THE END.
THE END.
THE END.
JOHN CHILDS AND SON, PRINTERS.
JOHN CHILDS AND SON, PRINTERS.
JOHN CHILDS AND SON, PRINTERS.
1. The new system of electric signals has again altered the position of Bombay, which is placed now in E. long. (G.) 72° 48′ 4″. Before that invention the difference between London and Paris varied from 2° 20′ 15″ to 2° 20′ 24″. In 1854 M. Le Verrier determined it from 200 observations to be 2° 20′ 9.45″.
1. The new system of electric signals has again altered the position of Bombay, which is placed now in E. long. (G.) 72° 48′ 4″. Before that invention the difference between London and Paris varied from 2° 20′ 15″ to 2° 20′ 24″. In 1854 M. Le Verrier determined it from 200 observations to be 2° 20′ 9.45″.
2. This Kisawahili name is usually written by the Arabs ‘Mfíta.’ Dr Krapf prefers ‘Mwita,’ and remarks that the ‘Wamwita,’ together with remnants of 11 other tribes, represent the original inhabitants of Mombasah. The natives would also pronounce Mombasah as Mombásá; and indeed so it is written by Ibn Batuta (chap. ix.). The silent terminal aspirate of the Arabic and Persian becomes in Kisawahili a long á, e.g. Ndílá, a coffee-pot, from the Arabic Dallah and Daríshá, a window, from the Persian Daricheh. The translation of El Idrisi (Climate I. sect. 7), gives Manisa two days from Melinde, evidently a conception of Mvita. Capt. Hamilton (India, chap. i.) unduly contracts it to ‘Mombas,’ and this seems to be the cacography adopted of late years.
2. This Kisawahili name is usually written by the Arabs ‘Mfíta.’ Dr Krapf prefers ‘Mwita,’ and remarks that the ‘Wamwita,’ together with remnants of 11 other tribes, represent the original inhabitants of Mombasah. The natives would also pronounce Mombasah as Mombásá; and indeed so it is written by Ibn Batuta (chap. ix.). The silent terminal aspirate of the Arabic and Persian becomes in Kisawahili a long á, e.g. Ndílá, a coffee-pot, from the Arabic Dallah and Daríshá, a window, from the Persian Daricheh. The translation of El Idrisi (Climate I. sect. 7), gives Manisa two days from Melinde, evidently a conception of Mvita. Capt. Hamilton (India, chap. i.) unduly contracts it to ‘Mombas,’ and this seems to be the cacography adopted of late years.
3. In the original—Estava a ilha a terra tão chegadaQue humo estreito pequeno a dividia;Huma cidade nella situadaQue da fronte do mar apparecia;De nobres edificios fabricadaComo por fóra ao longe descobria;Regida por hum Rei de antigua idade,Mombaça he o nome da ilha e da cidade.Lusiad, i. 103.
3. In the original—
Estava a ilha a terra tão chegadaQue humo estreito pequeno a dividia;Huma cidade nella situadaQue da fronte do mar apparecia;De nobres edificios fabricadaComo por fóra ao longe descobria;Regida por hum Rei de antigua idade,Mombaça he o nome da ilha e da cidade.Lusiad, i. 103.
Estava a ilha a terra tão chegadaQue humo estreito pequeno a dividia;Huma cidade nella situadaQue da fronte do mar apparecia;De nobres edificios fabricadaComo por fóra ao longe descobria;Regida por hum Rei de antigua idade,Mombaça he o nome da ilha e da cidade.Lusiad, i. 103.
Estava a ilha a terra tão chegadaQue humo estreito pequeno a dividia;Huma cidade nella situadaQue da fronte do mar apparecia;De nobres edificios fabricadaComo por fóra ao longe descobria;Regida por hum Rei de antigua idade,Mombaça he o nome da ilha e da cidade.Lusiad, i. 103.
Estava a ilha a terra tão chegada
Que humo estreito pequeno a dividia;
Huma cidade nella situada
Que da fronte do mar apparecia;
De nobres edificios fabricada
Como por fóra ao longe descobria;
Regida por hum Rei de antigua idade,
Mombaça he o nome da ilha e da cidade.
Lusiad, i. 103.
4. In 1823 the Arabs informed Capt. Boteler ‘that in some rivers in the vicinity gold in small quantities was at times procured’ (Narrative of a Voyage of Discovery, &c., vol. ii., chap. i.).
4. In 1823 the Arabs informed Capt. Boteler ‘that in some rivers in the vicinity gold in small quantities was at times procured’ (Narrative of a Voyage of Discovery, &c., vol. ii., chap. i.).
5. The racial name of these wandering Lestrigons, so formidable to the Portuguese in the 16th century, and taken from a title of honour, ‘Captains of warlike nomades,’ is thus confused by Prichard (Natural History of Man): ‘In 1569 the same people are said to have been completely routed on the Eastern coast, near Mombasa, after having laid waste the whole region of Monomotapa.’ He may have heard of the Highland of Chaga, whose people, however, call themselves not Wachaga, but Wakirima—mountaineers. Or he may have known that the Portuguese inscription over the Fort Gate at Mombasah declares that inA.D.1635 the Capitão Mor, Francisco de Xeixas e Cabrera, had subjugated, amongst others, the King of Jaca or Jaga. Jaca is also mentioned by J. de Barros (ii. 1, 2). M. Guillain (vol. ii. chap. xxii.) makes ‘Chaka’ a town between Melinde and the mouth of the Ozi river. We find ‘the Jages, Anthropophagos,’ in Walker’s Map, No. 4, Universal Atlas, 1811.
5. The racial name of these wandering Lestrigons, so formidable to the Portuguese in the 16th century, and taken from a title of honour, ‘Captains of warlike nomades,’ is thus confused by Prichard (Natural History of Man): ‘In 1569 the same people are said to have been completely routed on the Eastern coast, near Mombasa, after having laid waste the whole region of Monomotapa.’ He may have heard of the Highland of Chaga, whose people, however, call themselves not Wachaga, but Wakirima—mountaineers. Or he may have known that the Portuguese inscription over the Fort Gate at Mombasah declares that inA.D.1635 the Capitão Mor, Francisco de Xeixas e Cabrera, had subjugated, amongst others, the King of Jaca or Jaga. Jaca is also mentioned by J. de Barros (ii. 1, 2). M. Guillain (vol. ii. chap. xxii.) makes ‘Chaka’ a town between Melinde and the mouth of the Ozi river. We find ‘the Jages, Anthropophagos,’ in Walker’s Map, No. 4, Universal Atlas, 1811.
6. Messrs J. Schön and Samuel Crowther’s Journals with the Niger Expedition of 1841. London, 1842.
6. Messrs J. Schön and Samuel Crowther’s Journals with the Niger Expedition of 1841. London, 1842.
7. Dos Santos calls the Commander ‘Muzimbas.’ Duarte Barbosa mentionssub voceZimbaoche, a great village seven days’ journey from Benametapa. De Barros identifies it with the Ptolemeian Agyzimba, and describes it as a royal residence of the Emperor Benomotapa. It is the Zumbo of Dr Livingstone.
7. Dos Santos calls the Commander ‘Muzimbas.’ Duarte Barbosa mentionssub voceZimbaoche, a great village seven days’ journey from Benametapa. De Barros identifies it with the Ptolemeian Agyzimba, and describes it as a royal residence of the Emperor Benomotapa. It is the Zumbo of Dr Livingstone.
8. A plan of the Island was published by Rezende in 1635.
8. A plan of the Island was published by Rezende in 1635.
9. In the edition of Charles Muller (Paris, 1845) the word καίνης disappears, and the sentence becomes καὶ της λεγομένης διώρυχος, ‘and the so-called fosse.’ Certainly the term διῶρὺξ would suit the Mombasah Canal better than the Channel of Patta, and the former is the only ‘digging’ where human labour can possibly have been applied. Thus Pliny (v. 3) explains the name of the city Hippo Diarrhytus, ‘from the channels made for irrigation.’ That the scanty population of Arabs at ancient Mombasah was incapable of excavating a canal 600 metres long is no proof that the work was not done. The Sultan of Mombasah could bring into the field 5000 wild archers, and, similarly, in the Brazil the most astonishing works were effected by a handful of Portuguese, assisted by hordes of Tupy savages.
9. In the edition of Charles Muller (Paris, 1845) the word καίνης disappears, and the sentence becomes καὶ της λεγομένης διώρυχος, ‘and the so-called fosse.’ Certainly the term διῶρὺξ would suit the Mombasah Canal better than the Channel of Patta, and the former is the only ‘digging’ where human labour can possibly have been applied. Thus Pliny (v. 3) explains the name of the city Hippo Diarrhytus, ‘from the channels made for irrigation.’ That the scanty population of Arabs at ancient Mombasah was incapable of excavating a canal 600 metres long is no proof that the work was not done. The Sultan of Mombasah could bring into the field 5000 wild archers, and, similarly, in the Brazil the most astonishing works were effected by a handful of Portuguese, assisted by hordes of Tupy savages.
10. Owen (i. 404, 405) sketches and transcribes it very incorrectly. Guillain (vol. i., Appendix, p. 622) has done his work better. In vol. i., p. 442, however, he gives the name of the governor as ‘Sexas e Cabra’—the latter by no means complimentary.
10. Owen (i. 404, 405) sketches and transcribes it very incorrectly. Guillain (vol. i., Appendix, p. 622) has done his work better. In vol. i., p. 442, however, he gives the name of the governor as ‘Sexas e Cabra’—the latter by no means complimentary.
11. Short account of Mombas and the neighbouring coast of Africa, by Lieut. Emery, R. N. Journal Royal Geographical Society, vol. iii. of 1854.
11. Short account of Mombas and the neighbouring coast of Africa, by Lieut. Emery, R. N. Journal Royal Geographical Society, vol. iii. of 1854.
12. This may, however, be the pile spoken of by Boteler.
12. This may, however, be the pile spoken of by Boteler.
13. I made a sketch of it which was published in Dr Krapf’s Travels, chap. xiii. Rabai Mpia, ‘New Rabai,’ is thus distinguished from a neighbouring settlement, Rabai Khú or Kale, ‘old Rabai.’ According to M. Guillain (i. 247), the ‘Montagnes de Rabaye’ correspond with the ‘Alkerany’ of the geographer Ibn Saíd, who says, ‘East of Melinde is Alkerany, the name of a mountain very well known to travellers. This height projects into the sea for a distance of about 100 miles in a north-east direction; at the same time it extends along the Continent in a straight line, trending south for some 50 miles. Amongst the peculiarities of this mountain is the following: the continental portion contains an iron mine, which supplies all the country of the Zenj, besides being exported, and the part under the sea contains magnetic matter which attracts iron.’ Evidently ‘Alkerany’ belongs to the geography of El Sindibad of the Sea, better known as Sindbad the Sailor.
13. I made a sketch of it which was published in Dr Krapf’s Travels, chap. xiii. Rabai Mpia, ‘New Rabai,’ is thus distinguished from a neighbouring settlement, Rabai Khú or Kale, ‘old Rabai.’ According to M. Guillain (i. 247), the ‘Montagnes de Rabaye’ correspond with the ‘Alkerany’ of the geographer Ibn Saíd, who says, ‘East of Melinde is Alkerany, the name of a mountain very well known to travellers. This height projects into the sea for a distance of about 100 miles in a north-east direction; at the same time it extends along the Continent in a straight line, trending south for some 50 miles. Amongst the peculiarities of this mountain is the following: the continental portion contains an iron mine, which supplies all the country of the Zenj, besides being exported, and the part under the sea contains magnetic matter which attracts iron.’ Evidently ‘Alkerany’ belongs to the geography of El Sindibad of the Sea, better known as Sindbad the Sailor.
14. The route which follows seems to agree, as far as it goes, with the Rev. Mr Wakefield’s No. 3, from Mombasah to Dhaicho. I have not changed my notes, which still appear in my diary of 1857.1. Mombasah viâ Mkupa to Rabai: 1 full day.2. Kitakakai in the plains of the Wakamba: 1 day.3. Mtu ’Ndogoni (M’tu Anggoni of Capt. Guillain?): 1 day.4. Wamamba of the Doruma: 1 day.5. Kisima (little well), amongst high hills, with a small reservoir: 1½ day.(This(Thisappears to be the Ngurunga za Kimiri and Ngurunga za Mlala of Capt. Guillain, and the Gurungani of Mr Wakefield).6. Dayda (Tayta, the Taveta of Capt. Guillain, which Mr Wakefield makes a corruption of a Kikwavi word, ‘Ndoveta’): 2 days (1 long and 1 short).7. Ndi, a place infamous for thieves: 1½ day.8. The Chágo (Zavo) or Tsavo river: 1½ day. (Captain Guillain has a village, Segao.)9. Mtitowandei: 1½ day.10. Kikumbulu, or country on the southern frontier of Ukamba: 1 day.11. The Adi (Sabaki or Sabbak) river, which disembogues itself north of Melinde, unfordable after rains: 1½ day.12. The Tiwa river in Yatá: 1 day.13. Nzáu, the land of tobacco: 1½ day.14. Kitui: 2½ days.Thence, to the beginning of Kikuyu, the travellers make from 4 to 8 stages. The day’s work would be 9 hours, including 2 of halt, and the distance, assuming the pace to be 2½ miles per hour, would be about 17 miles. Here, say the people, 10 marches do the work of a month on the southern lines, the reason being want of food and water, and fear of enemies.
14. The route which follows seems to agree, as far as it goes, with the Rev. Mr Wakefield’s No. 3, from Mombasah to Dhaicho. I have not changed my notes, which still appear in my diary of 1857.
1. Mombasah viâ Mkupa to Rabai: 1 full day.
2. Kitakakai in the plains of the Wakamba: 1 day.
3. Mtu ’Ndogoni (M’tu Anggoni of Capt. Guillain?): 1 day.
4. Wamamba of the Doruma: 1 day.
5. Kisima (little well), amongst high hills, with a small reservoir: 1½ day.(This(Thisappears to be the Ngurunga za Kimiri and Ngurunga za Mlala of Capt. Guillain, and the Gurungani of Mr Wakefield).
6. Dayda (Tayta, the Taveta of Capt. Guillain, which Mr Wakefield makes a corruption of a Kikwavi word, ‘Ndoveta’): 2 days (1 long and 1 short).
7. Ndi, a place infamous for thieves: 1½ day.
8. The Chágo (Zavo) or Tsavo river: 1½ day. (Captain Guillain has a village, Segao.)
9. Mtitowandei: 1½ day.
10. Kikumbulu, or country on the southern frontier of Ukamba: 1 day.
11. The Adi (Sabaki or Sabbak) river, which disembogues itself north of Melinde, unfordable after rains: 1½ day.
12. The Tiwa river in Yatá: 1 day.
13. Nzáu, the land of tobacco: 1½ day.
14. Kitui: 2½ days.
Thence, to the beginning of Kikuyu, the travellers make from 4 to 8 stages. The day’s work would be 9 hours, including 2 of halt, and the distance, assuming the pace to be 2½ miles per hour, would be about 17 miles. Here, say the people, 10 marches do the work of a month on the southern lines, the reason being want of food and water, and fear of enemies.
15. The reports forwarded by the Rev. Mr Wakefield render it very probable that Mount Kenia is the Dóĭnyo Ebor, ‘White Mountain,’ the block rising north of Kikuyu, and almost in a meridian with Kilima-njaro. Moreover, a native traveller has lately described a mass of 30 to 40 craters in the Njemsi country, south of the Baringo or Bahari-ngo Lake; the apex of the mountains being the Doenyo Mburo, alias the Kirima ja Jioki (Mountain of Smoke), heard of by Dr Krapf (Church Miss. Int., p. 234. 1852.)
15. The reports forwarded by the Rev. Mr Wakefield render it very probable that Mount Kenia is the Dóĭnyo Ebor, ‘White Mountain,’ the block rising north of Kikuyu, and almost in a meridian with Kilima-njaro. Moreover, a native traveller has lately described a mass of 30 to 40 craters in the Njemsi country, south of the Baringo or Bahari-ngo Lake; the apex of the mountains being the Doenyo Mburo, alias the Kirima ja Jioki (Mountain of Smoke), heard of by Dr Krapf (Church Miss. Int., p. 234. 1852.)
16. The singular is Mritmangao, hence Mr Cooley’s Meremongáo, whence iron was exported to make Damascus blades—risum teneatis? Dr Krapf says ‘the Wakamba are called by the Suahili, Waumanguo.’ M. Guillain (iii. 216) translates ‘M’rim-anggâo, or Ouarimanggâo’ by‘gens qui vont nus.’
16. The singular is Mritmangao, hence Mr Cooley’s Meremongáo, whence iron was exported to make Damascus blades—risum teneatis? Dr Krapf says ‘the Wakamba are called by the Suahili, Waumanguo.’ M. Guillain (iii. 216) translates ‘M’rim-anggâo, or Ouarimanggâo’ by‘gens qui vont nus.’
17. Dr Krapf’s ‘Vocabulary of the Engútuk Eloikob’ (Wakwafi), Tübingen, 1854. The author, a far better ethnologist than linguist, made the Wakwafi tribe extend from N. Lat. 2° to S. Lat. 4°, and in breadth from 7° to 8°. He derives the racial name from Loi or Eloi (‘those,’ plural of Oloi), and Gob or Kob (country) ‘those in or of the country’; the word has been corrupted by the Wakamba to Mukabi, and by the Wasawahili to Mukafi and Mkwafi, in the plural, Wakwafi. Late reports represent the fact that the Wamasai tribe, after the fashion of all Inner Africa, is struggling to obtain a settlement upon the coast, where it can trade direct with Europeans, and has actually succeeded in driving the Waboni from the southern bank of the Adi or Sabakí river; thence its progress to Melinde and the seashore is easy and sure. I regret to state that the valuable papers by Herr Richard Brenner (Mittheilungen, &c., Dr A. Petermann, 1868) have not been translated into English. Mr Edward Weller, however, has made use of that traveller’s map in preparing his excellent illustration of these volumes. Herr Brenner is stated to be still in Africa; he appears to be an intelligent traveller, and we may justly hope that we have not heard the last of him.
17. Dr Krapf’s ‘Vocabulary of the Engútuk Eloikob’ (Wakwafi), Tübingen, 1854. The author, a far better ethnologist than linguist, made the Wakwafi tribe extend from N. Lat. 2° to S. Lat. 4°, and in breadth from 7° to 8°. He derives the racial name from Loi or Eloi (‘those,’ plural of Oloi), and Gob or Kob (country) ‘those in or of the country’; the word has been corrupted by the Wakamba to Mukabi, and by the Wasawahili to Mukafi and Mkwafi, in the plural, Wakwafi. Late reports represent the fact that the Wamasai tribe, after the fashion of all Inner Africa, is struggling to obtain a settlement upon the coast, where it can trade direct with Europeans, and has actually succeeded in driving the Waboni from the southern bank of the Adi or Sabakí river; thence its progress to Melinde and the seashore is easy and sure. I regret to state that the valuable papers by Herr Richard Brenner (Mittheilungen, &c., Dr A. Petermann, 1868) have not been translated into English. Mr Edward Weller, however, has made use of that traveller’s map in preparing his excellent illustration of these volumes. Herr Brenner is stated to be still in Africa; he appears to be an intelligent traveller, and we may justly hope that we have not heard the last of him.
18. From Nyika, the wild land, comes Mnyika, the wild lander; Wanyika, the wild land folk; and Kinyika, the wild land tongue.
18. From Nyika, the wild land, comes Mnyika, the wild lander; Wanyika, the wild land folk; and Kinyika, the wild land tongue.
19. The Moslem Wasawahili adapts the modified Arabic form, ‘Shaytani.’
19. The Moslem Wasawahili adapts the modified Arabic form, ‘Shaytani.’
20. I say East African because the western regions, especially Fanti-land and Dahome, believe in a Hades, or world of shades, which is apparently derived from Egypt. Of this I have spoken in my Mission to Dahome. Vitruvius exactly explains what my meaning is in the celebrated passage, Virgo civis Corinthia, jam matrem nuptiis, implicito morbo decessit; post sepulturam ejus quibus ea viva poculis delectabatur, nutrix collecta et composita in calatho pertulit ad monumentum, et in summo collocavit.
20. I say East African because the western regions, especially Fanti-land and Dahome, believe in a Hades, or world of shades, which is apparently derived from Egypt. Of this I have spoken in my Mission to Dahome. Vitruvius exactly explains what my meaning is in the celebrated passage, Virgo civis Corinthia, jam matrem nuptiis, implicito morbo decessit; post sepulturam ejus quibus ea viva poculis delectabatur, nutrix collecta et composita in calatho pertulit ad monumentum, et in summo collocavit.
21. ‘Imperfect sketch of a Map,’ by the Missionaries of the Church Missionary Society in Eastern Africa. J. Rebmann, Rabia Mpia, April 4, 1850. This is the best yet published as regard the names and position of the settlements. It places Gasi half-way between Wasin Island and Mombasah, and it gives correctly theJongolia-niJongolia-nipromontory. The same cannot be said of Herr Augustus Petermann’s‘Skizze nach J. Erhardt’s Original und der Engl. Küsten Aufnahme (Captain Owen’s, I presume) gezeichnet. Geographische Mittheilungen.’Gotha, 1856. It omits Tanga Bay and Cape Jongolia-ni, whilst it places the Gasi roadstead close to Mombasah.
21. ‘Imperfect sketch of a Map,’ by the Missionaries of the Church Missionary Society in Eastern Africa. J. Rebmann, Rabia Mpia, April 4, 1850. This is the best yet published as regard the names and position of the settlements. It places Gasi half-way between Wasin Island and Mombasah, and it gives correctly theJongolia-niJongolia-nipromontory. The same cannot be said of Herr Augustus Petermann’s‘Skizze nach J. Erhardt’s Original und der Engl. Küsten Aufnahme (Captain Owen’s, I presume) gezeichnet. Geographische Mittheilungen.’Gotha, 1856. It omits Tanga Bay and Cape Jongolia-ni, whilst it places the Gasi roadstead close to Mombasah.
22. Sheet X. from S. lat. 6° 38′ to S. lat. 4° 23′ (Tom Shoal) is the offending member in commission and omission. It places Chala (Kwala) point 14 instead of 45 miles North of Tanga, and thus the latter, which is parallel with the Northern third of Pemba Island, is thrown 25 miles north of it. Wasin Island, between Mombasah and Tanga, is transferred five miles South of the latter. It also omits the ruins of Mtangata. North of this, the ‘Island and Ports of Mombaza’ are remarkably correct, but further North again the Coast, owing to the sickness of the surveyors, was perfunctorily laid down: they seem not to have landed at Makdishu, nor to have sought the debouchure of the Juba river. The late Lieut. Carless, I.N., did not extend his admirable labours beyond Ra’as Hafun. Southward, also, many important places were left unnoticed by Capt. Owen. The Rufiji river is omitted, and the Tanchi inlet (about S. lat. 9° 55′), a little above the mouth of the Lindi river, does not appear upon the chart: it was till lately a nest of slavers, who shared their secret with certain Zanzibar merchants, till unpleasantly disturbed by H. B. Majesty’s ship Grecian. In a return made to the House of Commons from the Hydrographic Department (1848) it was stated that ‘many researches might probably be made from Delagoa Bay to the Red Sea’; I therefore proposed (April 19, 1856) a fresh survey of the Coast, but the project found an obstacle in the Persian War.
22. Sheet X. from S. lat. 6° 38′ to S. lat. 4° 23′ (Tom Shoal) is the offending member in commission and omission. It places Chala (Kwala) point 14 instead of 45 miles North of Tanga, and thus the latter, which is parallel with the Northern third of Pemba Island, is thrown 25 miles north of it. Wasin Island, between Mombasah and Tanga, is transferred five miles South of the latter. It also omits the ruins of Mtangata. North of this, the ‘Island and Ports of Mombaza’ are remarkably correct, but further North again the Coast, owing to the sickness of the surveyors, was perfunctorily laid down: they seem not to have landed at Makdishu, nor to have sought the debouchure of the Juba river. The late Lieut. Carless, I.N., did not extend his admirable labours beyond Ra’as Hafun. Southward, also, many important places were left unnoticed by Capt. Owen. The Rufiji river is omitted, and the Tanchi inlet (about S. lat. 9° 55′), a little above the mouth of the Lindi river, does not appear upon the chart: it was till lately a nest of slavers, who shared their secret with certain Zanzibar merchants, till unpleasantly disturbed by H. B. Majesty’s ship Grecian. In a return made to the House of Commons from the Hydrographic Department (1848) it was stated that ‘many researches might probably be made from Delagoa Bay to the Red Sea’; I therefore proposed (April 19, 1856) a fresh survey of the Coast, but the project found an obstacle in the Persian War.
23. Mvo is the Mvubu of the Kafir tongues: here the generally used term for the Hippopotamus is Kiboko. I agree with the Rev. Mr Wakefield (p. 307), that the diminutive forms, Kiboko, plural Viboko (Viboko-ni, p. 316), are preferred to the root-name Boko, plural Maboko. It may, however, be doubted if Boko, like Lima, be not the intensitive of Mboko and Mlima, a hippopotamus and a mountain.
23. Mvo is the Mvubu of the Kafir tongues: here the generally used term for the Hippopotamus is Kiboko. I agree with the Rev. Mr Wakefield (p. 307), that the diminutive forms, Kiboko, plural Viboko (Viboko-ni, p. 316), are preferred to the root-name Boko, plural Maboko. It may, however, be doubted if Boko, like Lima, be not the intensitive of Mboko and Mlima, a hippopotamus and a mountain.
24. Mr Wakefield (J. R. G. Society for 1870, p. 304) gives 11 marches: of these, however, 4 are 12 hour marches, 2 are of 8 hours, 1 is of 7 hours, and 4 are of 6 hours.
24. Mr Wakefield (J. R. G. Society for 1870, p. 304) gives 11 marches: of these, however, 4 are 12 hour marches, 2 are of 8 hours, 1 is of 7 hours, and 4 are of 6 hours.
25. The following is a native list of the stages between Tanga and Chaga: I leave it as written in 1857, and the reader will find the first part almost identical with Mr Wakefield’s Route No. 1. I was surprised to see the coincidence.1. Tanga to Bwetti: 1 whole day (others say two), through the Wadigo and Wasegeju jungle to a stream.2. Dongo Khundu (red earth): half a day to a day, path straight easy through the Wasegeju and Wadigo.3. The Umba river: 1 day of jungle march.4. The Mto Mchanga (Sand river): 1 day of wilderness march.5. Mbaramo in the Usumbara country, many streams: 1 day’s march. The hill belongs to King Kimwere’s sons, and some make it the 3rd station.6. Gonja in the Pare country: 1 long day, the men generally dividing it and sleeping in a jungle. Water is found flowing from a hill.7. Kisiwa-ni in Pare: 1 day jungle march.8. Sáme, at end of Pare: 1 day of jungle.9. The Upo-ni river in the Wakwafi country, where robbers are feared: men sleeping in the jungle 2 days.10. The Rufu, or Upper Panga-ni river, whose banks are here woody, and whose crocodile-haunted waters must be crossed in boats: 2 days. Here is the Mhiná-ni station.The Chaga road does not cross the stream, but runs northward with the following stages, which are not mentioned by Mr Wakefield.1. Mhina-ni to Arusha, a populous agricultural country: 1 day.2. Kiboko-ni on left bank of Panga-ni river: 1 day of desert march.3. Kahe Water of the Wakahe people: 1 long day, generally made 2, the people sleeping in the jungle.4. Chaga: 1 to 2 days under similar circumstances; water, however, is found at night.The caravans are of course armed and ready to fight: they march from sunrise to 11A.M., and from mid afternoon to sunset—sometimes a forced march compels them to walk all day. The porters carry about 1½ Farsaleh. These details serve to prove that there are many points by which the European traveller can more or less safely enter the interior.
25. The following is a native list of the stages between Tanga and Chaga: I leave it as written in 1857, and the reader will find the first part almost identical with Mr Wakefield’s Route No. 1. I was surprised to see the coincidence.
1. Tanga to Bwetti: 1 whole day (others say two), through the Wadigo and Wasegeju jungle to a stream.
2. Dongo Khundu (red earth): half a day to a day, path straight easy through the Wasegeju and Wadigo.
3. The Umba river: 1 day of jungle march.
4. The Mto Mchanga (Sand river): 1 day of wilderness march.
5. Mbaramo in the Usumbara country, many streams: 1 day’s march. The hill belongs to King Kimwere’s sons, and some make it the 3rd station.
6. Gonja in the Pare country: 1 long day, the men generally dividing it and sleeping in a jungle. Water is found flowing from a hill.
7. Kisiwa-ni in Pare: 1 day jungle march.
8. Sáme, at end of Pare: 1 day of jungle.
9. The Upo-ni river in the Wakwafi country, where robbers are feared: men sleeping in the jungle 2 days.
10. The Rufu, or Upper Panga-ni river, whose banks are here woody, and whose crocodile-haunted waters must be crossed in boats: 2 days. Here is the Mhiná-ni station.
The Chaga road does not cross the stream, but runs northward with the following stages, which are not mentioned by Mr Wakefield.
1. Mhina-ni to Arusha, a populous agricultural country: 1 day.
2. Kiboko-ni on left bank of Panga-ni river: 1 day of desert march.
3. Kahe Water of the Wakahe people: 1 long day, generally made 2, the people sleeping in the jungle.
4. Chaga: 1 to 2 days under similar circumstances; water, however, is found at night.
The caravans are of course armed and ready to fight: they march from sunrise to 11A.M., and from mid afternoon to sunset—sometimes a forced march compels them to walk all day. The porters carry about 1½ Farsaleh. These details serve to prove that there are many points by which the European traveller can more or less safely enter the interior.
26. I will not stand godfather to this name, not being aware that in Kikwafi there is any word ‘aro’ signifying great or greatness. The abstract term, however, is general in South African languages. Mr Rebmann says it may mean the ‘Mountain of Caravans’ (Jaro), that is to say, a landmark for caravans—but this is going far afield.
26. I will not stand godfather to this name, not being aware that in Kikwafi there is any word ‘aro’ signifying great or greatness. The abstract term, however, is general in South African languages. Mr Rebmann says it may mean the ‘Mountain of Caravans’ (Jaro), that is to say, a landmark for caravans—but this is going far afield.
27. Capt. Grant (a Walk across Africa, chap. viii.) has given ‘Jumah’s Stories about Kilimanjaro.’ We could not meet with specimens of the onyxes, carnelians, and crystals washed by rain-torrents down the gorges and gullies of Kilima-njaro, and of which a few have found their way to the coast—hence probably the ‘carnelian currency’ (p. 29) of Mr Cooley’s ‘Kirimanjara.’ Of course such a circulation could never have sufficed for one-thousandth part of the interior trade, nor could the frozen heights of Kilima-njaro ever have ‘been the highest ridge crossed by the road to Monomoezi.’
27. Capt. Grant (a Walk across Africa, chap. viii.) has given ‘Jumah’s Stories about Kilimanjaro.’ We could not meet with specimens of the onyxes, carnelians, and crystals washed by rain-torrents down the gorges and gullies of Kilima-njaro, and of which a few have found their way to the coast—hence probably the ‘carnelian currency’ (p. 29) of Mr Cooley’s ‘Kirimanjara.’ Of course such a circulation could never have sufficed for one-thousandth part of the interior trade, nor could the frozen heights of Kilima-njaro ever have ‘been the highest ridge crossed by the road to Monomoezi.’
28. Mdogo in Kisawahili means a short man.
28. Mdogo in Kisawahili means a short man.
29. The Moslems of the islands and the coast call all the pagans Washenzi, and the word is opposed to Mháji—a Moslem generally—and to Wazumba, the Wasawihili of the northern region. On the continent it is, I have said, applied to a servile or helot caste, originally from the S. West of the Panga-ni river, and afterwards settled in Bondei.
29. The Moslems of the islands and the coast call all the pagans Washenzi, and the word is opposed to Mháji—a Moslem generally—and to Wazumba, the Wasawihili of the northern region. On the continent it is, I have said, applied to a servile or helot caste, originally from the S. West of the Panga-ni river, and afterwards settled in Bondei.
30. For the Persian ruins on this coast the reader will consult Herr Richard Branner’sForschungen in Ost Afrika, Mittheilungen, 1868.
30. For the Persian ruins on this coast the reader will consult Herr Richard Branner’sForschungen in Ost Afrika, Mittheilungen, 1868.
31. The Arabs, who have no P, must change it to an F, e.g. Fanga-ni and Fagazi for Pagazi, a porter. The latter word is ridiculously enough turned into a verb, e.g.‘ba-yatafaggazú’‘ba-yatafaggazú’, ‘they act carriers.’
31. The Arabs, who have no P, must change it to an F, e.g. Fanga-ni and Fagazi for Pagazi, a porter. The latter word is ridiculously enough turned into a verb, e.g.‘ba-yatafaggazú’‘ba-yatafaggazú’, ‘they act carriers.’
32. Yet it has not become wholly obsolete. Mr Henry Adrian Churchill, C.B., formerly H. M.’s Consul, Zanzibar, when examined before the Select Committee on slave trade (July 13, 1871), made the total amount of exportation from Zanzibar Island, $1,527,800. Of this $100,000 represented copal; $2400 stood for hippopotamus’ teeth; $663,600 for ivory; and $270,000 for slaves. Thus no notice of cowries is taken; and the trade rivalry of H.M. Régis and Fabre has succeeded in putting down the shell-money.
32. Yet it has not become wholly obsolete. Mr Henry Adrian Churchill, C.B., formerly H. M.’s Consul, Zanzibar, when examined before the Select Committee on slave trade (July 13, 1871), made the total amount of exportation from Zanzibar Island, $1,527,800. Of this $100,000 represented copal; $2400 stood for hippopotamus’ teeth; $663,600 for ivory; and $270,000 for slaves. Thus no notice of cowries is taken; and the trade rivalry of H.M. Régis and Fabre has succeeded in putting down the shell-money.
33. Mr Wakefield (loc. cit.) writes the word ‘Rúvu,’ and says that it is Kizegúa (Kizegura). I believe that this is the name by which it is known, not only ‘a few days in the interior,’ but immediately beyond the embouchure. As has already been remarked, the wild people would pronounce the words Kizegúa and Mzegúa, the civilized Kizegura and Mzegura. Dr Krapf prefers Luffu, Lufu being the more truly African form. Mr Cooley (Lower Africa, &c., p. 79) has Ruvú, a mere error, and he actually confounds it with the great Rufuma stream, a hundred miles to the south.
33. Mr Wakefield (loc. cit.) writes the word ‘Rúvu,’ and says that it is Kizegúa (Kizegura). I believe that this is the name by which it is known, not only ‘a few days in the interior,’ but immediately beyond the embouchure. As has already been remarked, the wild people would pronounce the words Kizegúa and Mzegúa, the civilized Kizegura and Mzegura. Dr Krapf prefers Luffu, Lufu being the more truly African form. Mr Cooley (Lower Africa, &c., p. 79) has Ruvú, a mere error, and he actually confounds it with the great Rufuma stream, a hundred miles to the south.
34. The full-blooded negro is called Sidi (Seedy) or Sidi bhai (‘my lord brother’) throughout Western India. I have said that the expression, derived from his address to his master, is unknown at Zanzibar: to Europe it is made familiar by El Cid Campeador, but it must not be confounded with Sayyid, as it has lately been by a writer in the Athenæum (No. 2288, Sept. 2, 1871).
34. The full-blooded negro is called Sidi (Seedy) or Sidi bhai (‘my lord brother’) throughout Western India. I have said that the expression, derived from his address to his master, is unknown at Zanzibar: to Europe it is made familiar by El Cid Campeador, but it must not be confounded with Sayyid, as it has lately been by a writer in the Athenæum (No. 2288, Sept. 2, 1871).
35. Ch’hungu, the generic name for an ant, must not be confounded with ‘Chungu,’ a pot.
35. Ch’hungu, the generic name for an ant, must not be confounded with ‘Chungu,’ a pot.
36. A delicate mercurial barometer (Adie), obligingly lent to me by the Secretary of the Bombay Geographical Society, was left for comparison at Zanzibar with the apothecary of the Consulate. On a rough mountain tour such an instrument would certainly have come to grief, as it afterwards did on the lowlands of the Continent. The instruments recommended by the Medical Board, Bombay, did not reach us in time; and the same was the case with the reflecting circle kindly despatched by Mr Francis Galton. We had in all four bath thermometers, and two B. Ps.; one used by Capt. Smyth, R. N., when crossing the Andes, was given to us by Col. Hamerton; and another (Newman) was rendered useless by mercury settling in the upper bulb, air having been carelessly left in the tube by the maker—a frequent offence. We had no sympiesometers. The instrument is portable, but the experience of naval officers pronounces against it within the tropics, and especially near the Line (6° to 8°), where its extreme sensitiveness renders it useless. Aneroids also must be carried in numbers, and be compared with standard instruments not so likely to be deranged: they are seldom true, and are liable to vary when ascending or descending the scale. My latest explorations have been made with glass tubes, supplied by Mr Louis Casella, of Hatton Garden: they are portable, not easily broken, and, best of all, they give correct results. Of course it is well to carry aneroids for all except crucial stations; and as for B. Ps., they are not worth the trouble of carrying.
36. A delicate mercurial barometer (Adie), obligingly lent to me by the Secretary of the Bombay Geographical Society, was left for comparison at Zanzibar with the apothecary of the Consulate. On a rough mountain tour such an instrument would certainly have come to grief, as it afterwards did on the lowlands of the Continent. The instruments recommended by the Medical Board, Bombay, did not reach us in time; and the same was the case with the reflecting circle kindly despatched by Mr Francis Galton. We had in all four bath thermometers, and two B. Ps.; one used by Capt. Smyth, R. N., when crossing the Andes, was given to us by Col. Hamerton; and another (Newman) was rendered useless by mercury settling in the upper bulb, air having been carelessly left in the tube by the maker—a frequent offence. We had no sympiesometers. The instrument is portable, but the experience of naval officers pronounces against it within the tropics, and especially near the Line (6° to 8°), where its extreme sensitiveness renders it useless. Aneroids also must be carried in numbers, and be compared with standard instruments not so likely to be deranged: they are seldom true, and are liable to vary when ascending or descending the scale. My latest explorations have been made with glass tubes, supplied by Mr Louis Casella, of Hatton Garden: they are portable, not easily broken, and, best of all, they give correct results. Of course it is well to carry aneroids for all except crucial stations; and as for B. Ps., they are not worth the trouble of carrying.
37. Curious to say, M. Erhardt, who was certainly no mean linguist (Conclusion to Dr Krapf’s Travels, pp. 500 and 504), has translated, by some curious mistake, Kiboko crocodile, and Mamba hippopotamus. In the latter error he is of course followed by Mr Cooley, who (Memoir on the Lake Regions, p. 9) finds that I am ‘disingenuous’ in affecting to be astonished that he translates Mamba by hippopotamus.
37. Curious to say, M. Erhardt, who was certainly no mean linguist (Conclusion to Dr Krapf’s Travels, pp. 500 and 504), has translated, by some curious mistake, Kiboko crocodile, and Mamba hippopotamus. In the latter error he is of course followed by Mr Cooley, who (Memoir on the Lake Regions, p. 9) finds that I am ‘disingenuous’ in affecting to be astonished that he translates Mamba by hippopotamus.
38. The banana is the Musa Sapientum: the plantain is the M. Paradisiaca, and Linnæus picturesquely adopted Musa from the Arabic Mauz (موز): in India the small species is called plantain, the large horse-plantain, and the French term both ‘bananes.’ In E. Africa there are half-a-dozen varieties of the ‘Ndizi.’
38. The banana is the Musa Sapientum: the plantain is the M. Paradisiaca, and Linnæus picturesquely adopted Musa from the Arabic Mauz (موز): in India the small species is called plantain, the large horse-plantain, and the French term both ‘bananes.’ In E. Africa there are half-a-dozen varieties of the ‘Ndizi.’
39. Heeren believes, with Pliny, that the ancients discovered diamonds mingled with gold in certain N. African localities, especially Meroe.
39. Heeren believes, with Pliny, that the ancients discovered diamonds mingled with gold in certain N. African localities, especially Meroe.
40. Doenyo Mbúro, for instance, placed by Mr Wakefield south of the Salt Lake Naivasha or Balibali.
40. Doenyo Mbúro, for instance, placed by Mr Wakefield south of the Salt Lake Naivasha or Balibali.
41. Dr Krapf writes, ‘Simba wa Muene,’ i. e. the Lion is Himself, or the Lion of the Self-Existent (God).
41. Dr Krapf writes, ‘Simba wa Muene,’ i. e. the Lion is Himself, or the Lion of the Self-Existent (God).
42. Mr Cooley (Inner Africa Laid Open, p. 75) calls in Vuga, and gravely chronicles the valuable observation of ‘Khamis’ his ‘intelligent Sawáhili,’ who made it three times as large as the town of Zanzibar. He confounds (p. 63) with Dos Santos (History of Eastern Æthiopia, iii. 1), through 8° of distance, Karagwah or Karague with Gurague in Abyssinia, Gurague meaning the left hand to one looking westward, and thus corresponding with the Arabic El Sham (Syria or Damascus). We also find (p. 55) Sadána for Sa’adani, and Wadóa for Wadoe.
42. Mr Cooley (Inner Africa Laid Open, p. 75) calls in Vuga, and gravely chronicles the valuable observation of ‘Khamis’ his ‘intelligent Sawáhili,’ who made it three times as large as the town of Zanzibar. He confounds (p. 63) with Dos Santos (History of Eastern Æthiopia, iii. 1), through 8° of distance, Karagwah or Karague with Gurague in Abyssinia, Gurague meaning the left hand to one looking westward, and thus corresponding with the Arabic El Sham (Syria or Damascus). We also find (p. 55) Sadána for Sa’adani, and Wadóa for Wadoe.
43. It is mentioned by Dr Krapf as ever having been occupied by the Portuguese. Mr Cooley (Inner Africa, &c., p. 34) modestly writes, ‘Kisúngo, more probably Kisonga.’
43. It is mentioned by Dr Krapf as ever having been occupied by the Portuguese. Mr Cooley (Inner Africa, &c., p. 34) modestly writes, ‘Kisúngo, more probably Kisonga.’
44. The German missionaries placed the Tanganyika Lake 600 direct geographical miles from the sea: I reduced the distance to 300. This was an error. But we had been told upon the coast that the Sea of Unyamwezi is in Unyamwezi, and the easternmost frontier of the latter region at Tura is distant 290 direct geographical miles from the seaboard of Zanzibar.
44. The German missionaries placed the Tanganyika Lake 600 direct geographical miles from the sea: I reduced the distance to 300. This was an error. But we had been told upon the coast that the Sea of Unyamwezi is in Unyamwezi, and the easternmost frontier of the latter region at Tura is distant 290 direct geographical miles from the seaboard of Zanzibar.
45. Denok is the Galla name of the stream, probably from Danesha, a townlet or encampment on the right bank of the stream, some three miles from the sea. Vumbo is the Kisawahili term. The Somal call it Gob, ‘the junction’ (hence the Juba of the Arabs, who cannot pronounce the letter G), and Gob-wen, ‘the great junction,’ a name also given to the settlement Danesha: hence the Hinduized form Govind. Webbe (river) Ganana (bifurcation) is derived from a village high up the stream. The Portuguese called it Rio dos Fuegos from the number of fires, probably of fishermen: the English, ‘Rogues River,’ a term which might be applied to all the streams on this coast.
45. Denok is the Galla name of the stream, probably from Danesha, a townlet or encampment on the right bank of the stream, some three miles from the sea. Vumbo is the Kisawahili term. The Somal call it Gob, ‘the junction’ (hence the Juba of the Arabs, who cannot pronounce the letter G), and Gob-wen, ‘the great junction,’ a name also given to the settlement Danesha: hence the Hinduized form Govind. Webbe (river) Ganana (bifurcation) is derived from a village high up the stream. The Portuguese called it Rio dos Fuegos from the number of fires, probably of fishermen: the English, ‘Rogues River,’ a term which might be applied to all the streams on this coast.
46. I have reprinted the rest of the paper in my preface to a Memoir on the Lake Regions of Central Equatorial Africa.—Journal Royal Geographical Society, xx. 1860.
46. I have reprinted the rest of the paper in my preface to a Memoir on the Lake Regions of Central Equatorial Africa.—Journal Royal Geographical Society, xx. 1860.
47. It has been remarked by Dr Beke (Transactions of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. xvii. p. 74), that hereabouts is the position assigned by Ptolemy to his Anthropophagi, living around the Barbaric Gulf, and by El Mas’udi to the men-eating Zenj—a curious coincidence. I am convinced that all the negro tribes now settled upon the East and West coasts of Intertropical Africa have migrated, or rather have gravitated, from the interior within a few centuries, and that the process is still in active operation. Whatever the Wamakua Menschen-fresser may have been, the Wadoe seem to have adopted cannibalism of late years, in terrorem. So Tarik, the Arab invader of Spain, when fighting his way between Bœtis and the Tagus, ordered his men to cook (but not to eat) the flesh of slain Christians.
47. It has been remarked by Dr Beke (Transactions of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. xvii. p. 74), that hereabouts is the position assigned by Ptolemy to his Anthropophagi, living around the Barbaric Gulf, and by El Mas’udi to the men-eating Zenj—a curious coincidence. I am convinced that all the negro tribes now settled upon the East and West coasts of Intertropical Africa have migrated, or rather have gravitated, from the interior within a few centuries, and that the process is still in active operation. Whatever the Wamakua Menschen-fresser may have been, the Wadoe seem to have adopted cannibalism of late years, in terrorem. So Tarik, the Arab invader of Spain, when fighting his way between Bœtis and the Tagus, ordered his men to cook (but not to eat) the flesh of slain Christians.
48. From the Arab Sandarus, which their pharmacopœia applies to the transparent resin Sandaraca or Sandarach. Our copal is a corruption of the Mexican Kopali—any gum. It is called anime or animi in the London market, and by the workman French varnish. The copals of Mexico, of New Zealand (popularly termed Cowace copal), and of the West African coast, are inferior kinds. The ‘Damar,’ or gum found about Cape Delgado, floats in water, and may be unripe copal washed out by the wet season.
48. From the Arab Sandarus, which their pharmacopœia applies to the transparent resin Sandaraca or Sandarach. Our copal is a corruption of the Mexican Kopali—any gum. It is called anime or animi in the London market, and by the workman French varnish. The copals of Mexico, of New Zealand (popularly termed Cowace copal), and of the West African coast, are inferior kinds. The ‘Damar,’ or gum found about Cape Delgado, floats in water, and may be unripe copal washed out by the wet season.
49. Mr Cooley (Geography, p. 29) informs us that the native porters start on their down journey ‘in March or April, probably at the end of the heavy rains, and return in September.’ He thus greatly restricts the period. Of course the season varies to some extent at every part; but, as a rule, to March and April add May and June, and for September read November and December. Dr Krapf is less incorrect (Travels, &c., p. 421); M. Guillain is equally so (vol. iii. 374).
49. Mr Cooley (Geography, p. 29) informs us that the native porters start on their down journey ‘in March or April, probably at the end of the heavy rains, and return in September.’ He thus greatly restricts the period. Of course the season varies to some extent at every part; but, as a rule, to March and April add May and June, and for September read November and December. Dr Krapf is less incorrect (Travels, &c., p. 421); M. Guillain is equally so (vol. iii. 374).
50. The Lake Regions of Central Africa, 2 vols. 8vo. Longmans, 1860. Memoir on the Lake Regions of Central Equatorial Africa, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1 vol. No. xxxi. of 1860. The Nile Basin, 1 vol. Tinsleys. London, 1869.
50. The Lake Regions of Central Africa, 2 vols. 8vo. Longmans, 1860. Memoir on the Lake Regions of Central Equatorial Africa, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1 vol. No. xxxi. of 1860. The Nile Basin, 1 vol. Tinsleys. London, 1869.
51. Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile. Blackwood, 1863. What led to the Discovery of the Source of the Nile. Blackwood, 1864. A Walk across Africa, by Capt. Grant. Blackwood, 1864. The papers inform me that Captain now Col. Grant, C. B., is engaged upon a botanical work which will illustrate the valuable collection brought home by him in 1863.
51. Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile. Blackwood, 1863. What led to the Discovery of the Source of the Nile. Blackwood, 1864. A Walk across Africa, by Capt. Grant. Blackwood, 1864. The papers inform me that Captain now Col. Grant, C. B., is engaged upon a botanical work which will illustrate the valuable collection brought home by him in 1863.
52.The first expedition placed Kazeh in E. long. (G.)33°3′0″The second ” ” ”33134Difference0126The first expedition placed Ujiji in E. long. (G.)30°0’0″The second ” ” ”295430Difference0530These close results place Captain Speke’s positions beyond all possibility of cavil.
52.
The first expedition placed Kazeh in E. long. (G.)33°3′0″The second ” ” ”33134Difference0126The first expedition placed Ujiji in E. long. (G.)30°0’0″The second ” ” ”295430Difference0530
These close results place Captain Speke’s positions beyond all possibility of cavil.
53. In Mr Wakefield’s routes (loc. cit.) we find ‘To Mtanganyíko.—Kisáwahílí, meaning the place ofminglingormixture(rendezvous).’ I cannot, however, but suspect that the word is a misprint for Mtanganyika. At any rate it will completely support my assertions versus Mr Cooley and the town of Zanganica, where no such things as towns exist.
53. In Mr Wakefield’s routes (loc. cit.) we find ‘To Mtanganyíko.—Kisáwahílí, meaning the place ofminglingormixture(rendezvous).’ I cannot, however, but suspect that the word is a misprint for Mtanganyika. At any rate it will completely support my assertions versus Mr Cooley and the town of Zanganica, where no such things as towns exist.
54. Mr Cooley (p. 13, Memoir of the Lake Regions of East Africa reviewed) declares that ‘the name Warua is the Sawáhily equivalent of Milúa, and that the Miluana, as the Awembe are also called, signifies mixed or half-bred Milúa;’ he moreover identifies them with the ‘Alunda, who, with the Arungo, including apparently the Wakatata or Wakatanga, are all Wathembwe or subjects of the Cazembe.’ He finds that I have written Uruwwa, ‘with greater show of originality and rigorous Arabism,’ the fact being that I wrote down what the Arabs told me. Col. J. A. Grant (Athenæum, April 9, 1870) identifies Uruwwa with Dr Livingstone’s Rua, where tribes live ‘in under-ground houses said to be 30 miles long.’
54. Mr Cooley (p. 13, Memoir of the Lake Regions of East Africa reviewed) declares that ‘the name Warua is the Sawáhily equivalent of Milúa, and that the Miluana, as the Awembe are also called, signifies mixed or half-bred Milúa;’ he moreover identifies them with the ‘Alunda, who, with the Arungo, including apparently the Wakatata or Wakatanga, are all Wathembwe or subjects of the Cazembe.’ He finds that I have written Uruwwa, ‘with greater show of originality and rigorous Arabism,’ the fact being that I wrote down what the Arabs told me. Col. J. A. Grant (Athenæum, April 9, 1870) identifies Uruwwa with Dr Livingstone’s Rua, where tribes live ‘in under-ground houses said to be 30 miles long.’
55. Mr Findlay remarks, ‘The length of the Nile’s course from Gondokoro to its mouth, following its major winding, is about 2400 geog. miles (= 2780 British miles). From Gondokoro, near to which it was generally agreed, ten years ago, that the southernmost head of the Nile would be found, to the south end of the Tanganyika Lake, is 830 geog. miles (= 960 British miles). If the source be near the Muxinga range, it must be 270 geog. miles (= 312 British miles) still farther south, so that its total course will be 3500 geog. (= 4050 British) miles, almost unparalleled by any other river’ (loc. cit. note. p. 16).
55. Mr Findlay remarks, ‘The length of the Nile’s course from Gondokoro to its mouth, following its major winding, is about 2400 geog. miles (= 2780 British miles). From Gondokoro, near to which it was generally agreed, ten years ago, that the southernmost head of the Nile would be found, to the south end of the Tanganyika Lake, is 830 geog. miles (= 960 British miles). If the source be near the Muxinga range, it must be 270 geog. miles (= 312 British miles) still farther south, so that its total course will be 3500 geog. (= 4050 British) miles, almost unparalleled by any other river’ (loc. cit. note. p. 16).
56. ‘A map of the Lake Regions of Eastern Africa, showing the Sources of the Nile recently discovered by Dr Livingstone, with Notes on the Exploration of this Region, its physical Features, Climate, and Population.’ London, 1870.
56. ‘A map of the Lake Regions of Eastern Africa, showing the Sources of the Nile recently discovered by Dr Livingstone, with Notes on the Exploration of this Region, its physical Features, Climate, and Population.’ London, 1870.
57. The Sources of the Nile (p. 83). London: Madden, 1860.
57. The Sources of the Nile (p. 83). London: Madden, 1860.
58. This word means a lake or pond, not the ‘river of the lake.’ Its plural is not Wáziwa—wa being the animate prefix—but Maziwa (e. g. Maziwa Mengi, many lakes). It is not used by the Wasawahili to signify the south. An Arab would not make the plural Ziwáhah (but Ziwát or Ziwáín, if he attempted such barbarism); nor would he want to use the adjective ‘Ziwáí.’ These five errors occur in as many lines. (Geography of N’yassi, 24, 25.)
58. This word means a lake or pond, not the ‘river of the lake.’ Its plural is not Wáziwa—wa being the animate prefix—but Maziwa (e. g. Maziwa Mengi, many lakes). It is not used by the Wasawahili to signify the south. An Arab would not make the plural Ziwáhah (but Ziwát or Ziwáín, if he attempted such barbarism); nor would he want to use the adjective ‘Ziwáí.’ These five errors occur in as many lines. (Geography of N’yassi, 24, 25.)
59. Yet, curious to say, the map of May, 1858, was drawn from hearsay, and that of June, 1859, after the southern part of the lake region, now known as the ‘Victoria Nyanza,’ had been discovered by Capt. Speke. In the former, however, he added the ‘Mountains of the Moon,’ and prolonged the long parallelogram from N. lat. 2° to N. lat. 3° 20′, a country known by the reports of the Egyptian expedition of 1840, of Dr Peney, and of MM. Miami and Vincent Angelo.
59. Yet, curious to say, the map of May, 1858, was drawn from hearsay, and that of June, 1859, after the southern part of the lake region, now known as the ‘Victoria Nyanza,’ had been discovered by Capt. Speke. In the former, however, he added the ‘Mountains of the Moon,’ and prolonged the long parallelogram from N. lat. 2° to N. lat. 3° 20′, a country known by the reports of the Egyptian expedition of 1840, of Dr Peney, and of MM. Miami and Vincent Angelo.
60. This birds-eye view and comprehensive idea of shape regarding a feature so considerable does not appear to me African.
60. This birds-eye view and comprehensive idea of shape regarding a feature so considerable does not appear to me African.
61.‘Ptolemæus und die Handelstrassen in Central-Afrika.’It was written before the traveller set out for Africa, and it has been calmly and fairly judged by Dr Beke (Sources of the Nile, p. 69).
61.‘Ptolemæus und die Handelstrassen in Central-Afrika.’It was written before the traveller set out for Africa, and it has been calmly and fairly judged by Dr Beke (Sources of the Nile, p. 69).
62. The old Portuguese travellers (Rezende and others) mention the islets of Auxoly, Coa, and Zibondo; I could hear nothing of these names: they are probably corruptions, Auxoly for Chole, Coa for Koma, and Zibondo for Kibundo.
62. The old Portuguese travellers (Rezende and others) mention the islets of Auxoly, Coa, and Zibondo; I could hear nothing of these names: they are probably corruptions, Auxoly for Chole, Coa for Koma, and Zibondo for Kibundo.
63. Kisíma (Arab. Tawi) is opposed to Shímo, a water-pit (Arab. Hufreh).
63. Kisíma (Arab. Tawi) is opposed to Shímo, a water-pit (Arab. Hufreh).
64. Captain Guillain (i. 111) says 10 miles or 100 stadia. In i. 169 he writes‘Mafia n’est separée de la côte que par un canal de 3½ lieues, partagé encore par une petite île intermédiare.’
64. Captain Guillain (i. 111) says 10 miles or 100 stadia. In i. 169 he writes‘Mafia n’est separée de la côte que par un canal de 3½ lieues, partagé encore par une petite île intermédiare.’
65. Note to p. 20. In p. 19 (ibid.) we read, ‘The country near the mouth of the Lufiji is occupied by the Mazingía.’ No such name is known, however; it would mean, if anything, ‘Water of the Path (Maji ya Njia),’ not, as he renders it, ‘the road along the water.’ Even then Maji Njia is hardly grammatical: the genitive sign can be omitted, especially in poetry, as—‘Mimi siki, Mimi siki M’áná simbá,’‘I fear not, I fear not the lion’s whelp;’but the ‘water path’ as a P.N. is not Kisawahili. The word is evidently a confusion with Kilwa Majinjera; and the ‘Denkarenko’ tribe is unknown as the ‘Mazingía.’ Another mistake of another kind is talking of a ‘Surat (for Suri) Arab,’ something like a Russian Englishman. Such, however, is the individual who lectures Dr Livingstone on Sichwawa and teaches me the elements of Kisawahili.
65. Note to p. 20. In p. 19 (ibid.) we read, ‘The country near the mouth of the Lufiji is occupied by the Mazingía.’ No such name is known, however; it would mean, if anything, ‘Water of the Path (Maji ya Njia),’ not, as he renders it, ‘the road along the water.’ Even then Maji Njia is hardly grammatical: the genitive sign can be omitted, especially in poetry, as—
‘Mimi siki, Mimi siki M’áná simbá,’‘I fear not, I fear not the lion’s whelp;’
‘Mimi siki, Mimi siki M’áná simbá,’‘I fear not, I fear not the lion’s whelp;’
‘Mimi siki, Mimi siki M’áná simbá,’‘I fear not, I fear not the lion’s whelp;’
‘Mimi siki, Mimi siki M’áná simbá,’
‘I fear not, I fear not the lion’s whelp;’
but the ‘water path’ as a P.N. is not Kisawahili. The word is evidently a confusion with Kilwa Majinjera; and the ‘Denkarenko’ tribe is unknown as the ‘Mazingía.’ Another mistake of another kind is talking of a ‘Surat (for Suri) Arab,’ something like a Russian Englishman. Such, however, is the individual who lectures Dr Livingstone on Sichwawa and teaches me the elements of Kisawahili.
66. After leaving Kilwa we heard of a ‘Nullah’ entering the bay, a long fissure 4 to 5 feet broad and many fathoms deep, which communicates with a grotto haunted by huge snakes and genii (Jinus).
66. After leaving Kilwa we heard of a ‘Nullah’ entering the bay, a long fissure 4 to 5 feet broad and many fathoms deep, which communicates with a grotto haunted by huge snakes and genii (Jinus).
67. Page xliii. of Mr E. G. Ravenstein’s Introduction to Dr Krapf’s Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labours (London: Trübner. 1860).
67. Page xliii. of Mr E. G. Ravenstein’s Introduction to Dr Krapf’s Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labours (London: Trübner. 1860).
68. This must be understood by comparison: the vegetation shows much humidity, but perhaps not so excessive as upon the coast further north.
68. This must be understood by comparison: the vegetation shows much humidity, but perhaps not so excessive as upon the coast further north.
69. The Highlands of the Brazil, i. 370.
69. The Highlands of the Brazil, i. 370.
70. I have explained the latter, like Rufa and Rufuta, to have been derived from Ku fa, to die (Memoir on the Lake Regions, p. 44). This Rufuma is the Livuma (or ‘gut’) of Mr Cooley (Geography, &c., p. 15). What can he mean by ‘going from Kilwa to Jáo (Uhyáo), the traveller reaches the Livuma in 25 to 30 days’? There is hardly a bee-line of 2° between Kilwa and the mouth of the Rufuma. And what may be ‘Lukelingo, the capital of Jáo’?—any relation to the ‘town Zanganica’? It is probably the Lukeringo district and stream falling into the eastern waters of the Nyassa Lake.
70. I have explained the latter, like Rufa and Rufuta, to have been derived from Ku fa, to die (Memoir on the Lake Regions, p. 44). This Rufuma is the Livuma (or ‘gut’) of Mr Cooley (Geography, &c., p. 15). What can he mean by ‘going from Kilwa to Jáo (Uhyáo), the traveller reaches the Livuma in 25 to 30 days’? There is hardly a bee-line of 2° between Kilwa and the mouth of the Rufuma. And what may be ‘Lukelingo, the capital of Jáo’?—any relation to the ‘town Zanganica’? It is probably the Lukeringo district and stream falling into the eastern waters of the Nyassa Lake.
71. This is probably a confusion with the legend of Ali bin Hasan, the Shirazi chief, who, according to the ‘Kilwa Chronicle’ (De Barros, 1st Decade of Asia, viii. 4, 5), occupied Kilwa in our 11th century. There may have been a second emigration from Shangaya after the 14th century, but the tale of the cloth is suspicious. Cloth, however, has played everywhere upon this coast the part of gold and silver. Sofala was anciently a monopoly of Makdishu, which traded with it for gold on condition of sending every year a few young men to improve the ‘Kafir’ race, the latter highly valuing the comparatively white blood. A fisherman of Kilwa having been carried by the currents to the S. Eastern Gold Coast, reported this state of affairs to Daud, 10th Shirazi Sultan of Kilwa. This chief succeeded in getting the rich trade into his own hands by offering as many pieces of cloth as the youths sent by the people of Makdishu, and by also supplying emigrants to marry the daughters of the savages.
71. This is probably a confusion with the legend of Ali bin Hasan, the Shirazi chief, who, according to the ‘Kilwa Chronicle’ (De Barros, 1st Decade of Asia, viii. 4, 5), occupied Kilwa in our 11th century. There may have been a second emigration from Shangaya after the 14th century, but the tale of the cloth is suspicious. Cloth, however, has played everywhere upon this coast the part of gold and silver. Sofala was anciently a monopoly of Makdishu, which traded with it for gold on condition of sending every year a few young men to improve the ‘Kafir’ race, the latter highly valuing the comparatively white blood. A fisherman of Kilwa having been carried by the currents to the S. Eastern Gold Coast, reported this state of affairs to Daud, 10th Shirazi Sultan of Kilwa. This chief succeeded in getting the rich trade into his own hands by offering as many pieces of cloth as the youths sent by the people of Makdishu, and by also supplying emigrants to marry the daughters of the savages.
72. The Rev. Mr Wakefield (loc. cit. p. 312) calls this place Shungwaya, and states that it is a district between Goddoma and Kaúma (Wanyika-land); whilst his authority, Sadi, declares it to be the original home of all the Wasegeju.
72. The Rev. Mr Wakefield (loc. cit. p. 312) calls this place Shungwaya, and states that it is a district between Goddoma and Kaúma (Wanyika-land); whilst his authority, Sadi, declares it to be the original home of all the Wasegeju.
73. The Sayyid Majid had originally agreed to pay annually $20,000 to Sayyid Suwayni, $10,000 to his brother, Sayyid Turki of Sohar, and $10,000 tribute to the Wahhabis. This was on condition that Sayyid Turki should not be molested, as he repeatedly was. It was generally believed that the arrangement was verbal, Sayyid Majid having refused to bind himself by writing: possibly there may have been a secret document. This agreement was subsequently modified by the action of the Bombay Government.
73. The Sayyid Majid had originally agreed to pay annually $20,000 to Sayyid Suwayni, $10,000 to his brother, Sayyid Turki of Sohar, and $10,000 tribute to the Wahhabis. This was on condition that Sayyid Turki should not be molested, as he repeatedly was. It was generally believed that the arrangement was verbal, Sayyid Majid having refused to bind himself by writing: possibly there may have been a secret document. This agreement was subsequently modified by the action of the Bombay Government.
74. The Nile Basin. Tinsleys, 1864.
74. The Nile Basin. Tinsleys, 1864.