]This depth of 10 meters, or 33 feet, is that which Dr. Schliemann came to regard as thelowerlimit of the ruins of the true heroic Troy. The depth of 7 meters, or 23 feet, presently mentioned is theupperlimit of the same stratum. (See the Introduction and the later Memoirs.)—[Ed.]

[95]These, like all the objects of copper found at Troy, are coated with verdigris and malachite. (Letter-press to the Atlas.)

[95]These, like all the objects of copper found at Troy, are coated with verdigris and malachite. (Letter-press to the Atlas.)

[96]SeePlate LI., No. 496. Comp.Chapter IX., p. 138. This is one of the most important of the inscriptions determined to be such by Professor Gomperz. It hassixcharacters. (See the Appendix.)

[96]SeePlate LI., No. 496. Comp.Chapter IX., p. 138. This is one of the most important of the inscriptions determined to be such by Professor Gomperz. It hassixcharacters. (See the Appendix.)

[97]This is given onPlate XXII., No. 326, from the Photograph, and more accurately from M. Burnouf’s drawing onPlate XLVIII., No. 482. Dr. Schliemann supposed that it bore an inscription; but he afterwards recalled the opinion. (SeeChapter IX., p. 137.)—{Ed.}

[97]This is given onPlate XXII., No. 326, from the Photograph, and more accurately from M. Burnouf’s drawing onPlate XLVIII., No. 482. Dr. Schliemann supposed that it bore an inscription; but he afterwards recalled the opinion. (SeeChapter IX., p. 137.)—{Ed.}

[98]These cups, as already observed, are really covers of vases, the “coronet” being the upper, instead of the under part.—[Ed.]

[98]These cups, as already observed, are really covers of vases, the “coronet” being the upper, instead of the under part.—[Ed.]

[99]In these the Author afterwards recognized moulds for casting instruments and ornaments of copper. (SeeChapter IX.)—{Ed.}

[99]In these the Author afterwards recognized moulds for casting instruments and ornaments of copper. (SeeChapter IX.)—{Ed.}

[100]This refers to thelowestof thestrata, which Dr. Schliemann long took for the ruins of the Homeric Troy.—{Ed.}

[100]This refers to thelowestof thestrata, which Dr. Schliemann long took for the ruins of the Homeric Troy.—{Ed.}

[101]A few, however, were afterwards found in lower strata, at 6 and even 8 meters. (See p. 295.)—{Ed.}

[101]A few, however, were afterwards found in lower strata, at 6 and even 8 meters. (See p. 295.)—{Ed.}

[102]See the Frontispiece andPlan II.

[102]See the Frontispiece andPlan II.

[103]Gabriel de Mortillet,Le Signe de la Croix avant le Christianisme.

[103]Gabriel de Mortillet,Le Signe de la Croix avant le Christianisme.

[104]PlatesXXI. toLII. at the end of the volume.

[104]PlatesXXI. toLII. at the end of the volume.

[105]Copied in theZeitschrift für Ethnologie, Organ der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie und Urgeschichte, 1871, Heft III.

[105]Copied in theZeitschrift für Ethnologie, Organ der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie und Urgeschichte, 1871, Heft III.

[106]Émile Burnouf,La Science des Religions.

[106]Émile Burnouf,La Science des Religions.

[107]A. W. Franks,Horæ ferales, pl. 30, fig. 19.

[107]A. W. Franks,Horæ ferales, pl. 30, fig. 19.

[108]The cut, for which we are indebted to Mr. Fergusson, represents the foot-print of Buddha, as carved on the Amraverti Tope, near the river Kistna. Besides thesuastika, repeated again and again on the heels, the cushions, and the toes, it bears the emblem of themystic rose, likewise frequently repeated (comp. the lithographed whorls, Nos. 330, 339, &c.), and the central circles show a close resemblance to some of the Trojan whorls.—[Ed.]

[108]The cut, for which we are indebted to Mr. Fergusson, represents the foot-print of Buddha, as carved on the Amraverti Tope, near the river Kistna. Besides thesuastika, repeated again and again on the heels, the cushions, and the toes, it bears the emblem of themystic rose, likewise frequently repeated (comp. the lithographed whorls, Nos. 330, 339, &c.), and the central circles show a close resemblance to some of the Trojan whorls.—[Ed.]


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